China–United States relations
China–United States relations (simplified Chinese: 中美关系; traditional Chinese: 中美關係; pinyin: Zhōngměi Guānxì), also known as U.S.–Chinese relations, Chinese–U.S. relations, or Sino-American relations, refers to relations between China and the United States since the 18th century. The relationship between the two countries has been complex, and vary from positive to highly negative. After 1980 the economic ties grew rapidly. The relationship is of economic cooperation, hegemonic rivalry in the Pacific, and mutual suspicion over each other's intentions. Therefore, each nation has adopted a wary attitude regarding the other as a potential adversary but has meanwhile maintained an extremely strong economic partnership.[2] It has been described by world leaders and academics as the world's most important bilateral relationship of the 21st century.[3][4]
 | |
 China |
 United States |
|---|---|
| Diplomatic mission | |
| Chinese Embassy, Washington, D.C. | United States Embassy, Beijing |
| Envoy | |
| Ambassador Cui Tiankai | Ambassador Terry Branstad |
.jpg)
_cap_insignia.svg.png){kind=small}
As of 2019, the United States has the world's largest economy and China has the second largest although China has a larger GDP when measured by PPP.[5] Historically, relations between the two countries have generally been stable with some periods of open conflict, most notably during the Korean War and the Vietnam War. Currently, United States and China have mutual political, economic, and security interests, such as the proliferation of nuclear weapons, but there are unresolved concerns relating to the role of democracy in government in China and human rights in China. China is the second largest foreign creditor of the United States, after Japan.[6] The two countries remain in dispute over territorial issues in the South China Sea.[7]
According to a 2020 survey by the Pew Research Center, 22% of Americans have a favorable view of China, with 73% expressing an unfavorable view. The poll also found that 24% (plurality) of Americans see China as the top threat to the US.[8] Relations with China began under US President George Washington,[9] leading to the 1845 Treaty of Wangxia. The US was allied to the Republic of China during the Pacific War but, after the Communist victory in Mainland China during the Chinese Civil War, fought a major armed conflict with the People's Republic of China in the Korean War and did not establish relations for 25 years, until President Richard Nixon's 1972 visit to China. Since Nixon's visit, every US president, with the exception of Jimmy Carter, has toured China. Relations with China have strained under President Barack Obama's Asia pivot strategy. Despite tensions during his term, the Chinese population's favorability of the US stood at 51% in Obama's last year of 2016, only to fall during the Trump administration.[10]
The relations deteriorated sharply under President Donald Trump,[11][12] whose administration labeled China a "strategic competitor" starting with the 2017 National Security Strategy.[13][14] In 2018, the U.S. Department of Justice initiated a "China Initiative" to "combat economic espionage.[15] One of the first studies of the impact of the initiative was published in 2020, concluding that how the initiative operates unfairly stigmatizes researchers of Chinese ethnicity, through implying "threat by association."[16] It subsequently launched a trade war against China, banned US companies from selling equipment to Huawei and other companies linked to human rights abuses in Xinjiang,[17][18][19] increased visa restrictions on Chinese nationality students and scholars[20][21] and designated China as a currency manipulator.[22][23][24] During the Trump administration, and especially since the US-China trade war began, political observers have started to warn that a new cold war is emerging.[25][26][27][28] Michael D. Swaine warned in 2019, "The often positive and optimistic forces, interests, and beliefs that sustained bilateral ties for decades are giving way to undue pessimism, hostility, and a zero-sum mindset in almost every area of engagement."[29] By May 2020 relations had deteriorated as both sides were recruiting allies to attack the other regarding guilt for the worldwide COVID-19 pandemic.[30] Relations worsened over the Chinese government's decision to authorise a Hong Kong national security law in 2020.[31]
Country comparison
| Common name | China | United States |
|---|---|---|
| Official name | People's Republic of China | United States of America |
| Flag | |
|
| Coat of arms | .svg.png) |
.svg.png) |
| Area | 9,596,961 km2 (3,705,407 sq mi) | 9,525,067 km2 (3,677,649 sq mi)[32] |
| Population | 1,420,684,227 | 329,729,309 |
| Population density | 145/km2 (375.5/sq mi) | 32.8/km2 (85/sq mi) |
| Capital | Beijing | Washington, D.C. |
| Largest city | Shanghai (26,317,104) | New York City (8,622,698) |
| Government | Unitary one-party socialist republic | Federal presidential constitutional republic |
| First leader | Mao Zedong | George Washington |
| Current leader(s) | Party General Secretary and President Xi Jinping Premier Li Keqiang |
President Donald Trump |
| Established | 1 October 1949 (Proclamation of the People's Republic) 4 December 1982 (current constitution) |
4 July 1776 (independence declared) 3 September 1783 (independence recognized) |
| Official languages | Standard Chinese | None at the federal level (English de facto) |
| Currency | Renminbi | US dollar |
| GDP (nominal) | $14.216 trillion ($10,153 per capita) | $21.365 trillion ($64,767 per capita) |
| External debt (nominal) | $1.843 trillion (2018 Q4) | $20.740 trillion (2018 Q4) |
| GDP (PPP) | $27.438 trillion ($19,559 per capita) | $21.410 trillion ($65,051 per capita) |
| Human Development Index | 0.758 (high) | 0.924 (very high) |
| Expatriates | ~110,000 Americans living in China | ~5,025,817 Chinese Americans[33] |
| Foreign exchange reserves | 3,088,000 (millions of USD) | 126,026 (millions of USD) |
| Military expenditures | $224 billion (2019)[34] | $716 billion (2019)[34] |
| Military personnel | 3,205,000 (0.23% of population)
|
2,205,050 (0.67% of population)
|
| Nuclear warheads
active/total |
0 / 290 (2019)[35] | 1750 / 6185 (2019)[35] |
American viewpoints
Harold Isaacs published Scratches on our Minds: American Images of China and India in 1955. By reviewing the popular and scholarly literature on Asia that appeared in the United States and by interviewing many American experts, Isaacs identified six stages of American attitudes toward China.[36] They were "respect" (18th century), "contempt" (1840–1905), "benevolence" (1905 to 1937), "admiration" (1937–1944); "disenchantment" (1944–1949), and "hostility" (after 1949). In 1990, historian Jonathan Spence updated Isaac's model to include "reawakened curiosity" (1970–1974); "guileless fascination" (1974–1979), and "renewed skepticism" (1980s).[37]
The Qing Dynasty and the United States of America
According to John Pomfret:
- To America's founders, China was a source of inspiration. They saw it as a harmonious society with officials chosen on merit, where the arts and philosophy flourished, and the peasantry labored happily on the land. Benjamin Franklin venerated China's prison system and sought information on its senses, silk industry, and how its people heated their homes.... Thomas Paine compared Confucius to Jesus Christ. James Madison and Thomas Jefferson admired China's ability to close itself off from the outside world, finding virtue in its isolation. The Americans who actually went to China, by contrast, were befuddled and awed by the empire....Amasa Delano described China with the wonder of a country hayseed, contending that it, "is the first for greatness, riches and grandeur of any country ever known." Still, he too was distressed when he saw what appeared to be the corpses of mixed-blood babies floating down the Pearl River.[38]
The newly independent United States dispatched consuls to Guangzhou as early as 1784—the first was Samuel Shaw, the supercargo on the Empress of China, These men had never been formally received by Chinese officials as state representatives. The two countries had acknowledged each other's existence before 1844, but the negotiations and treaty of that year marked the first recognition under international law. Formal diplomatic relations began June 16, 1844 as the countries engaged in the negotiations which led to the Treaty of Wangxia.[9]
Old China Trade
Silver and gold coins, ginseng, and furs, and more prominently tea, cotton, silk, lacquerware, porcelain,[39] and exotic furniture were traded. The first vessel from the United States that traded to China was the Empress of China in 1784.[40][41]
The American merchants, mostly based in the East India Marine Society in Salem, Massachusetts, became wealthy, giving rise to America's first generation of millionaires.[42] Chinese artisans began to notice the American desire for exotic wares and adjusted their practices accordingly, manufacturing goods made specifically for export. These export wares often sported American or European motifs in order to fully capitalize on the consumer demographic.[43][44]
Missionaries
The first American missionary in China was Elijah Coleman Bridgman (1801–61), who arrived in 1830. He soon transcended his small-town New England prejudices against Chinese "idolatry," learned the Chinese language, and wrote a widely used history of the United States in Chinese. He founded the English-language journal The Chinese Repository in 1832, and it served as the chief source of information on Chinese culture and politics.[45]
According to John Pomfret, The American missionaries were crucial to China's development. Along with Western-educated Chinese, they supplied the tools to break the stranglehold of traditional orthodoxy. They taught the Chinese Western science, critical thinking, sports, industry, and law. They established China's first universities and hospitals. These institutions, though now renamed, are still the best of their kind in China.[46]
The women missionaries played a special role. They organized moralistic crusades against the traditional customs of female infanticide and foot-binding, helping to accomplish what Pomfret calls "the greatest human rights advances in modern Chinese history."[47][48] Missionaries used physical education and sports to promote healthy life styles, to overturn class conventions by showing how the poor could excel, and by expanding gender roles using women's sports.[49]
During the Boxer Rebellion of 1899–1901, Christian missions were burned, thousands of converts were executed, and the American missionaries barely escaped with their lives.[50]
Caleb Cushing
After the 1842 Treaty of Nanking at the end of the First Opium War in 1842, many Chinese ports were forced to open to foreign trade, which threatened American trade in the region. President John Tyler In 1843 appointed Massachusetts diplomat Caleb Cushing as commissioner and Minister. With the goal of impressing the Royal Chinese court, the Cushing mission suddenly appeared with four U.S. Navy warships, loaded with gifts that exalted scientific wonders including revolvers, telescopes, and an encyclopedia. His arrival at Macau in February 1844 created a local sensation, but the Chinese government was reluctant to designate another most favored nation. Cushing cleverly mixed the carrot and stick. He warned – against the backdrop of his warships – that not to receive an envoy was a national insult. He threatened to go directly to the Emperor – an unheard of procedure. The Emperor tried delay, but he finally sent an envoy to negotiate with Cushing, leading to the signing of the Treaty of Wanghia in the village of Wanghia on July 3, 1844. In addition to most favored nation status, Cushing made sure that Americans received extraterritoriality, which meant that legal cases involving Americans inside China would be tried by Western judges, not by Chinese judges. In the following years American trade with China grew rapidly, thanks to the high-speed clipper ships which carried relatively small amounts of high-value cargo, such as ginseng and silk. American Protestant missionaries also began to arrive. The popular Chinese reaction was mostly hostile, but there was a favorable element that provided a base of support for American missionaries and businessmen. By 1850–64, China was enmeshed in the Taiping rebellion which cost millions of lives, and foreign trade stagnated.[51][52][53][54]
During the Second Opium War, American and Qing forces briefly clashed at the Battle of the Barrier Forts, the first instance of military engagement between the United States and China. After China's defeat in the Second Opium War, the Xianfeng Emperor fled Beijing. His brother Yixin, the Prince Gong, ratified the Treaty of Tientsin in the Convention of Peking on October 18, 1860. This treaty stipulated, among other terms, that along with the United Kingdom, France, and Russia, the United States would have the right to station legation offices in Beijing.[55]
Taiwan
Some Americans advocated for the annexation of Taiwan from China.[56][57][58] Aboriginals from Taiwan often attacked and massacred shipwrecked Western sailors.[59][60][61][62] In 1867, during the Rover incident, Taiwanese aborigines attacked shipwrecked American sailors, killing the entire crew.[63] They subsequently skirmished against and defeated a retaliatory expedition by the American military and killed another American during the battle.[64][65][66] (For the current issues facing Taiwan, see below)
The Burlingame Treaty and the Chinese Exclusion Act
In 1868, the Qing government appointed Anson Burlingame as their emissary to the United States. Burlingame toured the country to build support for equitable treatment for China and for Chinese emigrants. The 1868 Burlingame Treaty embodied these principles. In 1871, the Chinese Educational Mission brought the first of two groups of 120 Chinese boys to study in the United States. They were led by Yung Wing, the first Chinese man to graduate from an American university.
During the California Gold Rush and the construction of the transcontinental railroad, large numbers of Chinese emigrated to the U.S., spurring animosity from American citizens. After being forcibly driven from the mines, most Chinese settled in Chinatowns in cities such as San Francisco, taking up low-end wage labor, such as restaurant and cleaning work. With the post-Civil War economy in decline and the Long Depression having started by the 1870s, anti-Chinese animosity became politicized by labor leader Denis Kearney and his party, as well as by the California governor John Bigler. Both blamed Chinese coolies for depressed wage levels.
In the first significant restriction on free immigration in U.S. history, Congress passed the Chinese Exclusion Act on May 6, 1882, following revisions made in 1880 to the Burlingame Treaty. Those revisions allowed the United States to suspend immigration, and Congress acted quickly to implement the suspension of Chinese immigration and exclude Chinese skilled and unskilled laborers from entering the country for ten years, under penalty of imprisonment and deportation. The ban was renewed a number of times, lasting for over 60 years.
Searching for the China market
The American China Development Company, founded in 1895 by industrialists J.P. Morgan and Andrew Carnegie, sought to provide the American capital and management that would generate a rapid industrialization of China. It started building the Hankow-Canton Railroad, to link central and southern China. It only managed to finish 30 miles of line. Americans soon grew disillusioned, and sold out to a rival Belgian syndicate.[67] On the whole, the American dream of getting rich by investing in China or selling to hundreds of millions of Chinese was almost always a failure. Standard Oil did succeed in selling kerosene to the China market, but few others made a profit.[68]
The Boxer Rebellion
In 1899, a movement of Chinese nationalists calling themselves the Society of Right and Harmonious Fists started a violent revolt in China, referred to by Westerners as the Boxer Rebellion, against foreign influence in trade, politics, religion, and technology. The campaigns took place from November 1899 to September 7, 1901, during the final years of Manchu rule in China under the Qing dynasty.[69]
The uprising began as an anti-foreign, anti-imperialist, peasant-based movement in northern China, in response to foreign westerners seizing land from locals, concession grabbing, and granting immunity to criminals who converted to Catholicism. The insurgents attacked foreigners, who were building railroads and violating Feng shui, and Christians, who were held responsible for the foreign domination of China. In June 1900, the Boxers entered Peking, and ransacked the area around the Foreign Legations. On June 21, in response to the Western attack on the Chinese Dagu Forts, Empress Dowager Cixi declared war against all Western powers. Diplomats, foreign civilians, soldiers, and Chinese Christians were besieged during the Siege of the International Legations for 55 days. A coalition called the Eight-Nation Alliance comprising Austria-Hungary, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Russia, Britain and the United States rushed 20,000 troops to their rescue. The multinational forces were initially defeated by a Chinese Muslim army at the Battle of Langfang, but the second attempt in the Gaselee Expedition was successful due to internal rivalries among the Chinese forces.
The Chinese government was forced to indemnify the victims and make many additional concessions. Subsequent reforms implemented after the rebellion contributed to the end of the Qing dynasty and the establishment of the modern Chinese Republic. The United States played a secondary but significant role in suppressing the Boxer Rebellion, largely due to the presence of US ships and troops deployed in the Philippines since the American conquest of the Spanish–American and Philippine–American War. Within the United States Armed Forces, the suppression of the Boxer Rebellion was known as the China Relief Expedition.
The Chinese paid indemnities to each of the powers. The U.S. used its $11 million share to promote cultural and educational exchanges and help China modernize. A number of schools were established in China, such as Tsinghua College in Peking.[70][71]
With national attention focused on the Boxers, American Protestants made missions to China a high priority. They supported 500 missionaries in 1890, more than 2000 in 1914, and 8300 in 1920. By 1927 they opened 16 American universities, six medical schools, and four theology schools, together with 265 middle schools and a large number of elementary schools. The number of converts was not large, but the educational influence was dramatic.[72]
Open Door Policy
In the 1890s the major world powers (France, Britain, Germany, Japan, and Russia) began proposing spheres of influence for themselves in China, which was then under the Qing dynasty. The United States demanded these proposals to be discarded so that all nations could trade on an equal footing. In 1899, U.S. Secretary of State John Hay sent diplomatic letters to these nations, asking them to guarantee the territorial and administrative integrity of China and to not interfere with the free use of treaty ports within their theoretical spheres of influence.[73] The major powers evaded commitment, saying they could not agree to anything until the other powers had consented first. Hay took this as acceptance of his proposal, which came to be known as the Open Door Policy.[74]
While respected internationally, the Open Door Policy was ignored by Russia and Japan when they encroached in Manchuria. The U.S. protested Russia's actions. Japan and Russia fought the Russo-Japanese War in 1904, in which the U.S. mediated a peace. Japan also presented a further challenge to the policy with its Twenty-One Demands in 1915 made on the then-Republic of China. Japan also made secret treaties with the Allied Powers promising Japan the German territories in China. In 1931, Japan invaded and occupied Manchuria. The United States along with other countries condemned the action, leading to U.S. support for China in its war with Japan after 1937.[75]
The Republic of China and the United States of America
1911–1937
After the Xinhai Revolution in 1911, the United States government recognized the Government of the Chinese Republic as the sole and legitimate government of China despite a number of governments ruling various parts of China. China was reunified by a single government, led by the Kuomintang (KMT) in 1928. The first winner of the Nobel Prize in Literature for writing about China was an American, born in the United States but raised in China, Pearl S. Buck, whose 1938 Nobel lecture was titled The Chinese Novel.[76]
Starting in the 1870s, American missionaries began developing educational institutions in China. They discovered the demand for Western education was much stronger, and much more elite, than the demand for Christianity. Programs were set up to fund Chinese students In American colleges.[77]
World War II
The outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War in 1937 saw aid flow into the Republic of China (ROC), from the United States under President Franklin D. Roosevelt. A series of Neutrality Acts forbade American aid to countries at war. Because the Second Sino-Japanese War was undeclared, however, Roosevelt denied that a state of war existed in China and proceeded to send aid to Chiang. American public sympathy for the Chinese was aroused by reports from missionaries, novelists such as Pearl S. Buck, and Time Magazine of Japanese brutality in China, including reports surrounding the Nanking Massacre, also known as the 'Rape of Nanking'. Japanese-American relations were further soured by the USS Panay incident during the bombing of Nanjing, in which a Yangtze Patrol gunboat of the US Navy was accidentally sunk by Imperial Japanese Navy Air Service bombers. Roosevelt demanded an apology and compensation from the Japanese, which was received, but relations between the two countries continued to deteriorate.[78] American public opinion overwhelmingly favored China and denounced Japan.[79]
The United States strongly supported China starting in 1937 and warned Japan to get out.[80] American financial and military aid began to flow.[81] Claire Lee Chennault commanded the 1st American Volunteer Group (nicknamed Flying Tigers), with American pilots flying American warplanes painted with the Chinese flag to attack the Japanese. He headed both the volunteer group and the uniformed U.S. Army Air Forces units that replaced it in 1942.[82] The United States cut off Japan's main oil supplies in 1941 to force it to compromise regarding China, but instead Japan attacked American, British and Dutch possessions in the western Pacific.[83]
Plan to bomb Japan
In 1940, a year before Pearl Harbor, Chennault developed an ambitious plan for a sneak attack on Japanese bases. His Flying Tigers would use American bombers and American pilots, all with Chinese markings. He made the claim that a handful of fliers and planes could win the war single handed. The U.S. Army was opposed to this scheme and raised obstacles, noting that being able to reach Japan depended on the National Revolutionary Army being able to build and protect airfields and bases close enough to Japan, which they doubted he could do. They also had little confidence in Chennault.[84]
Despite the military advice, American civilian leaders were captivated by the idea of China attacking Japan by air. The idea was adopted by top civilian officials including Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau Jr. and President Franklin D. Roosevelt himself.[note 1] However, the American attack never took place: The Chinese had not built and secured any runways or bases close enough to reach Japan, just as the military had warned. The American bombers and crews were delayed and finally arrived shortly after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. They were used for the war in Burma, as they lacked the range to reach Japan from secure bases in China.[85][86][87]
US declares war
The United States formally declared war on Japan in December 1941. The Roosevelt administration gave massive amounts of aid to Chiang's beleaguered government, now headquartered in Chungking. Madame Chiang Kai-shek,[88] the American-educated wife of ROC President Chiang Kai-shek, addressed the US Congress and toured the country to rally support for China. Congress amended the Chinese Exclusion Act and Roosevelt moved to end the unequal treaties by establishing the Treaty for Relinquishment of Extraterritorial Rights in China. However, the perception that Chiang's government was unable to effectively resist the Japanese or that he preferred to focus more on defeating the Communists grew. China Hands such as Joseph "Vinegar Joe" Stilwell—who spoke fluent Mandarin Chinese—argued that it was in American interest to establish communication with the Communists to prepare for a land-based counteroffensive invasion of Japan. The Dixie Mission, which began in 1943, was the first official American contact with the Communists. Other Americans, such as Claire Lee Chennault, argued for air power and supported Chiang's position. In 1944, successfully demanded that Stilwell be recalled. General Albert Coady Wedemeyer replaced Stilwell, and Patrick J. Hurley became ambassador.[89][90]
Civil War in Mainland China
After World War II ended in 1945, the hostility between the Nationalists and the Communists exploded into the open Chinese Civil War. President Truman dispatched General George Marshall to China to mediate, but the Marshall Mission was not successful.[91][92] In February 1948, Marshall, now Secretary of State, testified to Congress in secret session that he had realized from the start that the Nationalists could never defeat the Communists in the field, so some sort of negotiated settlement was necessary or else the United States would have to fight the war. He warned:
- Any large-scale United States effort to assist the Chinese Government to oppose the Communists would most probably degenerate into a direct U.S. undertaking and responsibility, involving the commitment of sizable forces and resources over an indefinite period. Such a dissipation of U.S. resources would inevitably play into the hands of the Russians, or would provoke a reaction which would possibly, even probably, lead to another Spanish type of revolution or general hostilities....the cost of an all-out effort to see Communist forces resisted and destroyed in China...would clearly be out of all proportion to the results to be obtained.[93]
When it became clear that the KMT would lose effective control of China in 1949, Secretary of State Dean Acheson directed the publication of the China White Paper to explain American policy and defend against critics (e.g., the American China Policy Association) who asked "Who Lost China?" He announced that the United States would "wait for the dust to settle" before recognizing the new government. Chinese Military forces under Chiang Kai-shek had gone to the island of Taiwan to accept the surrender of Japanese troops, thus beginning the military occupation of Taiwan, and withdrew to the island from 1948 to 1949.[92] Chinese Communist Party Chairman Mao Zedong established the People's Republic of China on mainland China, while Taiwan and other islands are still under the control of the Republic of China.[94][95][96][97]
Cold War relations
After the Korean War broke out, the Truman administration resumed economic and military aid to the ROC and neutralized Taiwan Strait by United States Seventh Fleet to stop a Communist invasion of Taiwan. Until the US formally recognized China in 1979, Washington provided ROC with financial grants based on the Foreign Assistance Act,[98] Mutual Security Act and Act for International Development enacted by the US Congress. A separate Sino-American Mutual Defense Treaty was signed between the two governments of US and ROC in 1954 and lasted until 1979.
.jpg)
The U.S. State Department's official position in 1959 was:
- That the provisional capital of the Republic of China has been at Taipei, Taiwan (Formosa) since December 1949; that the Government of the Republic of China exercises authority over the island; that the sovereignty of Formosa has not been transferred to China; and that Formosa is not a part of China as a country, at least not as yet, and not until and unless appropriate treaties are hereafter entered into. Formosa may be said to be a territory or an area occupied and administered by the Government of the Republic of China, but is not officially recognized as being a part of the Republic of China.[99]
Resumption of diplomatic relations
On January 1, 1979, the United States changed its diplomatic recognition of China from Taipei to Beijing. In the U.S.-PRC Three Communiqués that announced the change, the United States acknowledges that all Chinese on either side of the Taiwan Strait maintain there is but one China and that Taiwan is a part of China. Since then, the ROC is referred to as "The Republic of China on Taiwan" to avoid confusion.
Meanwhile, the U.S. negotiated with Taiwan on what the change meant. Trade continued and the U.S. provided military security.[100]
The People's Republic of China and the United States of America
Origins of the People's Republic of China
The United States did not formally recognize the People's Republic of China (PRC) for 30 years after its founding. Instead, the US maintained diplomatic relations with the Republic of China government on Taiwan, recognizing it as the sole legitimate government of China.
However, the Taiwan-based Republic of China government did not trust the United States. An enemy of the Chiang family, K. C. Wu, was removed from his position as governor of Taiwan by Chiang Ching-kuo and fled to America in 1953. Chiang Kai-shek, president of the Republic of China (ROC), suspected that the American CIA was engineering a coup with Sun Li-jen, an American-educated Chinese man who attended the Virginia Military Institute, with the goal of making Taiwan an independent state. Chiang placed Sun under house arrest in 1955.[101][102]
Chiang Ching-kuo, educated in the Soviet Union, initiated Soviet-style military organization in the Republic of China Armed Forces, reorganizing and Sovietizing the political officer corps and surveillance. Kuomintang party activities were propagated throughout the military. Sun Li-jen opposed this action.[103] As the People's Liberation Army moved south to complete the conquest of mainland China in 1949, the American embassy followed Chiang Kai-shek's Republic of China government to Taipei, while US consular officials remained in mainland China. However, the People's Republic of China was hostile to the American presence, and all US personnel were withdrawn from the mainland in early 1950. In December 1950, the People's Republic seized all American assets and properties, totaling $196.8 million, after the US had frozen Chinese assets in America following the PRC's entry into the Korean War in November.[104]
Korean War
Truman administration announced on January 5, 1950, that the United States would not become involved in any dispute about Taiwan Strait, and that he would not intervene in the event of an attack by the PRC,[105] but these plans were quickly undone when the Korean War began on 25 June with the invasion of the US-backed Republic of Korea by the communist Democratic People's Republic of Korea. A US-led international coalition of troops drove the North Korean forces from the South. In response to the Soviet-backed North Korean invasion of South Korea, the United Nations Security Council was convened and passed UNSC Resolution 82, declaring war on North Korea unanimously. The resolution was adopted mainly because the Soviet Union, a veto-wielding power, had been boycotting UN proceedings since January, in protest that the Republic of China and not the People's Republic of China held a permanent seat on the council.[106]
The American-led U.N. offensive pushed the invading Korean People's Army back into North Korea, past the north–south border at the 38th parallel and began to approach the Yalu River on the China-North Korea border. Chinese warnings for the UN forces to not venture too close to their border were ignored, and in November 1950, a massive Chinese counterattack was launched. The People's Volunteer Army struck in the west along the Chongchon River and completely overran several Republic of Korea Army divisions, successfully landing a heavy blow to the flank of the remaining forces. The defeat of the US Eighth Army resulted in the longest retreat of any American military unit in history.[107] Both sides sustained heavy casualties before the allied forces were able to push Chinese forces back, near the original division. In late March 1951, after the Chinese army had moved large numbers of new forces near the Korean border, US bomb loading pits at Kadena Air Base in Okinawa were made operational. On April 5, the US Joint Chiefs of Staff released orders for immediate retaliatory attacks using nuclear weapons against Manchurian bases to prevent new Chinese troops from entering the battles or bombing attacks originating from those bases. On the same day, Truman gave his approval for transfer of nine Mark 4 nuclear bombs "to the Air Force's Ninth Bomb Group, the designated carrier of the weapons," signing an order to use them against Chinese and Korean targets. Two years of continued fighting ended in a stalemate, until the Korean Armistice Agreement was signed on July 27, 1953. Since then, a divided Korea has become an important factor in US-China relations. Also, the entry of China in the Korean War caused a major change in US policy from minimal support of the Nationalist government in Taiwan to Taiwan as protected by the United States.
Vietnam War
The People's Republic of China provided resources and training to North Vietnam, and in the summer of 1962, Mao agreed to supply Hanoi with 90,000 rifles and guns free of charge. After the launch of the America's Operation Rolling Thunder in 1965, China sent anti-aircraft units and engineering battalions to North Vietnam to repair the damage caused by American bombing, rebuild roads and railroads, and perform other engineering work, freeing additional hundreds of thousands North Vietnamese Army units for combat in American supported South Vietnam. The United States lost 58,159 troops in the Vietnam War.[108][109]
The Chinese presence in North Vietnam was well known to US officials, and can explain a number of factors surrounding American strategy in the conflict. In particular, President Lyndon B. Johnson and Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara ruled out the possibility of a ground invasion of North Vietnam early on, for fear of repeating the Korean War but now with a thermonuclear-armed China. However, it is unclear exactly what Beijing's reaction to a US invasion of North Vietnam would have been—Mao Zedong reportedly told journalist Edgar Snow in 1965 that China had no intention of fighting to save the Hanoi regime and would not engage the US military unless it crossed into Chinese territory. On other occasions, Mao expressed confidence that the People's Liberation Army could take on the US again, much like it did in Korea. Whatever Chinese plans might have been, the Johnson administration was unwilling to tempt fate and so US ground troops never crossed into North Vietnam.[110][111]
Relations frozen
Between 1949 and 1971, US-China relations were uniformly hostile, with frequent propaganda attacks in both directions. Relations deteriorated under President John F. Kennedy (1961-1963).[112][113] Before the Cuban Missile Crisis, policymakers in Washington were uncertain whether or not China would break with the Soviet Union on the basis of ideology, national ambitions, and readiness for a role in guiding communist activities in many countries. New insight came with the Sino-Indian border war in November 1962 and Beijing's response to the Cuban Missile Crisis. Kennedy administration officials concluded that China was more militant and more dangerous than the Soviet Union, making better relations with Moscow desirable, with both nations trying to contain Chinese ambitions. Diplomatic recognition of China remained out of the question, as a crucial veto power on the UN Security Council was held by America's ally on Taiwan. The United States continued to work to prevent the PRC from taking China's seat in the United Nations and encouraged its allies not to deal with the PRC. The United States placed an embargo on trading with the PRC, and encouraged allies to follow it.[114]
The PRC developed nuclear weapons in 1964 and, as later declassified documents revealed, President Johnson considered preemptive attacks to halt its nuclear program. He ultimately decided the measure carried too much risk and it was abandoned. Instead Johnson looked for ways to improve relations. The American public seemed more open to the idea of expanding contacts with China, such as relaxation of the trade embargo. But the War in Vietnam was raging with China aiding North Vietnam. Mao's Great Leap Forward had been a humiliating failure, and his Cultural Revolution was hostile to the U.S. In the end Johnson made no move to changed the standoff.[115]
Despite official non-recognition, the United States and the People's Republic of China held 136 meetings at the ambassadorial level beginning in 1954 and continuing until 1970, first in Geneva and in 1958–1970 in Warsaw.[116]
The Cultural Revolution brought about near-complete isolation of China from the outside world and vocal denunciations of both U.S. imperialism and Soviet revisionism.
Beginning in 1967, the Foreign Claims Settlement Commission established the China Claims Program, in which American citizens could denominate the sum total of their lost assets and property following the Communist seizure of foreign property in 1950. American companies were reluctant to invest in China despite (future Chairman) Deng Xiaoping's reassurances of a stable business environment.[117]
Rapprochement
The end of the 1960s brought a period of transformation. For China, when American president Johnson decided to wind down the Vietnam War in 1968, it gave China an impression that the US had no interest of expanding in Asia anymore while the USSR became a more serious threat as it intervened in Czechoslovakia to displace a communist government and might well interfere in China.[118]
This became an especially important concern for the People's Republic of China after the Sino-Soviet border conflict of 1969. The PRC was diplomatically isolated and the leadership came to believe that improved relations with the United States would be a useful counterbalance to the Soviet threat. Zhou Enlai, the Premier of China, was at the forefront of this effort with the committed backing of Chairman Mao Zedong. In 1969, the United States initiated measures to relax trade restrictions and other impediments to bilateral contact, to which China responded. However, this rapprochement process was stalled by the Vietnam War where China was supporting the enemies of the United States. Communication between Chinese and American leaders, however, was conducted through Romania, Pakistan[119] and Poland as intermediaries.
In the United States, academics such as John K. Fairbank and A. Doak Barnett pointed to the need to deal realistically with the Beijing government, while organizations such as the National Committee on United States–China Relations sponsored debates to promote public awareness. Many saw the specter of Communist China behind communist movements in Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos, but a growing number concluded that if the PRC would align with the US it would mean a major redistribution of global power against the Soviets. Mainland China's market of nearly one billion consumers appealed to American business. Senator J. William Fulbright, Chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, held a series of hearings on the matter.[120]
Richard M. Nixon mentioned in his inaugural address that the two countries were entering an era of negotiation after an era of confrontation. Although Nixon during his 1960 presidential campaign had vociferously supported Chiang Kai-Shek, by the second half of the decade, he increasingly began to speak of there "being no reason to leave China angry and isolated". Nixon's election as president in 1968 was initially met with hostility by Beijing—an editorial in the People's Daily denounced him as "a chieftain whom the capitalist world had turned to out of desperation".[121] Nixon believed it was in the American national interest to forge a relationship with China, even though there were enormous differences between the two countries.[122] He was assisted in this by his National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger. Domestic politics also entered into Nixon's thinking, as the boost from a successful courting of the PRC could help him in the 1972 American presidential election. He also worried that one of the Democrats would preempt him and go to the PRC before he had the opportunity.
In 1971, an unexpectedly friendly encounter between the American and Chinese ping-pong athletes called Glenn Cowan and Zhuang Zedong in Japan opened the way for a visit to China, which Chairman Mao personally approved.[123] In April 1971, the athletes became the first Americans to officially visit China since the communist takeover. The smooth acceptance of this created the term "ping-pong diplomacy", and gave confidence to both sides. In July 1971, Henry Kissinger feigned illness while on a trip to Pakistan and did not appear in public for a day. He was actually on a top-secret mission to Beijing to negotiate with Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai.
Kissinger and his aides did not receive a warm welcome in Beijing, and the hotel they stayed in was equipped with pamphlets excoriating US imperialism. However, the meeting with Zhou Enlai was productive, and the Chinese premier expressed his hope for improved Sino-US relations. He commented that the US had intentionally isolated China, not vice versa, and any initiative to restore diplomatic ties had to come from the American side. Zhou spoke of the late President Kennedy's plans to restore relations with China and told Kissinger "We are willing to wait as long as we need to. If these negotiations fail, in time another Kennedy or another Nixon will come along."[124]
On July 15, 1971, President Richard Nixon revealed the mission to the world and that he had accepted an invitation to visit the PRC.[125]
This announcement[126] caused immediate shock around the world. In the United States, some hard-line anti-communists (most notably libertarian Republican Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater) denounced the decision, but most public opinion supported the move and Nixon saw the jump in the polls he had been hoping for. Since Nixon had sterling anti-communist credentials he was all but immune to being called "soft on communism." Nixon and his aides wanted to ensure that press coverage offered dramatic imagery.[127] Nixon was particularly eager for strong news coverage.
Within the PRC there was also opposition from left-wing elements. This effort was allegedly led by Lin Biao, head of the military, who died in a mysterious plane crash over Mongolia while trying to defect to the Soviet Union. His death silenced most internal dissent over the visit.
Internationally, reactions varied. In the communist world, the Soviets were very concerned that two major enemies seemed to have resolved their differences, and the new world alignment contributed significantly to the policy of détente. Romania's president Nicolae Ceaușescu praised the US initiative as a "move for world peace". Several communist regimes, including Cuba, Albania, and North Vietnam, accused China of "capitulationism to the imperialists". North Korea proclaimed that it was the reverse and that the US had been forced to capitulate to China, having failed to isolate it.
America's European allies and Canada were pleased by the initiative, especially since many of them had already recognized the PRC. In Asia, the reaction was far more mixed. Japan was annoyed that it had not been told of the announcement until fifteen minutes before it had been made, and feared that the Americans were abandoning them in favor of the PRC. A short time later, Japan also recognized the PRC and committed to substantial trade with the continental power. South Korea and South Vietnam were both concerned that peace between the United States and the PRC could mean an end to American support for them against their communist enemies. Throughout the period of rapprochement, both countries had to be regularly assured that they would not be abandoned.
From February 21 to February 28, 1972, President Nixon traveled to Beijing, Hangzhou, and Shanghai. At the conclusion of his trip, the US and the PRC issued the Shanghai Communiqué, a statement of their respective foreign policy views. In the Communiqué, both nations pledged to work toward the full normalization of diplomatic relations. This did not lead to immediate recognition of the People's Republic of China but 'liaison offices' were established in Beijing and Washington.[128] The US acknowledged the PRC position that all Chinese on both sides of the Taiwan Strait maintain that there is only one China and that Taiwan is part of China. The statement enabled the US and PRC to temporarily set aside the issue of Taiwan and open trade and communication. Also, the US and China both agreed to take action against 'any country' that is to establish 'hegemony' in the Asia-Pacific. On several issues, such as the ongoing conflicts in Korea, Vietnam, and Israel, the US and China were unable to reach a common understanding.[128]
Most major anti-US propaganda disappeared in China after the Nixon visit; although there was still occasional criticism of US imperialism, the Soviet Union had definitively become China's arch-foe in the 1970s.
The rapprochement with the United States benefited the PRC immensely and greatly increased its security for the rest of the Cold War. It has been argued that the United States, on the other hand, saw fewer benefits than it had hoped for, inasmuch as China continued to back America's enemies in Hanoi and Pyongyang. Eventually, however, the PRC's suspicion of Vietnam's motives led to a break in Sino-Vietnamese cooperation and, upon the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia in 1979, the Sino-Vietnamese War. Both China and the United States backed combatants in Africa against Soviet and Cuban-supported movements. The economic benefits of normalization were slow as it would take decades for American products to penetrate the vast Chinese market. While Nixon's China policy is regarded by many as the highlight of his presidency, others such as William Bundy have argued that it provided very little benefit to the United States.
Liaison Office (1973–1978)
In May 1973, in an effort to build toward formal diplomatic relations, the US and the PRC established the United States Liaison Office (USLO) in Beijing and a counterpart PRC office in Washington. In 1973 to 1978, such distinguished Americans as David K. E. Bruce, George H. W. Bush, Thomas S. Gates, Jr., and Leonard Woodcock served as chiefs of the USLO with the personal rank of ambassador. China made clear that it considered the Soviet Union its chief adversary, and urged the United States to be powerful, thereby distracting Moscow. Liaison officer George Bush concluded, "China keeps wanting us to be strong, wanting us to defend Europe, wanting us to increase our defense budgets, etc."[129] Bush concluded that American engagement was essential to support markets, allies, and stability in Asia and around the world.[130]
President Gerald Ford visited the PRC in 1975 and reaffirmed American interest in normalizing relations with Beijing. Shortly after taking office in 1977, President Jimmy Carter again reaffirmed the goals of the Shanghai Communiqué. Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, Carter's National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski, and senior staff member of the National Security Council Michel Oksenberg encouraged Carter to seek full diplomatic and trade relations with China. Although Brzezinski sought to quickly establish a security relationship with Beijing to counter the Soviet Union, Carter sided with Vance in believing that such a deal would threaten existing U.S.-Soviet relations, including the SALT II negotiations. Thus, the administration decided to cautiously pursue political normalization and not military relations.[131] Vance, Brzezinski, and Oksenberg traveled to Beijing in early 1978 to work with Leonard Woodcock, then head of the liaison office, to lay the groundwork to do so. The United States and the People's Republic of China announced on December 15, 1978, that the two governments would establish diplomatic relations on January 1, 1979.
Normalization
In the Joint Communiqué on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations, dated January 1, 1979, the United States transferred diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing. The US reiterated the Shanghai Communiqué's acknowledgment of the Chinese position that there is only one China and that Taiwan is a part of China; Beijing acknowledged that the American people would continue to carry on commercial, cultural, and other unofficial contacts with the people of Taiwan.[132]
Much like the Nixon visit to Beijing six years earlier, the formal establishment of US-China ties met with a mixed response from many countries. Taiwan, although fully expecting this step, nonetheless expressed disappointment at having not been consulted first. The reaction of the communist world was similar to 1972, with the Soviet Union and its allies in Eastern Europe mostly being noncommittal, Romania welcoming the move, and Cuba and Albania being strongly against it. North Korea issued a statement congratulating "our brotherly neighbors for ending long-hostile relations with the US".
Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping's January 1979 visit to Washington initiated a series of important, high-level exchanges which continued until the spring of 1989. This resulted in many bilateral agreements, especially in the fields of scientific, technological, and cultural interchange, as well as trade relations. Since early 1979, the United States and the PRC have initiated hundreds of joint research projects and cooperative programs under the Agreement on Cooperation in Science and Technology, the largest bilateral program.[133]
On March 1, 1979, the two countries formally established embassies in each other's capitals. In 1979, outstanding private claims were resolved and a bilateral trade agreement was completed. Vice President Walter Mondale reciprocated Vice Premier Deng's visit with an August 1979 trip to China. This visit led to agreements in September 1980 on maritime affairs, civil aviation links, and textile matters, as well as a bilateral consular convention.
The threats of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia were major factors that brought Washington and Beijing closer than ever before.[134] US-China military cooperation began in 1979; American arms sales to China were initiated, and in 1981 it was revealed that a joint US-China listening post had been operated in Xinjiang, near the Soviet border.
Chinese demands for advanced technology from the US were not always met, in part due to opposition from Congressmen who either distrusted technology transfer to a communist nation out of principle, or concern that there was no guarantee that such technology would not end up in the hands of unfriendly third parties. In 1983, the US State Department changed its classification of China to "a friendly, developing nation", thereby increasing the amount of technology and armaments that could be sold. The skepticism of some US Congressmen was not entirely unmerited as China during the 1980s continued to sell arms to Iran and other states that were openly hostile to American interests.
.jpg)
As a consequence of high-level and working-level contacts initiated in 1980, New York City and Beijing become sister cities, US dialogue with the PRC broadened to cover a wide range of issues, including global and regional strategic problems, political-military questions, including arms control, UN, and other multilateral organization affairs, and international narcotics matters.[135]
High-level exchanges continued to be a significant means for developing US–PRC relations in the 1980s. President Ronald Reagan and Premier Zhao Ziyang made reciprocal visits in 1984. Reagan's visit to Beijing went well, however a speech he made criticizing the Soviet Union and praising capitalism, democracy, and freedom of religion was not aired on Chinese state television. In July 1985, Chinese President Li Xiannian traveled to the United States, the first such visit by a PRC head of state. Vice President Bush visited the PRC in October 1985 and opened the US Consulate General in Chengdu, the US's fourth consular post in the PRC. Further exchanges of cabinet-level officials occurred between 1985 and 1989, capped by President Bush's visit to Beijing in February 1989.
Shortly after being elected president in 1980, Ronald Reagan made a speech criticizing the PRC and welcoming restoration of ties with Taiwan. These remarks aroused initial panic in Beijing, but Reagan's advisers quickly apologized for his comments, and the president-elect soon retracted them.
Reagan's first two years in office saw some deterioration in US-China relations due to the president's vociferous anti-communism, as well as the inability of the two nations to come to a common understanding over the Korean conflict, the Israel–Palestine conflict, or the Falklands War. In 1982, Deng Xiaoping, in a reiteration of Mao Zedong's "Three Worlds" theory, criticized both the US and Soviet Union for imperialism. In 1983, there were quarrels over a Chinese tennis player, Hu Na, who defected to the US, and over an incident where an Olympic parade float in New York City displayed the flag of Taiwan rather than the PRC's flag.
In the period before the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, a growing number of cultural exchange activities gave the American and Chinese peoples broad exposure to each other's cultural, artistic, and educational achievements. Numerous mainland Chinese professional and official delegations visited the United States each month. Many of these exchanges continued after the suppression of the Tiananmen protests.[136]
Taiwan issue
Since the renewal of US-China relations in early 1979, the Taiwan issue remained a major source of contention. After the announcement of the intention to establish diplomatic relations with Mainland China (PRC) on 15 December 1978, the Republic of China (Taiwan) immediately condemned the United States, leading to rampant protests in both Taiwan and in the US.[137] In April 1979, the US Congress signed into law the Taiwan Relations Act,[138] permitting unofficial relations with Taiwan to flourish, on the one hand, yet the right of the US to provide Taiwan with arms of a defensive character, on the other. The expanding relationship that followed normalization was threatened in 1981 by PRC objections to the level of US arms sales to the Republic of China on Taiwan. Secretary of State Alexander Haig visited China in June 1981 in an effort to resolve Chinese concerns about America's unofficial relations with Taiwan. Vice President Bush visited the PRC in May 1982. Eight months of negotiations produced the US-PRC Joint Communiqué of August 17, 1982. In this third communiqué, the US stated its intention to gradually reduce the level of arms sales to the Republic of China, and the PRC described as a fundamental policy their effort to strive for a peaceful resolution to the Taiwan question. China's Ambassador to Washington, in an interview with CGTN in April 2018, is quoted as saying that Sino-American relations hinge largely upon the US-PRC Joint Communiqué signed between the two parties and where the USA had agreed not to challenge the PRC's sovereignty over the island of Taiwan, but to respect China's "anti-secession law," until such time that Taiwan will be reunified with the Mainland.[139] When Donald Trump won the 2016 presidential election, contention over the Taiwan issue intensified; President Trump became the first sitting US president since Jimmy Carter in 1979 to have any formal political or diplomatic contacts with Taiwan when he decided to receive a phone call from president Tsai Ing-Wen. Trump has expanded the duties of the US' de facto embassy in Taipei-American Institute in Taiwan - by adding more security personnel, and has overseen increasing non-diplomatic visits of Tsai Ing-Wen and Congressmen to each other's countries/regions. In addition, American warships have reportedly crossed the Taiwan strait and increased military drills with Taiwan, which mainland China views as a direct threat to its sovereignty. The Taiwanese government has also warned the Solomon Islands not to switch recognition to the PRC as part of a bid to preserve its shrinking number of allies worldwide.[140][140][141][141][142]
George H. W. Bush administration (1989–1993)
Following China's violent suppression of political protests in June 1989, the US and other governments enacted a number of measures against China's violation of human rights. The US suspended high-level official exchanges with the PRC and weapons exports from the US to the PRC. The US also imposed a number of economic sanctions. In the summer of 1990, at the G7 Houston summit, the West called for renewed political and economic reforms in mainland China, particularly in the field of human rights.[143]
Tiananmen event disrupted the US-China trade relationship, and US investors' interest in mainland China dropped dramatically. Tourist traffic fell off sharply.[144] The Bush administration denounced the repression and suspended certain trade and investment programs on June 5 and 20, 1989, however Congress was responsible for imposing many of these actions, and the White House itself took a far less critical attitude of Beijing, repeatedly expressing hope that the two countries could maintain normalized relations.[145] Some sanctions were legislated while others were executive actions. Examples include:
- The US Trade and Development Agency (TDA): new activities in mainland China were suspended from June 1989 until January 2001, when President Bill Clinton lifted this suspension.
- Overseas Private Insurance Corporation (OPIC): new activities have been suspended since June 1989.
- Development Bank Lending/International Monetary Fund (IMF) Credits: the United States does not support development bank lending and will not support IMF credits to the PRC except for projects that address basic human needs.
- Munitions List Exports: subject to certain exceptions, no licenses may be issued for the export of any defense article on the US Munitions List. This restriction may be waived upon a presidential national interest determination.
- Arms Imports – import of defense articles from the PRC was banned after the imposition of the ban on arms exports to the PRC. The import ban was subsequently waived by the Administration and reimposed on May 26, 1994. It covers all items on the BATFE's Munitions Import List. During this critical period, J. Stapleton Roy, a career US Foreign Service Officer, served as ambassador to Beijing.[146]
After Tiananmen Square, Sino-US relations deteriorated sharply, falling to their worst since the 1960s, with Beijing accusing the US of "a decades-long conspiracy to subvert Chinese socialism". The 2-1/2 years from 1989 to 1992 also witnessed a revival of hard-line Maoist ideologies and increased paranoia by the PRC as communist regimes collapsed in Eastern Europe. Nonetheless, China continued to seek foreign business and investment.
US-China military ties and arms sales were abruptly terminated in 1989 and as of 2020 have never been restored. Chinese public opinion became more hostile to the United States after 1989, as typified by the 1996 manifesto China Can Say No. The angry authors called for Beijing to take more aggressive actions against the United States and Japan in order to build a stronger international position. The Chinese government at first endorsed the manifesto, then repudiated it as irresponsible.[147]
Clinton administration (1993–2001)
Running for president in 1992, Bill Clinton sharply criticized his predecessor George H. W. Bush for prioritizing profitable trade relationships over human rights issues in China. As president, 1993–2001, however, Clinton backed away from his position. He did articulate a desired set of goals for China. They included free emigration, no exportation of goods made with prison labor, release of peaceful protesters, treatment of prisoners in terms of international standards, recognition of the distinct regional culture of Tibet, permitting international television and radio coverage, and observation of human rights specified by United Nations resolutions. China refused to comply, and by summer 1994 Clinton admitted defeat and called for a renewal of normalized trade relations. However congressional pressure, especially from the Republican Party, force Clinton to approve arms sales to Taiwan, despite the strong displeasure voiced by Beijing.[148]
In 1993, the U.S. Navy stopped a Chinese container ship, the Yinhe, en route to Kuwait on international waters, held it in place for several weeks, alleging it was carrying precursors of chemical weapons for Iran, and eventually forced an inspection of the ship in Saudi Arabia. However, no precursors of chemical weapons were found. This incident was viewed in China as international bullying by the United States.[149]
.jpg)
In 1996, the People's Liberation Army conducted military exercises in the Taiwan Strait in an apparent effort to intimidate the Republic of China electorate before the pending presidential elections, triggering the Third Taiwan Strait Crisis. The United States dispatched two aircraft carrier battle groups to the region. Subsequently, tensions in the Taiwan Strait diminished and relations between the US and the PRC improved, with increased high-level exchanges and progress on numerous bilateral issues, including human rights, nuclear proliferation, and trade. China's leader Jiang Zemin visited the United States in the fall of 1997, the first state visit to the US by a paramount leader since 1979. In connection with that visit, the two sides came to a consensus on implementation of their 1985 agreement on Peaceful Nuclear Cooperation, as well as a number of other issues.[150] President Clinton visited the PRC in June 1998. He traveled extensively in mainland China, and had direct interaction with the Chinese people, including live speeches and a radio show which allowed the President to convey a sense of American ideals and values. President Clinton was criticized by some, however, for failing to pay adequate attention to human rights abuses in mainland China.[151]
Relations were damaged for a time by the United States bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in May 1999, which was stated by the White House to be miscoordination between intelligence and the military, although which some Chinese believed to be deliberate. In any case, Beijing for several days was rocked by massive anti-US demonstrations. By the end of 1999, relations began to gradually improve. In October 1999, the two countries reached an agreement on compensation for families of those who were victims, as well as payments for damages to respective diplomatic properties in Belgrade and China. US-China relations in 1999 were also damaged by accusations that a Chinese-American scientist at the Los Alamos National Laboratory had given US nuclear secrets to Beijing.
In April 2001, a PLAAF J-8 fighter jet collided with a USAF EP-3 reconnaissance aircraft flying south of the PRC in what became known as the Hainan Island incident. The EP-3 was able to make an emergency landing on PRC's Hainan Island despite extensive damage; the PRC aircraft crashed with the loss of its pilot, Wang Wei. The crew were detained by the PLA after destroying all classified documents pertaining to the aircraft's operation. It was widely believed that the EP-3 recon aircraft was conducting a spying mission on the PLA before the collision, which however took place over international waters. Following extensive negotiations resulting in the "letter of the two sorries," the crew of the EP-3 was released from imprisonment and allowed to leave the PRC eleven days later. The US aircraft was returned by Beijing three months later in pieces, after which the relationship between the US and the PRC gradually improved once more.
George W. Bush administration (2001–2009)
US-China relations improved following the September 11 terrorist attacks. Two PRC citizens died in the attacks on the World Trade Center.[152] Chinese companies and individuals sent expressions of condolences to their American counterparts. The PRC, itself troubled by Muslim separatists in Xinjiang, offered strong public support for the War on Terror in APEC China 2001. The PRC voted in favor of UNSCR 1373, publicly supported the coalition campaign in Afghanistan,[153] and contributed $150 million of bilateral assistance to Afghan reconstruction following the defeat of the Taliban. Shortly after the September 11 terrorist attacks, the US and PRC also commenced a counterterrorism dialogue. The third round of that dialogue was held in Beijing in February 2003.
In the United States, the threat of terrorist attacks by al-Qaeda greatly changed the nature of discourse. It was no longer plausible to argue, as the Blue Team had earlier asserted, that the PRC was the primary security threat to the United States, and the need to focus on the Middle East and the War on Terror made the avoidance of potential distractions in East Asia a priority for the United States.
There were initial fears among the PRC leadership that the war on terrorism would lead to an anti-PRC effort by the US, especially as the US began establishing bases in Central Asian countries like Uzbekistan and Tajikistan and renewed efforts against Iraq. Because of setbacks in America's Iraq campaign, these fears have largely subsided. The application of American power in Iraq and continuing efforts by the United States to cooperate with the PRC has significantly reduced the popular anti-Americanism that had developed in the mid-1990s.
The PRC and the US have also worked closely on regional issues, including those pertaining to North Korea and its nuclear weapons program. The People's Republic of China has stressed its opposition to North Korea's decision to withdraw from the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, its concerns over North Korea's nuclear capabilities, and its desire for a non-nuclear Korean Peninsula. It also voted to refer North Korea's noncompliance with its International Atomic Energy Agency obligations to the UN Security Council.
Taiwan remains a volatile issue, but one that remains under control. The United States policy toward Taiwan has involved emphasizing the Four Noes and One Without. On occasion the United States has rebuked Republic of China President Chen Shui-bian for provocative pro-independence rhetoric. However, in 2005, the PRC passed the Anti-Secession Law which stated that the PRC would be prepared to resort to "non-peaceful means" if Taiwan declared formal independence. Many critics of the PRC, such as the Blue Team, argue that the PRC was trying to take advantage of the US war in Iraq to assert its claims on Republic of China's territory. In 2008, Taiwan voters elected Ma Ying-jeou. Ma, representing the Kuomintang, campaigned on a platform that included rapprochement with mainland China. His election has significant implications for the future of cross-strait relations.[154]
China's paramount leader Hu Jintao visited the United States in April 2006.[155] Clark Randt, U.S. Ambassador to China from 2001 to 2008 examined "The State of U.S.-China Relations in a 2008 lecture at the USC U.S.-China Institute.[156]
A public opinion poll of the entire population of China conducted by Pew in spring 2008 shows:
- Views toward Japan are especially negative – 69% have an unfavorable opinion of Japan, and a significant number of Chinese (38%) consider Japan an enemy. Opinions of the United States also tend to be negative, and 34% describe the U.S. as an enemy, while just 13% say it is a partner of China. Views about India are mixed at best – 25% say India is a partner, while a similar number (24%) describe it as an enemy.[157]
Obama administration (2009–2017)
The 2008 US presidential election centered on issues of war and economic recession, but candidates Barack Obama and John McCain also spoke extensively regarding US policy toward China.[159] Both favored cooperation with China on major issues, but they differed with regard to trade policy. Obama expressed concern that the value of China's currency was being deliberately set low to benefit China's exporters. McCain argued that free trade was crucial and was having a transformative effect in China. Still, McCain noted that while China might have shared interests with the US, it did not share American values.[160]
Barack Obama's presidency fostered hopes for increased co-operation and heightened levels of friendship between the two nations. On November 8, 2008, Hu Jintao and Barack Obama shared a phone conversation in which the Chinese President congratulated Obama on his election victory. During the conversation both parties agreed that the development of US-China relations is not only in the interest of both nations, but also in the interests of the world.[161][162][163]
Other organizations within China also held positive reactions to the election of Barack Obama, particularly with his commitment to revising American climate change policy. Greenpeace published an article detailing how Obama's victory would spell positive change for investment in the green jobs sector as part of a response to the financial crisis gripping the world at the time of Obama's inauguration.[164] A number of organizations, including the US Departments of Energy and Commerce, non-governmental organizations such as the Council on Foreign Relations and the Brookings Institution, and universities, have been working with Chinese counterparts to discuss ways to address climate change. Both US and Chinese governments have addressed the economic downturn with massive stimulus initiatives. The Chinese have expressed concern that "Buy American" components of the US plan discriminate against foreign producers, including those in China.[165]
As the two most influential and powerful countries in the world, there have been increasingly strong suggestions within American political circles of creating a G-2 (Chimerica) relationship for the United States and China to work out solutions to global problems together.[166]
The Strategic Economic Dialogue initiated by then-US President Bush and Chinese President Hu and led by US Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson and Chinese Vice Premier Wu Yi in 2006 was broadened by the Obama administration. Now called the U.S.–China Strategic and Economic Dialogue, it is led by US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and US Secretary of the Treasury Timothy Geithner for the United States and Vice Premier Wang Qishan and Chinese State Councilor Dai Bingguo for China. The focus of the first set of meetings in July 2009 was in response to the economic crisis, finding ways to cooperate to stem global warming and addressing issues such as the proliferation of nuclear weapons and humanitarian crises.[167]
US President Barack Obama visited China on November 15–18, 2009 to discuss economic worries, concerns over nuclear weapon proliferation, and the need for action against climate change.[168] The USC US-China Institute produced a digest of press comments on this visit and on earlier presidential trips.[169]
In January 2010, the US proposed a $6.4 billion arms sale to the Republic of China. In response, the PRC threatened to impose sanctions on US companies supplying arms to Taiwan and suspend cooperation on certain regional and international issues.[170]
.jpg)
On February 19, 2010, President Obama met with the Dalai Lama, accused by China of "fomenting unrest in Tibet." After the meeting, China summoned the US ambassador to China, Jon Huntsman,[171] but Time has described the Chinese reaction as "muted," speculating that it could be because "the meeting came during the Chinese New Year... when most officials are on leave." Some activists criticized Obama for the relatively low profile of the visit.[172]
In 2012, the PRC criticized Obama's new defense strategy, which was widely viewed as aiming to isolate China in the East Asian region.[173] Obama is looking to increase US military influence in the area with a rotating presence of forces in friendly countries.[174]
In March 2012, China suddenly began cutting back its purchases of oil from Iran, which along with some signs on sensitive security issues like Syria and North Korea, showed some coordination with the Obama administration.[175]
In March 2013, the US and China agreed to impose stricter sanctions on North Korea for conducting nuclear tests, which sets the stage for UN Security Council vote. Such accord might signal a new level of cooperation between the US and China.[176]
In an effort to build a "new model" of relations, President Obama met Paramount leader Xi Jinping for two days of meetings, between 6 June and 8 June 2013, at the Sunnylands estate in Rancho Mirage, California.[177] The summit was considered "the most important meeting between an American president and a Chinese Communist leader in 40 years, since President Nixon and Chairman Mao," according to Joseph Nye, a political scientist at Harvard University.[178] The leaders concretely agreed to combat climate change and also found strong mutual interest in curtailing North Korea's nuclear program.[178] However, the leaders remained sharply divided over cyber espionage and U.S. arms sales to Taiwan. Xi was dismissive of American complaints about cyber security.[179] Tom Donilon, the outgoing U.S. National Security Adviser, stated that cyber security "is now at the center of the relationship," adding that if China's leaders were unaware of this fact, they know now.[179]
Relations between the military leadership of the two nations improved in 2013. General Qi said that over the long term the shared interests of the two would outweigh their differences.
Obama has supported the One-China policy.[180] In 2014, President Obama stated that "We recognize Tibet as part of the People's Republic of China. We are not in favor of independence."[181]
In May 2015, U.S. Secretary of Defense Ashton Carter warned China to halt its rapid island-building in the South China Sea.[182]
President Obama hosted Paramount leader Xi Jinping of the People's Republic of China for a bilateral meeting on the margins of the Nuclear Security Summit on March 31, 2016.[183]
Trump administration (2017–)
.jpg)
President-elect Donald Trump's telephone conversation with the president of Taiwan Tsai Ing-wen on 2 December 2016 was the first such contact with Taiwan by an American president-elect or president since 1979. It provoked Beijing to lodge a diplomatic protest ("stern representations").[184][185] Trump went on to clarify his move by telling Fox News, "I fully understand the 'one China' policy, but I don't know why we have to be bound by a 'one China' policy unless we make a deal with China having to do with other things, including trade."[185]
On Trump's inauguration day, an official from the People's Liberation Army wrote on the official website that the US's military build-up in Asia, and its push to arm South Korea with the THAAD missile-defense system were provocative "hot spots getting closer to ignition" and that the chances of war had become "more real".[186][187]
On 23 January, speaking about China's claims to sovereignty over the Spratly Islands in the South China Sea, White House spokesman Sean Spicer said, "It's a question of if those islands are in fact in international waters and not part of China proper, then yeah, we're going to make sure that we defend international territories from being taken over by one country."[188]
.jpg)
On 4 January, on a visit to Japan, U.S. Defense Secretary James Mattis reaffirmed Washington's commitment under the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States and Japan to defending Japan, including the Senkaku Islands (the East China Sea) that are claimed by China.[189]
On 9 February, Trump spoke with China's leader Xi Jinping over the phone discussing a wide range of issues; Trump was said to have re-iterated the United States' commitment to the status quo 'one-China' policy.[190]
Paramount leader Xi Jinping reiterated before President Trump, in a telephone conversation held between the two men on 3 July 2017, that "China-US relations have made great progress in recent days, but they have also been affected by some negative factors."[191] By "negative factors," Geng Shuang, a Chinese government spokesmen, explained in a televised briefing: "Under the pretext of navigational freedom, the American side once again sent military vessels into the Chinese territorial waters of Xisha (Paracel) Islands. It has violated Chinese and international law, infringed upon Chinese sovereignty, and disrupted order, peace and security of the relevant waters and put in jeopardy facilities and personnel on the relevant Chinese islands. It is a serious political and military provocation. The Chinese side is strongly dissatisfied with and firmly opposed to the relevant actions by the US."[191]
On 8 November 2017, President Trump visited Beijing as part of the Asian tour. The main theme of the meeting emphasized the issues regarding the de-nucleariziation on the Korean peninsula in addition to the stabilization of China–United States relations. President Trump reiterated the importance of trade development between the two countries and reaffirmed the American support for the One-China policy. However, according to the latest U.S. National Security Act from 18 December 2017, the ships of U.S. Navy can call at the ports of Taiwan. This fact breaks "One-China" law, consider the Chinese government. Chinese Ambassador to the US Lee Kexin said that "the day when any US warship will enter the port of Taiwan Kaohsiung, the CPLA forces will unite China".[192]
.jpg)
On 13 March 2018, the out-going US Secretary of State, Rex Tillerson, said: "Much work remains to establish a clear view of the nature of our future relationship with China, how shall we deal with one-another over the next fifty years, and ensure a period of prosperity for all of our peoples, free of conflict between two very powerful nations."[193]
China enforced punitive tariffs on 128 categories of American goods on April 1, 2018 in retaliation for the Trump Administration’s national-security levies on steel and aluminum imports the previous month. The Chinese Government's response is measured, affecting $3 billion in annual trade or about 2% of U.S. goods exports to China. By late September 2018, the Trump Administration had placed tariffs (25% tax increase) on $250 billion worth of Chinese goods, in an attempt to offset the trade imbalance between the two countries.
In what put additional strain on US-China relations, Huawei's Chief financial officer Meng Wanzhou, daughter of Huawei's founder Ren Zhengfei, was arrested in Canada on December 1, 2018 at the behest of U.S. authorities.[194] U.S. Senator Ben Sasse accused China of undermining U.S. national security interests, often "using private sector entities" to by-pass US sanctions against the sale of telecom equipment to Iran.[195]
According to political analyst, Andrew Leung, "China is perceived as the antagonist and rival of the United-States," and that China's rise is seen as a "threat to the world order underpinned by American dominance or American values."[196] He claimed, moreover, that the arrest of the CFO of Huawei on 1 Dec. 2018 corresponded with the suspicious death on that same day of a leading Chinese-national quantum physicist and venture capitalist at Stanford University, Professor Shou-Cheng Zhang, who was on a H-1B visa, giving rise to conspiracy theories. In August 2018, the U.S. government signed an update to legislation for the Committee on Foreign Investment in the U.S., broadening governmental scrutiny to vetting VC-backed, and especially Chinese state-funded, investments in U.S. tech startups.[197]
.jpg)
On July 11, 2019, in an interview with The Atlantic, the U.S. Deputy Secretary for the Middle East Michael Mulroy explained that the Department of Defense was concerned about China's desire to erode U.S. military advantages, as well as China's push for access and basing, use of economics to intimidate through the One Belt One Road initiative (which is a worldwide campaign of infrastructure investment) and technology and intellectual property theft, acquisition and penetration.[198] This was followed by U.S. Army General Mark Milley's testimony during his Senate confirmation hearing to be the next Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff where he said that China was the United States' primary challenge and they were outspending the U.S. in research, development and procurement.[199]
By September 2019, due to ongoing trade disputes between the United-States and China, China dropped from first-place to third, behind Mexico and Canada, as America's foremost trading partner.[200]
.jpg)
Both sides signed the US–China Phase One trade deal on 15 January.[201] Unlike other trade agreements, the agreement did not rely on arbitration through an intergovernmental organization like the World Trade Organization, but rather through a bilateral mechanism.[202][203]
Rapid deterioration
Michael D. Swaine argued in 2019 that:
- The U.S.-China relationship is confronting its most daunting challenge in the forty years since the two countries established diplomatic ties. Current trends portend steadily worsening relations over the long term, with increasingly adverse consequences for all actors involved. Specifically, Beijing and Washington are transitioning from a sometimes contentious yet mutually beneficial relationship to an increasingly antagonistic, mutually destructive set of interactions. The often positive and optimistic forces, interests, and beliefs that sustained bilateral ties for decades are giving way to undue pessimism, hostility, and a zero-sum mindset in almost every area of engagement.[204]
According to two experts on US-China relations, Professor Rosemary Foot at Oxford University and Senior Lecturer Amy King at Australian National University, the consensus of experts is that:
- The relationship began to deteriorate in the second decade of the 21st century, and that the Trump administration has accelerated the deterioration. Explanations...have ranged over a large number of factors, all of which have played some role. Some relate to changes in official personnel in both the United States and China, others to the shifts and relative power between the two countries after the global financial crisis of 2007–2008, and yet others to China's greater determination to reform global governance institutions and to play more of a global leadership role.[205]
Foot and King emphasize China's aggressive efforts in developing cutting-edge technologies with significant military and commercial implications, while the United States sees the need to defend itself aggressively against technological theft.[206]
According to Hong Kong economics professor Lawrence J. Lau, a major cause of the deterioration is the growing battle between China and the U.S. for global economic and technological dominance. More generally, he argues, "It is also a reflection of the rise of populism, isolationism, nationalism and protectionism almost everywhere in the world, including in the US."[207]
In 2019, a report of U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission suggested that everyone should stop calling the Chinese leader Xi Jinping by his title of "President," under Xi's one-party leadership and instead use the term General Secretary of the Communist Party of China.[208]
On 18 February 2020, the US government announced five Chinese media firms[note 2] would be designated "foreign missions," requiring them to be legally registered with the US government as a foreign government entity.[209] On the following day, China took action against three American journalists with the Wall Street Journal by revoking their press credentials over a coronavirus opinion column which their paper had run.[210] According to China, the column was racist and libelous; the CEO of the company that published the WSJ defended the article, as did the State department.[210] A March 2020 article by Reuters said that Washington slashed the number of journalists allowed to work at U.S. offices of major Chinese media outlets to 100 from 160 due to Beijing’s “long-standing intimidation and harassment of journalists.” In response, China expelled about a dozen American correspondents with the New York Times, News Corp’s Wall Street Journal and the Washington Post, which prompted criticism from the State Department.[211][212] On 8 May, the US moved Chinese citizens at non-American news outlets from open-ended work visas to extendable 90-day work visas[213] and in June the State Department designated a further four Chinese media outlets as foreign embassies.[212]
Americans, especially older Republican voters, took an increasingly negative view of China and of Chinese Communist Party general secretary Xi Jinping during the COVID-19 pandemic, expressing economic, human-rights, and environmental concerns.[214][215]
By May 2020 relations had deteriorated as both sides were accusing the other of guilt for the worldwide coronavirus epidemic. Washington has mobilized a campaign of investigations, prosecutions and export restrictions. Beijing, meanwhile, has stepped up military activities in the contested South China Sea, and launched denunciations of American Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, and publicly speculating that the American military deliberately unleashed the virus in China. In the growing aspersion, on 15 May 2020, the US blocked shipments of semi-conductors to Huawei, while China, for its part, has threatened to place Apple, Boeing, and other US firms on "unreliable entities" lists,[216][217] and has blamed the US government of using state power under the excuse of national security, and of abusing export control measures to continuously oppress and contain specific enterprises of other countries.[218] Orville Schell, the director of the Center on US-China Relations at the Asia Society, summed up the situation as follows: "The consequences of the breakdown in US-China relations is going to be very grave for the world and for the global economy because the ability of the US and China to work together was the keystone of the whole arch of globalization and global trade. With that pulled out, there's going to be a tremendous amount of disturbance."[219]
American polls show the public has increasingly negative views of China.[30]
On June 17, 2020, President Trump signed the Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act,[220] which authorizes the imposition of U.S. sanctions against Chinese government officials responsible for detention camps holding more than 1 million members of the country's Uyghur Muslim minority.[221] On July 9, 2020, the Trump administration imposed sanctions and visa restrictions against senior Chinese officials, including Chen Quanguo, a member of China's powerful Politburo.[222]
A research paper by the Begin–Sadat Center for Strategic Studies said that Chinese state-controlled media enthusiastically covered the protests and rioting attending the killing of George Floyd, comparing the American protests to the protests in Hong Kong and used the rioting and violence in the US as evidence that the democratic system was hypocritical and morally bankrupt.[223] A report by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute said that racial tensions in the United States was a key area of focus for "a campaign of cross-platform inauthentic activity, conducted by Chinese-speaking actors and broadly in alignment with the political goal of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) to denigrate the standing of the US."[224]
In July 2020, FBI Director Christopher Wray called China the "greatest long-term threat" to the United States. He said that "the FBI is now opening a new China-related counterintelligence case every 10 hours. Of the nearly 5,000 active counterintelligence cases currently under way across the country, almost half are related to China."[225]
In July 2020, the Trump administration ordered the closure of the Chinese consulate in Houston.
On 20 July 2020, the United States sanctioned 11 Chinese companies, restricting any trade deal with America for what the US government said was their involvement in human rights violations in Xinjiang, China, accusing them specifically of using Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities in forced labor.[226]
On July 23, 2020, United States Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced the end of what he called "blind engagement" with the Chinese government. He also criticized Chinese Communist Party general secretary Xi Jinping[1] as "a true believer in a bankrupt totalitarian ideology."[227]
In August 2020, Washington imposed sanctions on 11 Hong Kong and Chinese officials over what it said was their role in curtailing political freedoms in Hong Kong through the imposition[228] of the Hong Kong national security law; China retaliated[228] by sanctioning 6 Republican lawmakers and 5 individuals at non-profit and rights groups.[229][230]
Economic relations
In 1991, China only accounted for 1% of total imports to the United States.[231] For many years, China was the most important country which required an annual waiver to maintain free trade status. The waiver for the PRC had been in effect since 1980. Every year between 1989 and 1999, legislation was introduced in Congress to disapprove the President's waiver. The legislation had sought to tie free trade with China to meeting certain human rights conditions that go beyond freedom of emigration. All such attempted legislation failed to pass. The requirement of an annual waiver was inconsistent with the rules of the World Trade Organization, and for the PRC to join the WTO, Congressional action was needed to grant permanent normal trade relations (PNTR) to China. This was accomplished in 2000 (United States–China Relations Act of 2000), allowing China to join WTO in 2001.[232][233][234] China's most favoured nation (MFN) status was made permanent on December 27, 2001.[235]
Since the entry of China into the WTO in December 2001, the decline in U.S. manufacturing jobs has accelerated (the China shock).[236][237] The Economic Policy Institute estimated that the trade deficit with China cost about 2.7 million jobs between 2001 and 2011, including manufacturing and other industries.[238]
The PRC and the US resumed trade relations in 1972 and 1973. Direct investment by the US in mainland China covers a wide range of manufacturing sectors, several large hotel projects, restaurant chains, and petrochemicals. US companies have entered agreements establishing more than 20,000 equity joint ventures, contractual joint ventures, and wholly foreign-owned enterprises in mainland China. More than 100 US-based multinationals have projects in mainland China, some with multiple investments. Cumulative US investment in mainland China is valued at $48 billion. The US trade deficit with mainland China exceeded $350 billion in 2006 and was the United States' largest bilateral trade deficit.[239] Some of the factors that influence the U.S. trade deficit with mainland China include:
- US Import Valuation Overcounts China: there has been a shift of low-end assembly industries to mainland China from newly industrialized countries in Asia. Mainland China has increasingly become the last link in a long chain of value-added production. Because US trade data attributes the full value of a product to the final assembler, mainland Chinese value added is overcounted.
- US demand for labor-intensive goods exceeds domestic output: the PRC has restrictive trade practices in mainland China, which include a wide array of barriers to foreign goods and services, often aimed at protecting state-owned enterprises. These practices include high tariffs, lack of transparency, requiring firms to obtain special permission to import goods, inconsistent application of laws and regulations, and leveraging technology from foreign firms in return for market access. Mainland China's accession to the World Trade Organization is meant to help address these barriers.
- The undervaluation of the Renminbi relative to the United States dollar.[240]
Beginning in 2009, the US and China agreed to hold regular high-level talks about economic issues and other mutual concerns by establishing the Strategic Economic Dialogue, which meets biannually. Five meetings have been held, the most recent in December 2008. Economic nationalism seems to be rising in both countries, a point the leaders of the two delegations noted in their opening presentations.[241][242][243] The United States and China have also established the high-level US-China Senior Dialogue to discuss international political issues and work out resolutions.
In September 2009 a trade dispute emerged between the United States and China, which came after the US imposed tariffs of 35 percent on Chinese tire imports. The Chinese commerce minister accused the United States of a "grave act of trade protectionism,"[244] while a USTR spokesperson said the tariff "was taken precisely in accordance with the law and our international trade agreements."[244] Additional issues were raised by both sides in subsequent months.[245][246]
When a country joins the World Trade Organization they commit to keep their Tariffs beneath the bound rate, which is generally around 39 percent. China's reaction is due to the fact that nations usually keep their Tariffs at an average of 9 percent, but when the U.S raised their Tariff on Chinese imported tires to 35 percent, it was still below the average bound rate.[247]
Pascal Lamy cautioned: "The statistical bias created by attributing commercial value to the last country of origin perverts the true economic dimension of the bilateral trade imbalances. This affects the political debate, and leads to misguided perceptions. Take the bilateral deficit between China and the US. A series of estimates based on true domestic content can cut the overall deficit – which was $252bn in November 2010 – by half, if not more."[248]
.jpg)
%2C_Credit_Suisse.png)
In early 2012, a dispute over rare earth minerals was brought into the light between the two countries. President Obama made an announcement that the United States would be one of a few countries to file a dispute with China. Amongst the United States, Japan and other Western European countries would also be filing disputes as well. This is simply just one of few disputes between the United States and China. It is believed by many experts, including Chris Isidore, a writer for CNN Money, that "any one of the disputes could damage the economies of both countries as well as the relationship between them."[249] The dispute was filed, and China was charged with putting unfair restrictions on the exportation of rare earth minerals. These minerals were crucial and in high demand by all countries. President Obama believed the United States should have those minerals in the United States whereas China disagreed. China denied all of the said charges brought forth "saying its rules are defensible on grounds of environmental and economic sustainability, and suggests there would be consequences if the United States presses the case." It is important to understand the relationship between the United States and China, especially economically. There is not one without the other. China's state news agency commented that "past experiences have shown that policymakers in Washington should treat such issues with more prudence, because maintaining sound China-U.S. trade relations is in the fundamental interests of both sides"[249]
China was the biggest trading partner of the United States until 2019, when it dropped to the third place because of the ongoing trade war.[250]
Currency dispute
From 2003 to 2014, China was a major currency manipulator. Economist C. Fred Bergsten, writing for the Peterson Institute for International Economics, wrote that "During this 'decade of manipulation,' China bought more than $300 billion annually to resist upward movement of its currency by artificially keeping the exchange rate of the dollar strong and the renminbi's exchange rate weak. China's competitive position was thus strengthened by as much as 30 to 40 percent at the peak of the intervention. Currency manipulation explained most of China's large trade surpluses, which reached a staggering 10 percent of its entire GDP in 2007."[251] During this period, China's currency manipulation was a point of conflict with the United States. Domestic leaders within the United States pressured the Obama administration to take a hard-line stance against China and compel them to raise the value of their currency, and legislation was introduced to the United States Congress calling on the President to impose tariffs on Chinese imports until China properly values its currency.[244][252]
Since 2014, the situation changed dramatically, as China stopped artificially deflating its currency,[251][253] as the growth in the Chinese economy slowed and Chinese investors made more investments outside the country, leading to a drop in the yuan's value in relation to the dollar, as well as a decline in China's reserves.[253]
In August 2019, US Treasury designated China as a currency manipulator.[254] However, it removed the designation on 13 January 2020, as part of efforts to reach a trade deal on the ongoing trade war.[255]
Chinese perspective on the US economy
China is a major creditor and the second largest foreign holder of US public debt[256] and has been critical of US deficits and fiscal policy,[257] advising for policies that maintain the purchasing value of the dollar[258][259] although it had little few options other than to continue to buy United States Treasury bonds.[257] China condemned the US monetary policy of quantitative easing,[257][260][261] responding to S&P's downgrade of U.S. credit rating, and advised the United States not to continue with the accumulation of debt, concluding with the statement that America cannot continue to borrow to solve financial problems.[262][263][264]
Important issues
Military spending and planning
The PRC's military budget is often mentioned as a threat by many, including the Blue Team. The PRC's investment in its military is growing rapidly. The United States, along with independent analysts, remains convinced that the PRC conceals its real extent of its military spending.[265][266] According to its government, China spent $45 billion on defense in 2007.[267] In contrast, the United States had a $623-billion budget for the military in 2008, $123 billion more than the combined military budgets of all other countries in the world.[268] Some very broad US estimates maintain that the PRC military spends between $85 billion and $125 billion. According to official figures, the PRC spent $123 million on defense per day in 2007. In comparison, the US spent $1.7 billion ($1,660 million) per day that year.[269]
Concerns over the Chinese military budget may come from US worries that the PRC is attempting to threaten its neighbors or to challenge the United States. Concerns have been raised that China is developing a large naval base near the South China Sea and has diverted resources from the People's Liberation Army Ground Force to the People's Liberation Army Navy and to air force and missile development.[270][267][271]
Andrew Scobell wrote that under President Hu, objective civilian control and oversight of the PLA appears to be weakly applied.[272]
On October 27, 2009, US Defense Secretary Robert Gates praised the steps China has taken to increase transparency of defense spending.[273] In June 2010, however, he said that the Chinese military was resisting efforts to improve military-to-military relations with the United States.[274] Gates also said that the United States would "assert freedom of navigation" in response to Chinese complaints about US Navy deployments in international waters near China.[275] Admiral Michael Mullen said that the United States sought closer military ties to China but would continue to operate in the western Pacific.[276]
A recent report stated that five of the six US Air Force bases in the area are potentially vulnerable to Chinese missiles, and it called for increased defenses.[277]
Meanwhile, the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists wrote in a 2010 report that the Chinese continue to invest in modernization of their nuclear forces because they perceive that their deterrent force is vulnerable to American capabilities and that further improvement in American missile defenses will drive further Chinese spending in that area.[278]
Chinese Defense Minister Liang Guanglie said that China is 20 years behind the United States in military technology.[279]
The International Institute for Strategic Studies, in a 2011 report, argued that if spending trends continue, China will achieve military equality with the United States in 15–20 years.[280]
A 2012 article in the Wall Street Journal said that China was developing capacity for attacking satellites and for cyberwarfare.[281]
In 2012, it was reported that the United States would invite a team of senior Chinese logisticians to discuss the possibility of the first logistics co-operation agreement between the two countries.[282]
Professor James R. Holmes, a specialist on China at the US Naval War College, has said that China's investments towards a potential future conflict are closer to those of the United States than may first appear because the Chinese understate their spending, the internal price structures of the two countries are different, and the Chinese need to concentrate only on projecting military force a short distance from their own shores. The balance may shift to the advantage of the Chinese very quickly if they continue double-digit annual growth, and the US and their allies cut back.[283]
In line with power transition theory, the idea that "wars tend to break out... when the upward trajectory of a rising power comes close to intersecting the downward trajectory of a declining power," some have argued that conflict between China, an emerging power, and the United States, the current superpower, is all but inevitable.[284]
Human rights
In 2003, the United States declared that despite some positive momentum that year and greater signs that the People's Republic of China was willing to engage with the US and others on human rights, there was still serious backsliding. China has acknowledged in principle the importance of protection of human rights and claimed to have taken steps to bring its own human rights practices into conformity with international norms. Among those steps are the signing of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in October 1997, which was ratified in March 2001, and the signing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights in October 1998, which has not yet been ratified. In 2002, China released a significant number of political and religious prisoners and agreed to interact with UN experts on torture, arbitrary detention, and religion. However, international human rights groups assert that there has been virtually no movement on those promises, with more people having been arrested for similar offences since then. Those groups maintain that China still has a long way to go in instituting the kind of fundamental systemic change that will protect the rights and liberties of all its citizens in Mainland China. The US State Department publishes an annual report on human rights around the world, which includes an evaluation of China's human rights record.[285][286]
In a decision that was criticized by human rights groups, the US State Department did not list China as one of the world's worst human rights violators in its 2007 report of human rights practices in countries and regions outside the United States.[287] However, the assistant secretary of the State Department's Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Jonathan D. Farrar stated that China's overall human rights record in 2007 remained poor.[287]
Since 1998, China has annually published a White Paper detailing the human rights abuses by the United States[288][289][290] and since 2005 has also published a White Paper on its own political system and democratic progress.[291][292]
On February 27, 2014,[293] the United States released its China report on human rights practices for 2013, which, according to its executive summary, described the PRC as an authoritarian state and a place in which repression and coercion were routine.[294] On February 28, 2014, China published a report on human rights in the United States that cited surveillance on its own citizens, mistreatment of inmates, gun violence, and homelessness, despite having a vibrant economy, as important issues.[293]
US criticism of China on human rights, especially on the issue of the Xinjiang re-education camps, significantly expanded at the end of 2018 and in 2019.[295] In March 2019, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo indirectly compared China to the Nazi Germany by saying that the roundup of Muslim minorities to into camps had not been seen "since the 1930s."[296][297] In May 2019, the United States government accused China of putting Uyghurs in "concentration camps."[298] The US government has also considered sanctioning Chinese officials involved in the camps, including Chen Quanguo, the Communist Party Secretary of Xinjiang and a member of the 19th Politburo of the Communist Party of China although no Chinese Politburo member has ever been sanctioned by the US government.[299][300] In July 2019, Vice President Mike Pence accused China of persecuting Christians, Muslims and Buddhists.[301]
On October 4, 2019, the Houston Rockets' general manager, Daryl Morey, issued a tweet that supported the 2019–20 Hong Kong protests.[302] Morey's tweet resulted in the Chinese Basketball Association's suspension of its relationship with the Houston Rockets and the issuance of a statement of dissatisfaction from the consulate office of China in Houston.[303] On October 6, both Morey and the NBA issued separate statements addressing the original tweet. Morey said that he never intended his tweet to cause any offense, and the NBA said the tweet was "Regrettable."[304][305] The statements were criticized by US politicians and third-party observers for the perceived exercise of economic statecraft by the PRC and insufficiency of the NBA's defense of Morey's tweet.[306] Critics also contrasted the league's disparate response to Morey's tweet with its history of political activism[307] and compared the incident to an October 2 South Park episode "Band in China" which parodies the self-censorship of the American entertainment industry to meet PRC censorship demands.[308] The statements also drew criticism from PRC state-run media for their perceived insufficiency, as Morey did not apologize.[309][310]
In June 2020, the White House on 31st anniversary of the Tiananmen Square crackdown, asked Beijing to respect human rights, carry out its due commitments on Hong Kong, as well as flog persecution of ethnic and religious minorities.[311] On July 9, 2020, the United States announced sanctions against Chinese politicians, who as per its record were responsible for human rights violations against Muslim minorities in Xinjiang.[312]
On 20 July 2020, US government sanctioned 11 new Chinese companies from purchasing American technology and products over human rights violations in China targeting Uyghurs in the Xinjiang region.[313]
Many American companies, including Delta Air Lines, Coach New York, Marriott International, Calvin Klein and Tiffany & Co. have apologized to China after "offending" the country and China's ruling Communist Party.[314]
Influence in Asia
China's economic rise has led to some geo-political friction between the US and China in East Asia.[315] For example, in response to China's response to the bombardment of Yeonpyeong by North Korea, "Washington is moving to redefine its relationship with South Korea and Japan, potentially creating an anti-China bloc in Northeast Asia that officials say they don't want but may need."[316] The Chinese government fears a conspiracy by the US to encircle it.[317]
China and the US have recently led competing efforts to gain influence in Asian trade and development. In 2015, China led the creation of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank with the goal of financing projects that would spur the development of the lower-tier Asian economies, thus facilitating improved economic ties across the region. It has been suggested that the United States considered the AIIB to be a challenge to the US-backed Asian Development Bank and the World Bank and saw the Chinese effort as an attempt to set the global economic agenda on terms that would be formulated by the Chinese government.[318] The Obama administration led an effort to enact the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement, a multilateral trade pact between a number of Pacific Rim countries, which excluded China. According to the US Trade Representative, the agreement was designed to “promote economic growth; support the creation and retention of jobs; enhance innovation, productivity and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in the signatories' countries; and promote transparency, good governance, and enhanced labor and environmental protections."[319] The deal was placed on hold after the US withdrew from the agreement on 23 January 2017.[320] The efforts are among the attempts by both the US and China to increase their influence over the Asia-Pacific by strengthening their economic ties within the region.
According to an article published in Jura Gentium, Journal of Philosophy of International Law and Global Politics, there is a "new Sphere of Influence 2"[321] that is shaped mainly by China and the US. Even on social media, if Western, Japanese, and South Korean events and daily life are linked through Facebook, Chinese and American habits and customs are disconnected by the lack of sharing on social media. That strategy to avoid American influences from social networks is preserved by the Chinese government.
In response to increased American drone strikes against militants in Pakistan's border areas during the Obama administration, the PRC offered additional fighter jets to Pakistan.[322]
Countries in Southeast Asia have responded to Chinese claims for sea areas by seeking closer relations with the United States.[323] American Defense Secretary Leon Panetta said that in spite of budget pressures, the United States would expand its influence in the region to counter China's military buildup.[324]
On 7 June 2013, Denny Roy, a senior fellow at the East–West Center in Honolulu, argued in The Diplomat that the United States and China must stop striving for trust but instead emphasize verification:[325] "The argument that trust leads to peace is built on the premise that the suspicions between China and the U.S. are unfounded and would evaporate with more and deeper dialogue. Unfortunately, however, at least some of these suspicions are all too warranted."[325] Whether international law should govern regional affairs in Asia, whether China should be allowed to make expansive sovereignty claims, and what the future strategic roles of South Korea and Japan should be are issues that Roy considers to be irreconcilable between China and the US[325] and so strategic trust is not attainable. "The two countries should strive to manage their inevitable bilateral strategic tensions by reaching agreements where both see a benefit and where compliance is measurable... for these inherent rivals and potential adversaries, the emphasis belongs on 'verify,' not 'trust.'"[325]
In the context of US-China relations, a potential application of MAR would be the US pledging not to move its forces into North Korea in the event of a regime collapse, which could be followed by a commitment from China not to move its troops to the Demilitarized Zone in that event.
Cyberwarfare and election meddling
The US Department of Justice investigation into fundraising activities uncovered evidence that Chinese agents sought to direct contributions from foreign sources to the Democratic National Committee (DNC) before the 1996 presidential campaign. The Chinese embassy in Washington, DC, was used to co-ordinate contributions to the DNC.[326][327]
In 2014, Chinese hackers hacked the computer system of the US Office of Personnel Management,[328] resulting in the theft of approximately 22 million personnel records that were handled by the office.[329] Former FBI Director James Comey stated, "It is a very big deal from a national security perspective and from a counterintelligence perspective. It's a treasure trove of information about everybody who has worked for, tried to work for, or works for the United States government."[329]
In October 2018, the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee held a hearing on the threat to the US posed by China. Before the hearing, Bloomberg released an article that stated that China is embedding technology in microchips that are sent to America that collect data on American consumers. However, both FBI Director Christopher Wray and Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen declined to confirm that statement. Nielsen said that China has become a major threat to the US and also confirmed, in an answer to a question from a senator, that China is trying to influence US elections.[330]
In 2019, two Chinese nationals were indicted for the Anthem medical data breach.[331] About 80 million company records were hacked, stoking fears that the stolen data could be used for identity theft.[332] In February 2020, the United States government indicted members of China's PLA for hacking into Equifax and plundering sensitive data as part of a massive heist that also included stealing trade secrets.[333][334] Private records of more than 145 million Americans were compromised in the 2017 Equifax data breach.[335]
The Voice of America reported in April 2020 that "Internet security researchers say there have already been signs that China-allied hackers have engaged in so-called "spear-phishing" attacks on American political targets" ahead of the 2020 United States elections.[336][337]
As of 7 July 2020, the U.S. government was 'looking at' banning Chinese video streaming application, TikTok due to national security concerns. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said the Trump administration had been aware of the potential threat and has “worked on this issue for a long time”.[338]
COVID-19
In relation to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on politics, the United States government has referred to the coronavirus as the "Chinese virus" or the "Wuhan virus", terms which have been criticized for being racist[339][340] and "distract[ing] from his administration's failure to contain the disease".[341] In return, some Chinese officials, including Zhao Lijian, rejected an earlier acknowledgement of the coronavirus outbreak starting in Wuhan, in favor of conspiracy theories that the virus originated in the U.S. or Italy.[342][343]The Daily Beast obtained a U.S. government cable outlining a communications strategy with apparent origins in the National Security Council, quoted as "Everything is about China. We're being told to try and get this messaging out in any way possible".[344] Multiple U.S. intelligence agencies have reportedly been pressured by the Trump administration to find intelligence supporting conspiracy theories regarding the origins of the virus in China.[345]
The U.S. intelligence community says China intentionally under-reported its number of coronavirus cases, with no presented evidence.[346] Some outlets such as Politico and Foreign Policy have said China's efforts to send aid to virus-stricken countries is part of a propaganda push for global influence.[347][348] EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell warned there is "a geo-political component including a struggle for influence through spinning and the 'politics of generosity'".[349] Borrell also said "China is aggressively pushing the message that, unlike the U.S., it is a responsible and reliable partner."[350] China has also called for the U.S. to lift its sanctions from Syria,[351] Venezuela[352] and Iran,[353] while reportedly sending aid to the latter two countries.[354][355] Jack Ma's donation of 100,000 masks to Cuba was blocked by U.S. sanctions on 3 April.[356] Trade in medical supplies between the United States and China has also become politically complicated. Exports of face masks and other medical equipment to China from the United States (and many other countries) spiked in February, according to statistics from Trade Data Monitor, prompting criticism from the Washington Post that the United States government failed to anticipate the domestic needs for that equipment.[357] Similarly, The Wall Street Journal, citing Trade Data Monitor to show that China is the leading source of many key medical supplies, raised concerns that US tariffs on imports from China threaten imports of medical supplies into the United States.[358]
See also
- Geostrategic
- Blue Team (U.S. politics)
- Chimerica
- China containment policy
- Chinese espionage in the United States
- China Lobby
- Chinese Century
- China-United States trade war
- Quadrilateral Security Dialogue
- String of Pearls (Indian Ocean)
- General
- Air route authority between the United States and China
- Chinese Americans
- Group of Two
- Strategic Economic Dialogue
- Taiwan–United States relations
- U.S.–China Strategic and Economic Dialogue
- History
- East Asia–United States relations
- 1996 United States campaign finance controversy
- Chinatowns in the United States
- Cox Report
- Hainan Island incident
- Hu Na incident
- 'Nixon in China
- Permanent normal trade relations
- Ping-pong diplomacy
- Red Chinese Battle Plan
- United States-China Economic and Security Review Commission
- U.S. immigration policy toward the People's Republic of China
Notes
- The official Army history notes that 23 July 1941 FDR "approved a Joint Board paper which recommended that the United States equip, man, and maintain the 500-plane Chinese Air Force proposed by Currie. The paper suggested this force embark on a vigorous program to be climaxed by the bombing of Japan in November 1941.Lauchlin Currie was the White House official dealing with China.[85]
- Xinhua News Agency, China Global Television Network, parent company of China Daily newspaper, and the parent company of The People's Daily
References
- Churchill, Owen (2020-07-25). "US officials now call Xi Jinping 'general secretary' instead of China's 'president' – but why?". South China Morning Post. Retrieved 2020-07-25.
- Woon, C.Y., 2018. China’s Contingencies: Critical Geopolitics, Chinese Exceptionalism and the Uses of History. Geopolitics, 23(1), pp.67-95.
- "Clinton seeks stronger Asia ties". BBC News. February 16, 2009. Retrieved April 7, 2010.
- "USC US-China Institute: Ambassador Clark Randt on "The Crucial Relationship"". China.usc.edu. Archived from the original on March 31, 2009. Retrieved December 2, 2010.
- "World Economic Outlook". International Monetary Fund. International Monetary Fund. Retrieved October 12, 2014.
- "Japan surpasses China as the biggest creditor to the US government". South China Morning Post. 2019-08-16. Retrieved 2019-08-18.
- Fisher, Max (2016-07-14). "The South China Sea: Explaining the Dispute". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2017-03-11.
- "Americans Fault China for Its Role in the Spread of COVID-19". Pew Research Center. July 30, 2020.
- "A Guide to the United States' History of Recognition, Diplomatic, and Consular Relations, by Country, since 1776: China". history.state.gov. U.S. Department of State. Retrieved May 2, 2015.
- "Global Indicators Database".
- "China-US trade war: Sino-American ties being torn down brick by brick". www.aljazeera.com. Retrieved 2019-08-18.
- "For the U.S. and China, it's not a trade war anymore — it's something worse". Los Angeles Times. 2019-05-31. Retrieved 2019-08-18.
- Long, Qiao (May 21, 2020). "U.S. Signals Change in China Strategy to 'Defensive' And 'Competitive' Approach". Radio Free Asia. Retrieved May 21, 2020.
- "A New National Security Strategy for a New Era". The White House. 2017-12-18. Retrieved 2020-05-22.
- Demers, John (February 11, 2020). "Report on the China Initiative, 2018-2019". USC U.S.-China Institute. Retrieved August 10, 2020.
- Lewis, Margaret (May 13, 2020). "Criminalizing China". Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology. December 2020 – via SSRN.
- Kastrenakes, Jacob (2018-08-13). "Trump signs bill banning government use of Huawei and ZTE tech". The Verge. Archived from the original on 29 May 2019. Retrieved 2019-05-29.
- Swanson, Ana; Mozur, Paul (2019-10-07). "U.S. Blacklists 28 Chinese Entities Over Abuses in Xinjiang". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2020-05-25.
- Davis and Wei (July 17, 2020). "Superpower Showdown: Inside the Trade War". USC U.S.-China Institute. Retrieved August 10, 2020.
- Perlez, Jane (2019-04-14). "F.B.I. Bars Some China Scholars From Visiting U.S. Over Spying Fears". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2019-07-14.
- Yoon-Hendricks, Alexandra (2018-07-25). "Visa Restrictions for Chinese Students Alarm Academia". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2019-07-14.
- Meredith, Sam (2019-08-06). "China responds to US after Treasury designates Beijing a 'currency manipulator'". CNBC. Retrieved 2019-08-06.
- "Subscribe to read". Financial Times. Retrieved 2019-08-06.
- "NDR 2019: Singapore will be 'principled' in approach to China-US trade dispute; ready to help workers". CNA. Retrieved 2019-08-18.
- "Subscribe to read". Financial Times. Retrieved 2019-08-18.
- "Why a Cold War With China Would Be So Costly". www.worldpoliticsreview.com. Retrieved 2019-08-18.
- "Is China-US cold war inevitable? Chinese analysts say it can't be ruled out". South China Morning Post. 2019-08-14. Retrieved 2019-08-18.
- Maru, Mehari Taddele. "A new cold war in Africa". www.aljazeera.com. Retrieved 2019-08-18.
- Michael D Swaine, "A Relationship Under Extreme Duress: U.S.-China Relations at a Crossroads" Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (Jan. 16, 2019)
- Kate O’Keeffe, Michael C. Bender and Chun Han Wong, "Coronavirus Casts Deep Chill Over U.S.-China Relations: Pandemic has brought relations between the two to a modern-day nadir as they try to outmaneuver one another to shape the world order" Wall Street Journal May 6, 2020
- Wong, Chun Han; Natasha, Khan (2020-05-28). "China Votes to Override Hong Kong's Autonomy on National Security: Resolution paves way for new legal and enforcement steps in Hong Kong to help China quash anti-Beijing protests, and sets up conflict with U.S." The Wall Street Journal. ISSN 0099-9660. Retrieved 2020-05-29.
- "United States | History, Map, Flag, & Population". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 2019-10-16.
- "American FactFinder - Results". U.S. Census Bureau. Archived from the original on 11 April 2019. Retrieved 16 September 2018.
- "Comparison Results of World Military Strengths". GlobalFirepower. Retrieved 20 January 2020.
- Kristensen, Hans; Norris, Robert (November 2018). "Status of World Nuclear Forces". Federation of American Scientists.
- Harold Isaacs, Scratches on Our Minds: American Images of China and India (1955) p 71.
- Jonathan Spence ""Western Perceptions of China from the Late Sixteenth Century to the Present"" in Paul S. Ropp, ed. (1990). Heritage of China: Contemporary Perspectives on Chinese Civilization. University of California Press. p. 10. ISBN 9780520064416.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
- John Pomfret, The Beautiful Country and the Middle Kingdom: America and China, 1776 to the Present (2016) pp 15-16.
- Jean McClure Mudge (1981). Chinese Export Porcelain for the American Trade, 1785-1835. p. 106. ISBN 9780874131666.
- Rhys Richards, "United States trade with China, 1784-1814," The American Neptune, (1994), Special Supplement to Vol 54. ISSN 0003-0155
- Ghosh, Partha Sarathi (1976). "Sino-American Economic Relations 1784-1929 : A Survey". China Report. 12 (4): 16–27. doi:10.1177/000944557601200403.
- Richard J. Morris, "Redefining the economic elite in Salem, Massachusetts, 1759-1799: A tale of evolution, not revolution." New England Quarterly 73.4 (2000): 603-624. online
- John R. Haddad, America's First Adventure in China: Trade, Treaties, Opium, and Salvation (2013) pp. 136–159. online.
- Kendall A. Johnson, The New Middle Kingdom: China and the Early American Romance of Free Trade (2017).
- Frederick W. Drake, "Bridgman in China in the early 19th-century," American Neptune 46.1 (1986): 34-42.
- John Pomfret, The beautiful country and the Middle Kingdom: America and China, 1776 to the present (2016) p. 3
- Carol C. Chin, "Beneficent imperialists: American women missionaries in China at the turn of the twentieth century." Diplomatic History 27.3 (2003): 327-352 online.
- Pomfret, The beautiful country and the Middle Kingdom (2016) p. 3
- Gael Graham, "Exercising control: Sports and physical education in American Protestant mission schools in China, 1880-1930." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 20.1 (1994): 23-48.
- G. Thompson Brown, "Through fire and sword: Presbyterians and the Boxer year in north China." Journal of Presbyterian History 78.3 (2000): 193-206.
- Koon, Yeewan (2012). "The Face of Diplomacy in 19th-Century China: Qiying's Portrait Gifts". In Johnson, Kendall (ed.). Narratives of Free Trade: The Commercial Cultures of Early US-China Relations. Hong Kong University Press. pp. 131–148.
- Richard E. Welch, "Caleb Cushing's Chinese Mission and the Treaty of Wanghia: A Review." Oregon Historical Quarterly 58.4 (1957): 328-357. Online
- Ping Chia Kuo, "Caleb Cushing and the treaty of Wanghia, 1844." Journal of Modern History 5.1 (1933): 34-54. Online
- Eldon Griffin, Clippers and Consuls: American consular and commercial relations with eastern Asia, 1845-1860 (1938).
- Kendall A. Johnson, The New Middle Kingdom: China and the Early American Romance of Free Trade, (2017).
- Leonard H. D. Gordon (2009). Confrontation Over Taiwan: Nineteenth-Century China and the Powers. Lexington Books. p. 32. ISBN 978-0-7391-1869-6.
- Shiyuan Hao (15 December 2015). How the Communist Party of China Manages the Issue of Nationality: An Evolving Topic. Springer. p. 165. ISBN 978-3-662-48462-3.
- Cultural Identity and the Making of Modern Taiwanese Painting During the Japanese Colonial Period (1895--1945). 2008. p. 34. ISBN 978-0-549-98647-8.
- Harris Inwood Martin (1949). The Japanese Demand for Formosa in the Treaty of Shimonoseki, 1895. Stanford Univ. p. 23.
- Ronald Stone Anderson (1946). Formosa Under the Japanese: A Record of Fifty Years' Occupation ... Stanford University. p. 63.
- Andrew Jonah Grad (1942). Formosa Today: An Analysis of the Economic Development and Strategic Importance of Japan's Tropical Colony. AMS Press. p. 16. ISBN 978-0-404-59526-5.
- John Fisher; Antony Best (2011). On the Fringes of Diplomacy: Influences on British Foreign Policy, 1800-1945. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. p. 185. ISBN 978-1-4094-0120-9.
- Japan Weekly Mail. Jappan Meru Shinbunsha. 1874. p. 263.
- The Nation. J.H. Richards. 1889. pp. 256–.
- "The View from Taiwan". michaelturton.blogspot.com. Retrieved 2019-10-25.
- "The View from Taiwan: The Rover Incident of 1867". The View from Taiwan. 2010-12-19. Retrieved 2019-10-25.
- William R. Braisted, "The United States and the American China Development Company," Far Eastern Quarterly 11 (1952): 147–65.
- Paul A. Varg, "The Myth of the China Market, 1890–1914," American Historical Review (1968) 73#3 pp. 742–58 in JSTOR
- Robert A. Bickers, Robert A. Bickers, The Scramble for China: Foreign Devils in the Qing Empire, 1800–1914 (London: Allen Lane, 2011)
- Michael H. Hunt, "The American Remission of the Boxer Indemnity: A Reappraisal," Journal of Asian Studies 31 (Spring 1972): 539–59.
- Madeline Y. Hsu, "Chinese and American Collaborations through Educational Exchange during the Era of Exclusion, 1872–1955," Pacific Historical Review (2014) 83#2 pp. 314–32 in JSTOR
- Varg (1980) p 102.
- "Text of the first Open Door note, to Germany". China.usc.edu. 1964-10-16. Retrieved 2010-12-02.
- Yoneyuki Sugita, "The Rise of an American Principle in China: A Reinterpretation of the First Open Door Notes toward China" in Richard J. Jensen, Jon Thares Davidann, and Yoneyuki Sugita, eds. Trans-Pacific relations: America, Europe, and Asia in the twentieth century (Greenwood, 2003). ISBN 978-0-275-97714-6. pp. 3–20
- Youli Sun and You-Li Sun, China and the Origins of the Pacific War, 1931–1941 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1993.)
- Pearl S. Buck (1938), The Chinese Novel: Lecture Delivered before the Swedish Academy at Stockholm, December 12, 1938, by Pearl S. Buck.
- Madeline Y. Hsu, "Chinese and American Collaborations through Educational Exchange during the Era of Exclusion, 1872–1955." Pacific Historical Review 83.2 (2014): 314–332.
- Hamilton Darby Perry, The Panay Incident: Prelude to Pearl Harbor (1969).
- Quincy Wright and Carl J. Nelson. "American attitudes toward Japan and China, 1937–38." Public Opinion Quarterly 3#1 (1939): 46–62. in JSTOR
- John McVickar Haight, "Franklin D. Roosevelt and a Naval Quarantine of Japan." Pacific Historical Review 40.2 (1971): 203-226 online.
- Tai-Chun Kuo, "A Strong Diplomat in a Weak Polity: TV Soong and wartime US–China relations, 1940–1943." Journal of Contemporary China 18.59 (2009): 219-231.
- Daniel Ford, Flying Tigers: Claire Chennault and His American Volunteers, 1941–1942 (2007).
- Herbert Feis, Road to Pearl Harbor: The Coming of the War between the United States and Japan (1950) online
- Michael Schaller, "American Air Strategy in China, 1939–1941: The Origins of Clandestine Air Warfare." American Quarterly 28.1 (1976): 3–19 online.
- Romanus, Charles F. and Riley Sunderland. "China-Burma-India Theater: Stillwell's Mission to China." U.S. Army in World War II, 1953, p. 23.
- Schaller, "American Air Strategy in China, 1939–1941."
- Alan Armstrong, Preemptive Strike: The Secret Plan That Would Have Prevented the Attack on Pearl Harbor (2006) is a popular version.
- Laura Tyson Li, Madame Chiang Kai-Shek : China's Eternal First Lady (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2006).
- Michael Schaller, The US Crusade in China, 1938–1945 (1979).
- Herbert Feis, The China Tangle: The American Effort in China from Pearl Harbor to the Marshall Mission (1953)
- Daniel Kurtz-Phelan, The China Mission: George Marshall's Unfinished War, 1945-1947 (2018) except
- Forrest C. Pogue, George C. Marshall. vol 4. Statesman: 1945–1959 (1987) pp. 51–143.
- George Marshall testimony to the House Foreign Affairs Committee, 20 February 1948, in Sharon Ritenour Stevens and Mark A. Stoler, eds. (2012). The Papers of George Catlett Marshall: "The Whole World Hangs in the Balance," January 8, 1947 – September 30, 1949. Johns Hopkins University Press. p. 379. ISBN 978-1-4214-0792-0.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
- Edward L. Dreyer. China at War 1901–1949 (1995) pp 312–61.
- Bert Cochran, Harry Truman and the crisis presidency (1973) pp. 291–310.
- William W. Stueck, The road to confrontation: American policy toward China and Korea, 1947–1950 (U of North Carolina Press, 1981) online.
- For the historiography see Gregg Brazinsky, "The Birth of a Rivalry: Sino‐American Relations during the Truman Administration" in Daniel S. Margolies, ed., A Companion to Harry S. Truman (2012): 484–97.
- "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2013-04-03. Retrieved 2013-05-30.CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
- Sheng v. Rogers, District of Columbia Circuit Court, 1959-10-06, retrieved 2010-02-27
- Dennis Van Vranken Hickey, "America's Two-point Policy and the Future of Taiwan." Asian Survey (1988): 881–96. in JSTOR
- Peter R. Moody (1977). Opposition and dissent in contemporary China. Hoover Press. p. 302. ISBN 978-0-8179-6771-0.
- Nançy Bernkopf Tucker (1983). Patterns in the dust: Chinese-American relations and the recognition controversy, 1949–1950. Columbia University Press. p. 181. ISBN 978-0-231-05362-4.
- Jay Taylor (2000). The Generalissimo's son: Chiang Ching-kuo and the revolutions in China and Taiwan. Harvard University Press. p. 195. ISBN 978-0-674-00287-6.
- Charles Ford Redick, "The Jurisprudence of the Foreign Claims Settlement Commission: Chinese Claims." The American Journal of International Law, vol. 67, no. 4 (Oct. 1973) p. 728
- "Harry S Truman, "Statement on Formosa," January 5, 1950". University of Southern California. Retrieved 2017-05-07.
- Malkasian, Carter (2001). The Korean War: Essential Histories. Osprey Publishing. p. 16.
- Cohen, Eliot A; Gooch, John (2005). Military Misfortunes: The Anatomy of Failure in War. Free Press. pp. 165–95. ISBN 978-0-7432-8082-2.
- Xiaorong Han, "Spoiled guests or dedicated patriots? The Chinese in North Vietnam, 1954–1978." International Journal of Asian Studies 6.1 (2009): 1-36.
- Chen Jian, "China's Involvement in the Vietnam War, 1964–69." China Quarterly 142 (1995): 356-387 online
- Kwan Ha Yim, China & the US, 1964-72 (1975) pp 57-82.
- Frank E. Rogers,"Sino-American Relations and the Vietnam War, 1964–66." China Quarterly 66 (1976): 293-314 online.
- Nicholas Anthony Autiello, “Taming the Wild Dragon: John F. Kennedy and the Republic of China, 1961–63.” Cold War History DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2018.1550077. online review
- Noam Kochavi, "Kennedy, China, and the Tragedy of No Chance." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 7.1/2 (1998): 107-116 online.
- Sean M. Turner, "“A Rather Climactic Period”: The Sino–Soviet Dispute and Perceptions of the China Threat in the Kennedy Administration." Diplomacy & Statecraft 22.2 (2011): 261-280.
- Victor S. Kaufman, "A Response to Chaos: The United States, the Great Leap Forward, and the Cultural Revolution, 1961—1968." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 7.1/2 (1998): 73-92 online.
- Steven M. Goldstein, "Dialogue of the Deaf?: The Sino-American Ambassadorial-Level Talks, 1955–1970." in Robert S. Ross; Changbin Jiang (2001). Re-examining the Cold War: U.S.-China Diplomacy, 1954–1973. Harvard Univ Asia Center. pp. 200–37. ISBN 9780674005266.
- Pamela G. Hollie "Thaw in China-U.S. Ties May Unfreeze ’49 Assets." New York Times. 1/10/1979. p. D1
- Dunbabin, J.P.D. (1996). International relations since 1945 ([Nachdr.]. ed.). London [u.a.]: Longman. p. 255. ISBN 978-0-582-49365-0.
- "The Week that Chenged the World". Richard Nixon Foundation. 2017-01-18.
- Goh, Evelyn, Constructing the US Rapprochement with China, 1961–1974: From 'Red Menace' to 'Tacit Ally' , Cambridge University Press, 2005
- Leffler, edited by Melvyn P.; Westad, Odd Arne (2010). The Cambridge history of the Cold War (1. publ. ed.). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. p. 373. ISBN 978-0-521-83720-0.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
- Dube, Clayton. "Getting to Beijing: Kissinger's Secret 1971 Trip". USC US-China Institute. Retrieved 24 July 2011.
- Dube, Clayton. "Sports diplomacy and back channel negotiations". Talking Points, July 22 – August 3, 2011. USC US-China Institute. Retrieved 24 July 2011.
- "2011 American Business in China White Paper by American Chamber of Commerce in China / KissLibrary: Affordable Ebooks". kisslibrary.com. Retrieved 2018-12-06.
- Magaret MacMillan, Nixon and Mao: The Week That Changed The World (2008)
- Nixon, Richard. "Announcement of the President's Trip to China". US-China documents collection. USC US-China Institute. Retrieved 24 July 2011.
- See "Getting to know you: The US and China shake the world" and "The Week that Changed the World" for recordings, documents, and interviews.
- Dunbabin, J.P.D. (1996). International relations since 1945 ([Nachdr.]. ed.). London [u.a.]: Longman. p. 258. ISBN 978-0-582-49365-0.
- Jeffrey A. Engel, ed. (2011). The China Diary of George H. W. Bush: The Making of a Global President. Princeton UP. p. 356. ISBN 978-1400829613.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
- Jon Meacham (2015). Destiny and Power: The American Odyssey of George Herbert Walker Bush. p. 219. ISBN 9780812998207.
- Vance, Cyrus (1983). Hard Choices. Simon and Schuster. pp. 78–79.
- Jim Mann, About face: A history of America's curious relationship with China, from Nixon to Clinton (1999).
- "US-China Institute :: news & features :: china in u.s. campaign politics: part 6 of election '08 and the challenge of china". China.usc.edu. 1964-10-16. Retrieved 2010-12-02.
- Frederick Starr, S. (2004). Xinjiang: China's Muslim Borderland. M.E. Sharpe. pp. 157–158. ISBN 978-0-7656-3192-3.
- Michel Oksenberg, "Reconsiderations: A Decade of Sino-American Relations." Foreign Affairs 61.1 (1982): 190.
- Robert Suettinger, Beyond Tiananmen: The Politics of US-China Relations, 1989–2000 (Brookings Institution Press, 2004).
- Steven M. Goldstein, and Randall Schriver, "An Uncertain Relationship: The United States, Taiwan and the Taiwan Relations Act." China Quarterly 165 (2001): 147–72. online Archived 2015-11-20 at the Wayback Machine
- ss text
- Dialogue: Interview with China's Ambassador to the US, CGTV, 4 April 2018 (minutes: 16:22–20:13).
- "US Navy warship challenges Chinese claims in the South China Sea".
- "In Beijing rebuke, Taiwan signals closer defense ties with US and Japan".
- "U.S. officials urge caution as Solomons considers cutting Taiwan link". September 12, 2019 – via www.reuters.com.
- Robert Suettinger, Beyond Tiananmen: The Politics of US-China Relations, 1989–2000 (Brookings Institution Press, 2004.)
- Wesley S. Roehl, "Travel agent attitudes toward China after Tiananmen Square." Journal of Travel Research 29.2 (1990): 16–22.
- David Skidmore and William Gates. "After Tiananmen: The struggle over US policy toward China in the Bush administration." Presidential Studies Quarterly (1997): 514–39. in JSTOR
- "The Future of U.S. – China Relations".
- Yuwu Song, ed., Encyclopedia of Chinese-American Relations (2009) pp 56–57.
- Yuwu Song, ed., Encyclopedia of Chinese-American Relations (McFarland, 2009) p 63.
- After Hainan: Next Steps for US–China Relations: Hearing Before the Subcommittee on East Asia and the Pacific of the Committee on International Relations, House of Representatives, One Hundred Seventh Congress, First Session, April 25, 2001 (PDF). Washington: United States Government Publishing Office. p. 45. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2008-08-13.
- Lucian W. Pye, "The United States and Asia in 1997: nothing dramatic, just incremental progress." Asian Survey 38.1 (1998): 99-106 online.
- Eckholm
- Chi Wang (2008). George W. Bush and China: Policies, Problems, and Partnerships. Lexington Books. ISBN 9780739131640.
- "U.S. State Department – China (03/03)". state.gov. Retrieved 2011-06-06.
- "US-China Institute :: news & features :: usci symposium explores the taiwan vote". China.usc.edu. Retrieved 2010-12-02.
- "Text of Pres. Bush's welcome". China.usc.edu. Retrieved 2010-12-02.
- "Click here for a streaming video version of the lecture". China.usc.edu. Retrieved 2010-12-02.
- The 2008 Pew Global Attitudes Survey in China (July 22, 2008) p 5. online
- "Details and video from the meeting". China.usc.edu. Retrieved 2010-12-02.
- Video and documents: Obama and China ; McCain and China .
- The Economist 8 June 2013
- "President Hu Jintao and US President-elect Barack Obama Discuss over Telephone – Hunan Government". Enghunan.gov.cn. 2008-11-09. Archived from the original on 2011-07-21. Retrieved 2010-12-02.
- "No call from Obama seen as slight to India". Asiaone.com. 2008-11-11. Retrieved 2010-12-02.
- "Asia News Network – Xchange Tool". Archived from the original on 2011-06-15.CS1 maint: unfit url (link)
- "Barack Obama – can he fix the economy by fixing the environment? | Greenpeace East Asia". Greenpeace.org. 2008-11-19. Retrieved 2010-12-02.
- "US-China Institute :: news & features :: making american policy toward china – scholars and policy makers on economics, security, and climate change". China.usc.edu. Retrieved 2010-12-02.
- Boston Study Group on Middle East Peace. "Foreign Policy Association: Resource Library: Viewpoints: Moving the G-2 Forward". Fpa.org. Retrieved 2010-12-02.
- "Economic Crisis, Looming Environmental Threats, and Growing Nuclear Weapons Worries -- All in a Day's Work at the Strategic and Economic Dialogue 中美战略与经济对话". China.usc.edu. Retrieved 2010-12-02.
- The aims and challenges of the trip were summarized by the USC US-China Institute: , .
- "Instant Analysis: Reporting on US Presidents in China". China.usc.edu. Retrieved 2010-12-02.
- "China hits back at US over Taiwan weapons sale". BBC News. 2010-01-30. Retrieved 2010-12-02.
- Macartney, Jane (2010-02-19). "China summons US Ambassador over Dalai Lama's meeting with Obama". The Times. London. Retrieved 2010-07-12.
- Ramzy, Austin (2010-02-19). "In China, Muted Reaction to Dalai Lama's Visit". Time magazine. Retrieved 2010-07-12.
- Lee, Mj. "China fires at new U.S. defense plan." Politico, 9 January 2012.
- Whitlock, Craig. "Philippines may allow greater U.S. military presence in reaction to China's rise." Washington Post, January 25, 2012.
- Mark Landler and Steven Lee Myers (26 April 2012). "U.S. Sees Positive Signs From China on Security Issues". The New York Times. Retrieved 9 November 2012.
- "China-U.S. Accord Sets UN Vote on North Korea Sanctions". Bloomberg.
- Calmes, Jackie and Steven Lee Myers (8 June 2013). "U.S. and China Move Closer on North Korea, but Not on Cyberespionage". The New York Times. Retrieved 11 June 2013.
- Sanger, David E. (9 June 2013). "Obama and Xi Try to Avoid a Cold War Mentality". The New York Times.
- McGregor, Richard (10 June 2013). "Obama-Xi summit presented as a walk in the park". Financial Times. Retrieved 11 June 2013.
- "White House: no change to 'one China' policy after Trump call with Taiwan". Reuters. 2 December 2016.
- "Remarks by President Obama and President Xi Jinping in Joint Press Conference". 23 November 2014.
- "Defense secretary's warning to China: U.S. military won’t change operations". The Washington Post. 27 May 2015.
- "Statement by the Press Secretary on Bilateral Meeting with President Xi Jinping of the People's Republic of China". 24 March 2016.
- "China lodges protest after Trump call with Taiwan president". Reuters. 4 December 2016.
- "Trump says U.S. not necessarily bound by 'one China' policy". Reuters. 12 December 2016.
- "Chinese military official warns that war with US under Trump is becoming a 'practical reality'".
- "China 'steps up preparedness for possible military conflict with US'". 2017-01-26.
- "China says will protect South China Sea sovereignty". Reuters. 24 January 2017.
- Lendon, Brad. "Mattis: US will defend Japanese islands claimed by China". CNN.
- "Trump climbdown on 'One China' threats". 10 February 2017 – via www.bbc.com.
- Bodeen, Christopher (3 July 2017). "China's Xi warns Trump of 'negative factors' hurting US ties". Associated Press. Retrieved 5 July 2017.
- Степушова, Любовь (December 12, 2017). "Перед чертой: США вынуждают Китай биться за Тайвань". Правда.Ру.
- Tillerson speaks out after being fired, CNN (13 March 2018), s.v. 6:20
- Business, Julia Horowitz, CNN. "Huawei CFO Meng Wanzhou arrested in Canada". CNN. Retrieved 2019-10-25.
- "Huawei finance chief Meng Wanzhou arrested in Canada". BBC News. 6 November 2018.
- Al Jazeera Inside Story, 8 December 2018, Why is China's biggest technology company being targeted?, Minutes 12:55; 14:10-ff.
- Ren, Shuli (9 December 2018). "Beyond Huawei, Scientist's Death Hurts China's Technology Quest". Bloomberg News. Retrieved 8 January 2019.
- Gilsinan, Kathy (2019-07-11). "The U.S. Is Worried About China's Investments—This Time in Israel". The Atlantic. Retrieved 2019-10-25.
- Jessie Yeung. "China will be US military's 'primary challenge' for decades, says Trump pick for top general". CNN. Retrieved 2019-10-25.
- China Global Television Network, CGTN: "New China-U.S. tit-for-tat tariffs go into effect" on YouTube, World Insight: China-US Trade Tensions. / Sept 2019, minutes 2:36.
- Donnan, Shawn; Wingrove, Josh; Mohsin, Saleha (15 January 2020). "U.S. and China Sign Phase One of Trade Deal". Bloomberg.
- Davis, Bob (January 16, 2020). "U.S.-China Deal Could Upend the Way Nations Settle Disputes". The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved January 21, 2020.
- Lawder, David (January 15, 2020). "In U.S.-China Phase 1 trade deal, enforcement may end in 'We quit'". Reuters. Retrieved January 21, 2020.
- Michael D Swaine, "A Relationship Under Extreme Duress: U.S.-China Relations at a Crossroads" Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (Jan. 16, 2019)
- Foot, Rosemary; King, Amy (1 June 2019). "Assessing the deterioration in China–U.S. relations: U.S. governmental perspectives on the economic-security nexus". China International Strategy Review. 1 (1): 39–50. doi:10.1007/s42533-019-00005-y. ISSN 2524-5635.
- Foot and King, "Assessing the deterioration in China–US relations: US governmental perspectives on the economic-security nexus." (2019)
- Lawrence J. Lau, "The China–US Trade War and Future Economic Relations." China and the World (Lau Chor Tak Institute of Global Economics and Finance, 2019): 1–32. quote p. 3 online
- Kate O’Keeffe and Katy Stech Ferek (14 November 2019). "Stop Calling China's Xi Jinping 'President,' U.S. Panel Says". The Wall Street Journal.
- Naranjo, Jesse (18 February 2020). "U.S. to treat 5 Chinese media firms as 'foreign missions'". Politico. Retrieved 20 February 2020.
- Hjelmgaard, Kim (19 February 2020). "China expels Wall Street Journal reporters over 'racist' headline on coronavirus op-ed". USA Today. Retrieved 20 February 2020.
- "China to restrict US journalists from three major newspapers". BBC. 18 March 2020.
- "U.S. designates four major Chinese media outlets as foreign missions". Reuters. June 22, 2020.
- Wang, Vivian; Wong, Edward (9 May 2020). "U.S. Hits Back at China With New Visa Restrictions on Journalists". The New York Times. Retrieved 10 May 2020.
- "Americans take an ever more negative view of China". The Economist. April 2020. Retrieved 23 April 2020.
- "Amid Coronavirus Outbreak, Americans' Views of China Increasingly Negative". Pew Research Center's Global Attitudes Project. 21 April 2020. Retrieved 23 April 2020.
- Vallejo, Justin (15 May 2020). "US cuts off semiconductor shipments to Huawei, China vows to retaliate". The Independent. Retrieved 17 May 2020.
- Evans, Zachary (15 May 2020). "China Threatens to Place Apple, Boeing, and Other U.S. Firms on 'Unreliable Entities' List". National Review. Retrieved 17 May 2020.
- "China warns US of 'all necessary measures' over Huawei rules". Associated Press. 17 May 2020. Retrieved 17 May 2020.
- Lamarque, Kevin; Haltiwanger, John (13 May 2020). "The US and China are on the brink of a new Cold War that could devastate the global economy". Reuters via Business Insider. Retrieved 14 May 2020.
- "Trump signed a law to punish China for its oppression of the Uighur Muslims. Uighurs say much more needs to be done". Business Insider. June 30, 2020.
- "U.S. Congress urges Trump administration to get tougher on China's Xinjiang crackdown". Reuters. July 2, 2020.
- "US sanctions Chinese officials over Xinjiang 'violations'". www.bbc.com. July 9, 2020.
- Yellinek, Roie (2020-07-14). "The Chinese Media's Take on US Unrest". Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies. Retrieved 2020-07-21.
- "Covid-19 Disinformation & Social Media Manipulation". ASPI. ASPI. Retrieved 4 August 2020.
- "FBI director: China is 'greatest threat' to US". BBC News. July 8, 2020.
- "US sanctions 11 Chinese companies over human rights abuses in Xinjiang". CNN International. Retrieved 21 July 2020.
- Re, Gregg (2020-07-23). "Pompeo announces end of 'blind engagement' with communist China: 'Distrust but verify'". Fox News. Retrieved 2020-07-23.
- "China imposes sanctions on US officials in retaliation for Hong Kong measures". FT. August 10, 2020.
- "U.S. imposes sanctions on Hong Kong's Lam, other officials over crackdown". Reuters. August 7, 2020.
- "China imposes sanctions on Republican U.S. lawmakers over Hong Kong". Reuters. Reuters. August 10, 2020.
- Feenstra, Robert; Ma, Hong; Sasahara, Akira; Xu, Yuan (2018-01-18). "Reconsidering the 'China shock' in trade". VoxEU.org.
- "Waking the Sleeping Dragon". Slate. September 28, 2016.
- "Was Letting China Into the WTO a Mistake?". Foreign Affairs. April 2, 2018.
- "Normalizing Trade Relations With China Was a Mistake". The Atlantic. June 8, 2018.
- "President Grants Permanent Trade Status to China". www.whitehouse.archives.gov. December 27, 2001.
- Autor, David H.; Dorn, David; Hanson, Gordon H. (2016). "The China Shock: Learning from Labor Market Adjustment to Large Changes in Trade" (PDF). Annual Review of Economics. 8 (1): 205–240. doi:10.1146/annurev-economics-080315-015041.
- Bartash, Jeffry (May 14, 2018). "China really is to blame for millions of lost U.S. manufacturing jobs, new study finds". Market Watch.
- "The China toll: Growing U.S. trade deficit with China cost more than 2.7 million jobs between 2001 and 2011, with job losses in every state".
- Graph showing US-China trade Archived 2011-08-13 at the Wayback Machine; source
- "World Economic Outlook Database, April 2007". Imf.org. 2006-09-14. Retrieved 2010-12-02.
- "Wu Yi opens the Third China-US Strategic Economic Dialogue, 2007".
- "U.S. Treasury Sec. Henry Paulson opens Strategic Economic Dialogue, Dec. 2007".
- "Tensions over Trade: Part 2 of Election '08 and the Challenge of China".
- "Obama's Tire Tariff Draws Beijing's Ire". Bloomberb Businessweek. 2010-09-13.
- "Statistics on world trade, list of US-China WTO complaints". China.usc.edu. Retrieved 2010-12-02.
- China slaps deposits/tariffs on US steel exports; US politicians rant about China
- "Trade and Tariffs" (PDF). World Trade Organization. 2015.
- Lamy, Pascal (24 January 2011). "'Made in China' tells us little about global trade". FT.com. Retrieved 7 July 2012.
- Isidore, Chris (March 13, 2012). "U.S. vs. China: The trade battles". CNN Money.
- DeBarros, Paul Kiernan and Anthony. "Tariff Fight Knocks Off China as Top U.S. Trading Partner". WSJ. Retrieved 2019-08-06.
- C. Fred Bergsten, China is No Longer Manipulating its Currency, Peterson Institute for International Economics (November 18, 2016).
- "House panel cranks up pressure on China currency". Reuters. 2010-09-24.
- Paul Wiseman, Fact check: Does China manipulate its currency?, Associated Press (December 29, 2016).
- "U.S. designates China as currency manipulator for first time in..." Reuters. 2019-08-05. Retrieved 2019-08-06.
- Rappeport, Alan (2020-01-13). "U.S. Says China Is No Longer a Currency Manipulator". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2020-01-20.
- "Foreign Holdings of Treasuries as of May, 2011".
- Barboza, David (2011-08-06). "China Condemns U.S. "Addiction to Debts"". The New York Times.
- Foster, Peter (2009-03-13). "Chinese premier Wen Jiabao worried about US debt". The Daily Telegraph. London.
- "Update: China calls for global cooperation on debt risks". Reuters. 2011-08-05.
- Kurt Brouwer. "China & the U.S. debt addiction". Marketwatch. Archived from the original on 2011-09-29. Retrieved 2011-08-07.
- Jamieson, Alastair (2011-08-06). "China Calls for New Global Reserve Currency". The Daily Telegraph. London.
- Pierson, David (2011-08-06). "China Chastises U.S. Over Debt". Los Angeles Times.
- Fred E. Jandt (2012). An Introduction to Intercultural Communication: Identities in a Global Community. SAGE. p. 103. ISBN 9781412992879.
- Archived December 6, 2004, at the Wayback Machine
- "Rumsfeld questions China spending". BBC News. October 18, 2005. Retrieved April 7, 2010.
- "china's military spends hundreds of millions of dollars". China.usc.edu. Retrieved 2010-12-02.
- John Pike. "World Wide Military Expenditures". Globalsecurity.org. Retrieved 2010-12-02.
- "china's military spends hundreds of millions of dollars". China.usc.edu. Archived from the original on February 2, 2009. Retrieved 2010-12-02.
- Harding, Thomas (May 1, 2008). "Chinese nuclear submarine base". The Daily Telegraph. London. Retrieved April 7, 2010.
- "SIPRI military expenditure database". Archived from the original on November 29, 2006.
- "Is There a Civil-Military Gap in China's Peaceful Rise?" (PDF). Carlisle.army.mil. Retrieved 2010-12-02.
- Luce, Dan De (2009-10-26). "Time to end 'on-again-off-again' US-China ties: Pentagon". Retrieved 2010-12-02.
- Entous, Adam (2010-06-03). "Gates says China's PLA may be trying to thwart ties". Reuters.com. Retrieved 2010-12-02.
- Miles, Donna. "Gates Cites Encouraging Trends Regarding Iran, China." "American Forces Press Service", 8 November 2010
- Pessin, Al. "US Wants Better Military Ties to China, But Will Continue Pacific Operations." Archived 2010-12-06 at the Wayback Machine Voice of America, 1 Dec 2010.
- Capaccio, Tony. "Chinese Missiles Could Close U.S. Bases in Attack, Report Says." Bloomberg, 11 November 2010
- Robert S. Norris and Hans M. Kristensen "Chinese nuclear forces, 2010." Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists
- Minnick, Wendell. "PLA 20 Years Behind U.S. Military: Chinese DM." Defense News, 7 June 2011.
- "East-West military gap rapidly shrinking: report". Reuters. 2011-03-08. Retrieved 2019-10-25.
- Beijing, Julian E. Barnes in Washington, Nathan Hodge in Newport News, Va, and Jeremy Page in (2012-01-04). "China Takes Aim at U.S. Naval Might". Wall Street Journal. ISSN 0099-9660. Retrieved 2019-10-25.
- Miles, Donna. "U.S., China to Consider Sharing Resources during Joint Missions." Archived July 14, 2012, at the Wayback Machine American Forces Press Service, 12 October 2012.
- James R. Holmes, The Diplomat. "What to Make of China's Defense Spending Increase - The Diplomat". The Diplomat.
- Kagan, Robert (2012). The World America Made. New York: Knopf. p. 90.
- "U.S. Department of State, 2007 Human Rights in China, March 11, 2008".
- "U.S. Department of State, 2008 Human Rights in China, February 25, 2009".
- Cooper, Helen (March 12, 2008). "U.S. Drops China From List of Top 10 Violators of Rights". NYT.
- "2002 PRC White Paper on US Human Rights Abuses". china.org.cn. 2002-03-11. Retrieved 2010-12-02.
- "PRC State Council, Human Rights Record of the United States in 2007, March 13, 2008".
- "PRC State Council, Human Rights Record of the United States in 2008, February 27, 2009".
- 2005/10/19 (2005-10-19). "China issues 1st white paper on democracy(10/19/05)". China-embassy.org. Retrieved 2010-12-02.CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
- "White Paper on China's Political System, 2007". China.usc.edu. Retrieved 2010-12-02.
- "China issues report on U.S. human rights - Xinhua - English.news.cn".
- "Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2013: China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau)". U.S. Department of State.
- hermes (2018-09-23). "US criticises treatment of Uighurs in latest China row". The Straits Times. Retrieved 2019-08-22.
- Sanger, David E. (2019-03-13). "State Dept. Accuses China of Rights Abuses Not Seen 'Since the 1930s'". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2019-08-22.
- "State Department compares China to Nazi Germany in human rights briefing". Washington Examiner. 2019-03-13. Retrieved 2019-08-22.
- "China putting minority Muslims in 'concentration camps,' U.S. says". Reuters. 2019-05-04. Retrieved 2019-08-22.
- "Top Xinjiang official Chen Quanguo should face sanctions – US lawmakers". South China Morning Post. 2019-04-04. Retrieved 2019-08-22.
- "Rights group urges U.S. to sanction China over Xinjiang camps". Reuters. 2019-05-29. Retrieved 2019-08-22.
- "Remarks by Vice President Pence at the 2nd Annual Religious Freedom Ministerial". The White House. Retrieved 2019-08-22.
- "Rockets working to mend ties with China after executive's Hong Kong tweet". AP. 6 October 2019.
- "Rockets' general manager's Hong Kong comments anger China". Associated Press. October 7, 2019.
- Chang, Joy (7 October 2019). "Houston Rockets GM's Hong Kong tweet outrages Chinese fans". SCMP.
- Victor, Daniel (7 October 2019). "Hong Kong Protests Put N.B.A. on Edge in China". NYT.
- Some relevant sources include:
- "Rockets' general manager's Hong Kong comments anger China". Associated Press. October 7, 2019.
- "China's vise grip on corporate America". Axios. Axios. October 8, 2019.
- "The NBA Should Call China's Bluff". Bloomberg. Bloomberg. October 8, 2019.
- "Sixers have a chance to show some guts about the NBA and China. They're passing it up. | Mike Sielski". Philadelphia Inquirer. Philadelphia Inquirer. October 7, 2019.
- "CNN's Kate Bolduan Rips NBA for Silencing Exec Who Criticized China: 'This is Shocking'". Mediaite. Mediaite.
- "Opinion: The NBA was staring down a China problem with or without Daryl Morey's tweet". LAT. LAT. October 7, 2019.
- "The day the NBA fluttered before China". Washington Post. Chron. October 7, 2019.
- "The NBA Chooses China's Money Over Hong Kong's Human Rights". Rolling Stone. October 7, 2019.
- "Daryl Morey's tweet on Hong Kong shows how China is calling the shots in the NBA". NBC News. NBC News. October 8, 2019.
- "NBA Defends 'Freedom Of Speech' For Employees As China Moves To Block Games Facebook Twitter Flipboard Email". NPR. NPR.
Critics in the U.S. are accusing the NBA of prioritizing profits over principles. And critics in China also cried foul, saying the league is being insensitive in handling a politically divisive issue.
- Some relevant sources include:
- "China's heavy-handed reaction to the NBA is just the wake-up call the world needed". CNBC. CNBC. October 8, 2019.
The NBA is not likely to face a debilitating series of protests from U.S. fans who may be angered by the league’s agonizingly cautious and wavering responses to Morey’s tweet. But the extreme attention the story has garnered does weaken the NBA’s efforts to cast itself as a force for positive social change. Commissioner Adam Silver’s public declaration of his “personal outrage” over the racist comments made by former L.A. Clippers owner Donald Sterling in 2014, and his pushback against the passing of the controversial transgender bathroom law in North Carolina in 2016 seem inconsistent now with a league that remains silent about China’s many human rights abuses.
- "Sixers have a chance to show some guts about the NBA and China. They're passing it up. | Mike Sielski". Philadelphia Inquirer. Philadelphia Inquirer. October 7, 2019.
- "CNN's Kate Bolduan Rips NBA for Silencing Exec Who Criticized China: 'This is Shocking'". Mediaite. Mediaite.
- "NBA's response to China backlash at odds with league's history". CNN. CNN. October 8, 2019.
- "The World's Wokest Sports League Bows to China". NYT. NYT. October 7, 2019.
- "Opinion: The NBA was staring down a China problem with or without Daryl Morey's tweet". LAT. LAT. October 7, 2019.
- "The NBA Chooses China's Money Over Hong Kong's Human Rights". Rolling Stone. October 7, 2019.
- "The NBA Chooses China's Money Over Hong Kong's Human Rights". Rolling Stone. October 7, 2019.
- "Opinion: It's time for LeBron James to speak out on China, regardless of Nike ties". USAToday. USAToday.
- "The day the NBA fluttered before China". Washington Post. Chron. October 7, 2019.
- "China's heavy-handed reaction to the NBA is just the wake-up call the world needed". CNBC. CNBC. October 8, 2019.
- Brzeski, Patrick (October 7, 2019). "'South Park' Scrubbed From Chinese Internet After Critical Episode". The Hollywood Reporter. Retrieved October 7, 2019.
- 陈远丁; 黄钰; 席莉莉 (October 7, 2019). "莫雷、NBA声明均未道歉 网友：这是对中国的无视和挑衅" [Morey & NBA did not apologize; Netizens: It's provocative behavior toward China]. 人民网 (in Chinese). Retrieved October 8, 2019.
- "央视快评：莫雷必须道歉" [Morey Must Apologize]. CCTV (in Chinese). October 7, 2019. Retrieved October 8, 2019.
- "White House, on Tiananmen anniversary, urges China to respect human rights". Reuters. Retrieved 4 June 2020.
- "Xinjiang: US sanctions on Chinese officials over 'abuse' of Muslims". BBC. Retrieved 9 July 2020.
- "U.S. Imposes Sanctions on 11 Chinese Companies Over Human Rights". New York Times. Retrieved 20 July 2020.
- "The NBA landed in hot water after the Houston Rockets GM supported the Hong Kong protests. Here are other times Western brands caved to China after offending the Communist Party". Business Insider. 8 October 2019.
- Wong, Edward (2010-09-22). "U.S. Influence in Asia Revives Amid China's Disputes". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2019-10-25.
- Pomfret, John. "U.S. steps up pressure on China to rein in North Korea." Washington Post, 6 December 2010.
- Lam, Willy Wo-Lap. "Beijing's Alarm Over New 'US Encirclement Conspiracy'." Archived 2012-03-07 at the Wayback Machine Jamestown Foundation, 12 April 2005
- Perlez, Jane. "China Creates a World Bank of Its Own, and the U.S. Balks". The New York Times. Retrieved 11 May 2017.
- "Summary of the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement". USTR. 4 October 2015. Retrieved 16 October 2015.
- "Trump executive order pulls out of TPP trade deal". BBC News. Retrieved 23 January 2017.
Mr Trump's executive order on TPP is seen as mainly symbolic since the deal was never ratified by a divided US Congress.
- "The Theory of the Globe Scrambled by Social Networks". www.juragentium.org. Retrieved 2019-10-25.
- Donald, David. "Report: China To Provide JF-17s to Pakistan." Archived 2011-06-09 at the Wayback Machine AINonline, 6 June 2011.
- Slavin, Erik. "China's claim on sea leads Asian neighbors to strengthen ties with U.S." Stars and Stripes, 27 June 2011.
- Entous, Adam. "Pentagon Will Add to Asia Operations." Wall Street Journal, 26 October 2011.
- Roy, Denny (7 June 2013). "U.S.-China Relations: Stop Striving For "Trust"". The Diplomat. Retrieved 20 June 2013.
- Woodward, Bob and Duffy, Brian, "Chinese Embassy Role In Contributions Probed", Washington Post, February 13, 1997
- "Findings Link Clinton Allies to Chinese Intelligence". The Washington Post. February 11, 1998.
- Correspondent, Evan Perez, CNN Justice. "FBI arrests Chinese national connected to malware used in OPM data breach". CNN.
- "Hacks of OPM databases compromised 22.1 million people, federal authorities say". The Washington Post. July 9, 2015.
- Roberts, Ed (2018-10-10). "Threats posed by China focus of Senate Homeland Security hearing - Homeland Preparedness News". Homeland Preparedness News. Retrieved 2018-10-25.
- GELLER, ERIC (9 May 2019). "Chinese nationals charged for Anthem hack, 'one of the worst data breaches in history'". Politico.
- Abelson, Reed; Goldstein, Matthew (5 February 2015). "Anthem Hacking Points to Security Vulnerability of Health Care Industry". The New York Times.
- "Data from Equifax credit hack could "end up on the black market," expert warns". CBS News. 11 February 2020.
- "Four Members of China's Military Indicted Over Massive Equifax Breach". The Wall Street Journal. 11 February 2020.
- "FBI Director Wray warns of Chinese hacking, espionage threats against American companies". The Hill. 7 July 2020.
- "China, Caught Meddling in Past Two US Elections, Claims 'Not Interested' in 2020 Vote". Voice of America. 30 April 2020.
- "China, Caught Meddling in Past Two US Elections, Claims 'Not Interested' in 2020 Vote". Voa News. April 30, 2020.
- "The United States is 'looking at' banning TikTok and other Chinese social media apps, Pompeo says". CNN. Retrieved 7 July 2020.
- Rogers K, Jakes L, Swanson A (18 March 2020). "Trump Defends Using 'Chinese Virus' Label, Ignoring Growing Criticism". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 20 March 2020. Retrieved 20 March 2020.
- "Republicans are using racism against China to try to distract from Trump's disastrous coronavirus response". Business Insider. 20 March 2020.
- "Relations between China and America are infected with coronavirus". The Economist. ISSN 0013-0613. Retrieved 30 March 2020.
- "Chinese diplomat promotes conspiracy theory that US military brought coronavirus to Wuhan". CNN. 14 March 2020.
- "China spins tale that the US Army started the coronavirus epidemic". The New York Times. 13 March 2020.
- Banco E (21 March 2020). "White House Pushes U.S. Officials to Criticize China For Coronavirus 'Cover-Up'". The Daily Beast. Retrieved 3 April 2020.
- Mazzetti M, Barnes JE, Wong E, Goldman A (2020-04-30). "Trump Officials Are Said to Press Spies to Link Virus and Wuhan Labs". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2020-05-06.
- "C.I.A. Hunts for Authentic Virus Totals in China, Dismissing Government Tallies". The New York Times. 2 April 2020.
- "China is winning the coronavirus propaganda war". Politico. 18 March 2020.
- "China Is Fighting the Coronavirus Propaganda War to Win". Foreign Policy. 20 March 2020.
- Lau S (24 March 2020). "EU fires warning shot at China in coronavirus battle of the narratives". South China Morning Post.
- "Governments reject Chinese-made equipment". BBC News. 30 March 2020.
- "China calls for the lifting of sanctions against Syria to fight coronavirus". Middle East Monitor. 1 April 2020. Retrieved 4 April 2020.
- "China hints Venezuela aid, IMF pans request: Update". argusmedia.com. 18 March 2020. Retrieved 4 April 2020.
- "China urges U.S. to lift sanctions on Iran amid coronavirus response". Reuters. 16 March 2020. Retrieved 4 April 2020.
- "Venezuela's Coronavirus Response Might Surprise You". Common Dreams. Retrieved 4 April 2020.
- "U.S. continues sanctions against Iran and Venezuela during coronavirus pandemic". Salon. 18 March 2020. Retrieved 4 April 2020.
- "Cuba: US embargo blocks coronavirus aid shipment from Asia". AP NEWS. 3 April 2020. Retrieved 4 April 2020.
- Eilperin, Juliet; Stein, Jeff; Butler, Desmond; Hamburger, Tom (April 18, 2020). "U.S. sent millions of face masks to China early this year, ignoring pandemic warning signs". Washington Post. Retrieved June 24, 2020.
- Ferek, Katy Stech; Zumbrun, Josh (April 12, 2020). "U.S. Tariffs Hamper Imports of Sanitizer, Disinfectants, Some Companies Say". The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved June 24, 2020.
Further reading
- Chang, Gordon H. Fateful Ties: A History of America's Preoccupation with China. (Harvard UP, 2015). excerpt
- Cohen, Warren I. America's Response to China: A History of Sino-American Relations (5th ed. 2010)
- Dulles, Foster Rhea. China and America: The Story of Their Relations Since 1784 (1981), general survey
- Fairbank, John King. The United States and China (Harvard UP, 5th ed. 1983)
- Foot, Rosemary. The Practice of Power: US Relations with China since 1949 (1995).
- Green, Michael J. By more than providence: Grand strategy and American power in the Asia Pacific since 1783 (Columbia UP, 2017). online
- Pomfret, John. The Beautiful Country and the Middle Kingdom: America and China, 1776 to the Present (2016) review
- Schaller, Michael. The United States and China: Into the Twenty-First Century 4th ed 2015)
- Song, Yuwu, ed. Encyclopedia of Chinese-American Relations (McFarland, 2006)
- Spence, Jonathan D. To Change China: Western Advisers in China (1980) excerpt
- Spence, Jonathan. "Western Perceptions of China from the Late Sixteenth Century to the Present" in Paul S. Ropp, ed.Heritage of China: Contemporary Perspectives on Chinese Civilization (1990) excerpts
- Sutter, Robert G. Historical Dictionary of United States-China Relations (2005).
- Varg, Paul A. "Sino‐American Relations Past and Present." Diplomatic History 4.2 (1980): 101–112. online
- Wang, Dong. The United States and China: A History from the Eighteenth Century to the Present (2013)
Historical to 1976
- Brazinsky, Gregg. "The Birth of a Rivalry: Sino‐American Relations during the Truman Administration" in Daniel S. Margolies, ed., A Companion to Harry S. Truman (2012): 484–97.
- Burns, Richard Dean, and Edward Moore Bennett, eds. Diplomats in crisis: United States-Chinese-Japanese relations, 1919-1941 (1974) short articles by scholars from all three countries. online free to borrow
- Chang, Gordon H. Friends and Enemies: The United States, China, and the Soviet Union, 1948–1972 (Stanford UP, 1990).
- Dennett, Tyler. John Hay From Poetry To Politics (1934); Pulitzer Prize; online
- Dulles, Foster Rhea. American policy toward Communist China, 1949-1969 (1972) online free to borrow
- Fairbank, John K. China Perceived (1974)
- Feis, Herbert. The China Tangle (1967), diplomacy during World War II
- Gedalecia, David. "Letters From the Middle Kingdom: The Origins of America's China Policy," Prologue, 34.4 (Winter, 2002), pp. 260–73.
- Ghosh, Partha Sarathi. "Sino-American Economic Relations 1784-1929: A Survey." China Report 12.4 (1976): 16-27 online.
- Greene, Naomi. From Fu Manchu to Kung Fu Panda: Images of China in American Film (University of Hawai'i Press; 2014) 288 pp.; explores the changing image of China and the Chinese in the American cultural imagination, beginning with D.W. Griffiths's "Broken Blossoms"(1919).
- Haddad, John R. America’s First Adventure in China: Trade, Treaties, Opium, and Salvation (2013) covers 1784 to 1868.
- Hilsman, Roger. To move a nation; the politics of foreign policy in the administration of John F. Kennedy (1967) pp 275–357. on 1961–63.
- Isaacs, Harold R. Scratches on Our Minds: American Images Of China And India (1958) online
- Johnson, Kendall A. The New Middle Kingdom: China and the Early American Romance of Free Trade (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2017).
- Latourette, Kenneth Scott. The history of early relations between the United States and China, 1784–1844 (1917) online
- Li, Jing. China's America: The Chinese View the United States, 1900–2000. (State University of New York Press, 2011)
- MacMillan, Margaret. Nixon and Mao: the week that changed the world (2008).
- Madsen, Richard. China and the American Dream (1994)
- Oksenberg, Michel and Robert B. Oxnam, eds. Dragon and Eagle (1978),
- Pederson, William D. ed. A Companion to Franklin D. Roosevelt (2011) online pp 590–611, covers American diplomacy in WW2
- Peraino, Kevin. A Force So Swift: Mao, Truman, and the Birth of Modern China, 1949 (2017), focus on U.S. policy in 1949 online review
- Riccards, Michael P. The Presidency and the Middle Kingdom (2000)
- Richards, Rhys. "United States trade with China, 1784-1814," The American Neptune, (1994), Special Supplement to Vol 54. ISSN 0003-0155
- Rose, Robert S. et al. Re-examining the Cold War: U.S.-China Diplomacy, 1954–1973 (2002)
- Tuchman, Barbara. Stilwell and the American Experience in China, 1911–1945 (1971)
Recent
- Blanchard, Jean-Marc F., and Simon Shen, eds. Conflict and Cooperation in Sino-US Relations: Change and Continuity, Causes and Cures (Routledge, 2015)
- Clinton, Hillary. "America’s Pacific Century" Foreign Policy (2011) online
- Davis, Samuel R. Out flying the eagle: China's drive for domestic economic innovation and its impact on US-China relations (MA thesis, Naval Postgraduate School, 2014) Pdf.
- DeLisle, Jacques. "International law in the Obama administration's pivot to Asia: the China seas disputes, the Trans-Pacific Partnership, rivalry with the PRC, and status quo legal norms in US foreign policy." Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law 48 (2016): 143+ online.
- Dumbaugh, Kerry. "China-U.S. relations: current issues and implications for U.S. policy." (Congressional Research Service (CRS) Reports and Issue Briefs, Congressional Research Service, 2009) online
- Fenby, Jonathan and Trey McArver. The Eagle and the Dragon: Donald Trump, Xi Jinping and the Fate of US/China Relations (2019)
- Foot, Rosemary. The practice of power: US relations with China since 1949 (Oxford University Press, 1995).
- Foot, Rosemary, and Amy King. "Assessing the deterioration in China–US relations: US governmental perspectives on the economic-security nexus." China International Strategy Review 1.1 (2019): 39–50. online
- Foot, Rosemary; Walter, Andrew (2012). China, the United States, and Global Order. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521725194.
- Fravel, M. Taylor. Active Defense: China’s Military Strategy since 1949 (Princeton University Press, 2019) online reviews
- Friedberg, Aaron L. (2011). A Contest for Supremacy: China, America, and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia. W.W. Norton. ISBN 9780393068283.
- Garver, John W. China's Quest: The History of the Foreign Relations of the People's Republic (2015), 59–91, 232–58, 286–314, 557–578. 607–673.
- Goldstein, Avery (Spring 2013). "First things first: the pressing danger of crisis instability in US-China relations". International Security. 37 (4): 49–89. doi:10.1162/ISEC_a_00114.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link) Pdf.
- Kissinger, Henry. On China (2011) excerpt
- Li, Cheng. "Assessing US-China Relations Under the Obama Administration" (The Brookings Institution, 30 August 2016) online
- Madan, Tanvi. "With an eye to the east: the China factor and the US-India relationship, 1949-1979" (PhD dissertation, U Texas 2012). online free
- Mahbubani, Kishore, "What China Threat? How the United States and China can avoid war", Harper's Magazine, vol. 338, no. 2025 (February 2019), pp. 39–44. "China could... remain a different polity—... not a liberal democracy—and still not be a threatening one." (p. 44.)
- Mann, Jim. About face: A history of America's curious relationship with China, from Nixon to Clinton (Knopf, 1999)
- Mastanduno, Michael. "A grand strategic transition?: Obama, Trump and the Asia Pacific political economy." in The United States in the Indo-Pacific (Manchester UP, 2020) online.
- Rich, Wilbur C. ed. Looking Back on President Barack Obama’s Legacy: Hope and Change (2018) excerpt
- Roach, Stephen S. Unbalanced: the codependency of America and China (Yale UP, 2015).
- Roberts, Priscilla. "New Perspectives on Cold War History from China," Diplomatic History 41:2 (April 2017) online
- Ropp, Paul S. ed.Heritage of China: Contemporary Perspectives on Chinese Civilization (1990) excerpts
- Roberts, Priscilla. "New Perspectives on Cold War History from China," Diplomatic History 41:2 (April 2017) online
- Shambaugh, David, ed. (2012). Tangled Titans: The United States and China. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-1442219700.
- Schmitt, Gary J. "The China Dream: America's, China's, and the Resulting Competition." AEI Paper & Studies (American Enterprise Institute, 2019), p. 1J+. online
- Schoen, Douglas E. and Melik Kaylan. Return to Winter: Russia, China, and the New Cold War Against America (2015)
- Steinberg, James, and Michael E. O'Hanlon, eds. Strategic Reassurance and Resolve: US-China Relations in the Twenty-First Century (Princeton UP, 2014)
- Wang, Dong. "Grand Strategy, Power Politics, and China’s Policy toward the United States in the 1960s," Diplomatic History 42:1 (April 2017): 265–287;
- Westad, Odd Arne, "The Sources of Chinese Conduct: Are Washington and Beijing Fighting a New Cold War?", Foreign Affairs, vol. 98, no. 5 (September / October 2019), pp. 86–95. "If some unifying factor does not intervene, the decline in the United States' ability to act purposefully will, sooner than most people imagine, mean not just a multipolar world but an unruly world – one in which fear, hatred, and ambition hold everyone hostage to the basest instincts of the human imagination." (p. 95.)
- Wheeler, Norton. Role of American NGOs in China's Modernization: Invited Influence (Routledge, 2014) 240 pp. online review
- Xia, Yafeng and Zhi Liang. "China’s Diplomacy toward the United States in the Twentieth Century: A Survey of the Literature," Diplomatic History 42:1 (April 2017): 241–264.
- Yan, Xuetong (Autumn 2010). "The instability of China–US relations". The Chinese Journal of International Politics. 3 (3): 263–92. doi:10.1093/cjip/poq009. S2CID 154460100.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
- Yim, Kwan Ha. China and the US: 1955-63 (1973). online
- Yim, Kwan Ha. China 1964-72 (1975). online
- Yim, Kwan Ha. China since Mao (1980) pp 129–60 online
- Zhang, Biwu. Chinese Perceptions of the U.S.: An Exploration of China's Foreign Policy Motivations (Lexington Books; 2012) 266 pages; Chinese views of America's power, politics, and economics, as well as the country as a source of threat or opportunity.
- Zhao, Quansheng (December 2005). "America's response to the rise of China and Sino‐US relations". Asian Journal of Political Science. 13 (2): 1–27. doi:10.1080/02185370508434256.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
- Zhu Yongtao. "American Studies in China" American Studies International 25#2 (1987) pp. 3–19 online
Primary sources
- Jeffrey A. Engel, ed. (2011), "The Making of a Global President", The China Diary of George H. W. Bush: The Making of a Global President, Princeton UP, ISBN 978-1400829613, JSTOR j.ctt7stg8CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
China White Paper 1949
- Lyman Van Slyke, ed. The China White Paper: August 1949 (1967: 2 vol. Stanford U.P.); 1124 pp.; copy of official U.S. Department of State. China White Paper: 1949 vol 1 online at Google; online vol 1 pdf; vol 1 consists of history; vol 2 consists of primary sources and is not online; see library holdings via World Cat
- excerpts appear in Barton Bernstein and Allen J. Matusow, eds. The Truman Administration: A Documentary History (1966) pp. 299–355
| Diplomatic posts |
| ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Bilateral relations | |||||
| Economic relations | |||||
| Cultural links | |||||
| See also |
| ||||
 | |||||
| |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||