Great Migration (African American)

Great migration
	Part of the Nadir of American race relations
	Map of the Black population in the United States from the 1900 U.S. Census
Date	1916-1970
Location	United States
Also known as	Great Northward Migration; Black Migration
Cause	Racial segregation in the United States Jim Crow economy; Jim Crow laws; Lynching in the United States;
Participants	6,000,000 African American emigrants
Outcome	Demographic shifts across the U.S.; Improved living conditions for African-American emigrants

The Great Migration, sometimes known as the Great Northward Migration or the Black Migration, was the movement of 6 million African Americans out of the rural Southern United States to the urban Northeast, Midwest, and West that occurred between 1916 and 1970.[1] It was caused primarily by the poor economic conditions as well as the prevalent racial segregation and discrimination in the Southern states where Jim Crow laws were upheld.[2][3]

In every U.S. Census prior to 1910, more than 90% of the African-American population lived in the American South.[4] In 1900, only one-fifth of African Americans living in the South were living in urban areas.[5] By the end of the Great Migration, just over 50% of the African-American population remained in the South, while a little less than 50% lived in the North and West,[6] and the African-American population had become highly urbanized. By 1960, of those African Americans still living in the South, half now lived in urban areas,[5] and by 1970, more than 80% of African Americans nationwide lived in cities.[7] In 1991, Nicholas Lemann wrote that:

The Great Migration was one of the largest and most rapid mass internal movements in history—perhaps the greatest not caused by the immediate threat of execution or starvation. In sheer numbers, it outranks the migration of any other ethnic group—Italians or Irish or Jews or Poles—to [the United States]. For blacks, the migration meant leaving what had always been their economic and social base in America and finding a new one.[8]

Some historians differentiate between a first Great Migration (1916–40), which saw about 1.6 million people move from mostly rural areas in the South to northern industrial cities, and a Second Great Migration (1940–70), which began after the Great Depression and brought at least 5 million people—including many townspeople with urban skills—to the North and West.[9]

Since the Civil Rights Movement, a less rapid reverse migration has occurred. Dubbed the New Great Migration, it has seen a gradual increase of African American migration to the South, generally to states and cities where economic opportunities are the best. The reasons include economic difficulties of cities in the Northeastern and Midwestern United States, growth of jobs in the "New South" and its lower cost of living, family and kinship ties, and improved racial relations.[10]

Causes

The primary factors for migration among southern African Americans were segregation, an increase in the spread of racist ideology, widespread lynching (nearly 3,500 African Americans were lynched between 1882 and 1968[11]), and lack of social and economic opportunities in the South. There were also factors that pulled migrants to the north, such as labor shortages in northern factories brought about by World War I, resulting in thousands of jobs in steel mills, railroads, meatpacking plants, and the automobile industry.[12] The pull of jobs in the north was strengthened by the efforts of labor agents sent by northern businessmen to recruit southern workers.[12] Northern companies offered special incentives to encourage black workers to relocate, including free transportation and low-cost housing.[13]

Migration

First migrations

When the Emancipation Proclamation was signed in 1863, less than eight percent of the African-American population lived in the Northeastern or Midwestern United States.[14] This began to change over the next decade; by 1880, a migration was underway to Kansas. The U.S. Senate ordered an investigation into it.[15] In 1900, about 90 percent of blacks still lived in Southern states.[14]

African Americans moved as individuals or small family groups. There was no government assistance, but often northern industries, such as the railroads, meatpacking, and stockyards, paid for transportation and relocation.

Between 1910 and 1930, the African-American population increased by about forty percent in Northern states as a result of the migration, mostly in the major cities. The cities of Philadelphia, Detroit, Chicago, Cleveland, Baltimore, and New York City had some of the biggest increases in the early part of the twentieth century. Tens of thousands of blacks were recruited for industrial jobs, such as positions related to the expansion of the Pennsylvania Railroad. Because changes were concentrated in cities, which had also attracted millions of new or recent European immigrants, tensions rose as the people competed for jobs and scarce housing. Tensions were often most severe between ethnic Irish, defending their recently gained positions and territory, and recent immigrants and blacks.

Tensions and violence

In the late summer and autumn of 1919, racial tensions became violent and came to be known as the Red Summer. This period of time was defined by violence and prolonged rioting between blacks and whites in major United States cities.[16] The reasons for this violence vary. Cities that were affected by the violence included Washington D.C., Chicago, Omaha, Knoxville, Tennessee, and Elaine, Arkansas, a small rural town 70 miles (110 km) southwest of Memphis.[17]

The race riots peaked in Chicago, for the most violence and death occurred there during the riots.[18] The authors of The Negro in Chicago; a study of race relations and a race riot, an official report from 1922 on race relations in Chicago, came to the conclusion that there were many factors that led to the violent outbursts in Chicago. Principally, many blacks were assuming the jobs of white men who went to go fight in World War I. As the war ended in 1918, many men returned home to find out their jobs had been taken by black men who were willing to work for far less.[17] By the time the rioting and violence had subsided in Chicago, 38 people had lost their lives, with 500 more injured. Additionally, $250,000 worth of property was destroyed, and over a thousand persons were left homeless.[19] In other cities across the nation many more had been affected by the violence of the Red Summer. The Red Summer enlightened many to the growing racial tension in America. The violence in these major cities prefaced the soon to follow Harlem Renaissance, an African-American cultural revolution, in the 1920s.[18] Racial violence appeared again in Chicago in the 1940s and in Detroit as well as other cities in the Northeast as racial tensions over housing and employment discrimination grew.

Continued migration

James Gregory calculates decade-by-decade migration volumes in his book, The Southern Diaspora. Black migration picked up from the start of the new century, with 204,000 leaving in the first decade. The pace accelerated with the outbreak of World War I and continued through the 1920s. By 1930, there were 1.3 million former southerners living in other regions.[20]

The Great Depression wiped out job opportunities in the northern industrial belt, especially for African Americans, and caused a sharp reduction in migration. In the 1930s and 1940s, increasing mechanization of agriculture virtually brought the institution of sharecropping that had existed since the Civil War to an end in the United States causing many landless black farmers to be forced off of the land.[21]

As a result, approximately 1.4 million black southerners moved north or west in the 1940s, followed by 1.1 million in the 1950s, and another 2.4 million people in the 1960s and early 1970s. By the late 1970s, as deindustrialization and the Rust Belt crisis took hold, the Great Migration came to an end. But, in a reflection of changing economics, as well as the end of Jim Crow laws in the 1960s and improving race relations in the South, in the 1980s and early 1990s, more black Americans were heading South than leaving that region.[22]

African Americans moved from the 14 states of the South, especially Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, and Georgia. Census figures show the following for these states:[22]

Total statistics

State	African American population percentage, 1920 census	African American population percentage, 1950 census	Net change in African American population, 1920 to 1950
Mississippi	52.2%	45.3%	+52,346
Georgia	41.7%	30.9%	-143,188
Louisiana	38.9%	32.9%	+183,256
Alabama	38.4%	32.0%	+78,206
Texas	36.0%	31.0%	+67,664

Based on the total populations in each of the five states, only Georgia showed a net decrease in its African American population in 1950 compared to 1920. The other four states showed net increases in their African American populations in 1950 compared to 1920, with the percentage decreasing due to the white population increasing more.[20] Big cities were the principal destinations of southerners throughout the two phases of the Great Migration. In the first phase, eight major cities attracted two-thirds of the migrants: New York and Chicago, followed in order by Philadelphia, St. Louis, Denver, Detroit, Pittsburgh, and Indianapolis. The Second great black migration increased the populations of these cities while adding others as destinations, including the Western states. Western cities such as Los Angeles, San Francisco, Oakland, Phoenix, Seattle, and Portland attracted African Americans in large numbers.[20]

There were clear migratory patterns that linked particular states and cities in the South to corresponding destinations in the North and West. Almost half of those who migrated from Mississippi during the first Great Migration, for example, ended up in Chicago, while those from Virginia tended to move to Philadelphia. For the most part, these patterns were related to geography, with the closest cities attracting the most migrants (such as Los Angeles and San Francisco receiving a disproportionate number of migrants from Texas and Louisiana). When multiple destinations were equidistant, chain migration played a larger role, with migrants following the path set by those before them.[13]

Gallery

Graph showing the percentage of the African-American population living in the American South, 1790–2010
The Great Migration shown by changes in the African-American share of populations of major U.S. cities, 1910–40 and 1940–70
Racially motivated murders per decade from 1865 to 1965.

Cultural changes

After moving from the racist pressures of the south to the northern states, African Americans were inspired to different kinds of creativity. The Great Migration resulted in the Harlem Renaissance, which was also fired by immigrants from the Caribbean. In her book The Warmth of Other Suns, Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist Isabel Wilkerson discusses the migration of "six million black Southerners [moving] out of the terror of Jim Crow to an uncertain existence in the North and Midwest."[23]

The struggle of African-American migrants to adapt to Northern cities was the subject of Jacob Lawrence's Migration Series of paintings, created when he was a young man in New York.[24] Exhibited in 1941 at the Museum of Modern Art, Lawrence's Series attracted wide attention; he was quickly perceived as one of the most important African-American artists of the time.[25]

The Great Migration had effects on music as well as other cultural subjects. Many blues singers migrated from the Mississippi Delta to Chicago to escape racial discrimination. Muddy Waters, Chester Burnett, and Buddy Guy are among the most well-known blues artists who migrated to Chicago. Great Delta-born pianist Eddie Boyd told Living Blues magazine, "I thought of coming to Chicago where I could get away from some of that racism and where I would have an opportunity to, well, do something with my talent.... It wasn't peaches and cream [in Chicago], man, but it was a hell of a lot better than down there where I was born."[26]

Effects

Demographic changes

The Great Migration drained off much of the rural black population of the South, and for a time, froze or reduced African-American population growth in parts of the region. In a number of states, there were decades of black population decline, especially across the Deep South "black belt" where cotton had been king. The migration changed the demographics of the South. In 1910, African Americans constituted the majority of the population of South Carolina and Mississippi, and more than 40 percent in Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana and Texas; by 1970, only in Mississippi did the African-American population constitute more than 30 percent of the state's total. "The disappearance of the 'black belt' was one of the striking effects" of the Great Migration, James Gregory wrote.[27]

In Mississippi, blacks decreased from about 56% of the population in 1910 to about 37% by 1970,[28] remaining the majority only in some Delta counties. In Georgia, blacks decreased from about 45% of the population in 1910 to about 26% by 1970. In South Carolina, blacks decreased from about 55% of the population in 1910 to about 30% by 1970.[28]

The growing black presence outside the South changed the dynamics and demographics of numerous cities in the Northeast, Midwest, and West. In 1900, only 740,000 African Americans lived outside the South, just 8 percent of the nation's total black population. By 1970, more than 10.6 million African Americans lived outside the South, 47 percent of the nation's total.[27]

Because the migrants concentrated in the big cities of the north and west, their influence was magnified in those places. Cities that had been virtually all white at the start of the century became centers of black culture and politics by mid-century. Residential segregation and redlining led to concentrations of blacks in certain areas. The northern "Black metropolises" developed an important infrastructure of newspapers, businesses, jazz clubs, churches, and political organizations that provided the staging ground for new forms of racial politics and new forms of black culture.

As a result of the Great Migration, the first large urban black communities developed in northern cities beyond New York, Boston, Baltimore, Washington D.C., and Philadelphia, which had black communities even before the Civil War, and attracted migrants after the war. It is conservatively estimated that 400,000 African Americans left the South in 1916 through 1918 to take advantage of a labor shortage in industrial cities during the First World War.[29]

In 1910, the African-American population of Detroit was 6,000. The Great Migration, along with immigrants from southern and eastern Europe as well as their descendants, rapidly turned the city into the country's fourth-largest. By the start of the Great Depression in 1929, the city's African-American population had increased to 120,000.

In 1900–01, Chicago had a total population of 1,754,473.[30] By 1920, the city had added more than 1 million residents. During the second wave of the Great Migration (1940–60), the African-American population in the city grew from 278,000 to 813,000.

African-American youths play basketball in Chicago's Stateway Gardens high-rise housing project in 1973.

The flow of African Americans to Ohio, particularly to Cleveland, changed the demographics of the state and its primary industrial city. Before the Great Migration, an estimated 1.1% to 1.6% of Cleveland's population was African American.[31] By 1920, 4.3% of Cleveland's population was African American.[31] The number of African Americans in Cleveland continued to rise over the next 20 years of the Great Migration.

Other northeastern and midwestern industrial cities, such as Philadelphia, New York City, Baltimore, Pittsburgh, St. Louis, and Omaha, also had dramatic increases in their African-American populations. By the 1920s, New York's Harlem became a center of black cultural life, influenced by the American migrants as well as new immigrants from the Caribbean area.

Second-tier industrial cities that were destinations for numerous black migrants were Buffalo, Rochester, Boston, Milwaukee, Minneapolis, Kansas City, Columbus, Cincinnati, Grand Rapids and Indianapolis, and smaller industrial cities such as Chester, Gary, Dayton, Erie, Toledo, Youngstown, Peoria, Muskegon, Newark, Flint, Saginaw, New Haven, and Albany. People tended to take the cheapest rail ticket possible and go to areas where they had relatives and friends. For example, many people from Mississippi moved directly north by train to Chicago, from Alabama to Cleveland and Detroit, from Georgia and South Carolina to New York City, Baltimore, Washington D.C. and Philadelphia, and in the second migration, from Texas, Louisiana, and Mississippi to Oakland, Los Angeles, Portland, Phoenix, Denver, and Seattle.

Discrimination and working conditions

The Hub is the retail heart of the South Bronx, New York City.[32]

Educated African Americans were better able to obtain jobs after the Great Migration, eventually gaining a measure of class mobility, but the migrants encountered significant forms of discrimination. Because so many people migrated in a short period of time, the African-American migrants were often resented by the urban white working class (often recent immigrants themselves); fearing their ability to negotiate rates of pay or secure employment, the ethnic whites felt threatened by the influx of new labor competition. Sometimes those who were most fearful or resentful were the last immigrants of the 19th and new immigrants of the 20th century.

African Americans made substantial gains in industrial employment, particularly in the steel, automobile, shipbuilding, and meatpacking industries. Between 1910 and 1920, the number of blacks employed in industry nearly doubled from 500,000 to 901,000.[29] After the Great Depression, more advances took place after workers in the steel and meatpacking industries organized into labor unions in the 1930s and 1940s, under the interracial Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO). The unions ended the segregation of many jobs, and African Americans began to advance into more skilled jobs and supervisory positions previously informally reserved for whites.

Between 1940 and 1960, the number of blacks in managerial and administrative occupations doubled, along with the number of blacks in white-collar occupations, while the number of black agricultural workers in 1960 fell to one-fourth of what it was in 1940.[33] Also, between 1936 and 1959, black income relative to white income more than doubled in various skilled trades.[34] Encountering very little employment discrimination, blacks had higher labor force participation rates than whites in every U.S. Census from 1890 to 1950.[35] As a result of these advancements, the percentage of black families living below the poverty line declined from 87 percent in 1940 to 47 percent by 1960 and to 30 percent by 1970.[36]

Populations increased so rapidly among both African-American migrants and new European immigrants that there were housing shortages in most major cities. With fewer resources, the newer groups were forced to compete for the oldest, most run-down housing. Ethnic groups created territories which they defended against change. Discrimination often restricted African Americans to crowded neighborhoods. The more established populations of cities tended to move to newer housing as it was developing in the outskirts. Mortgage discrimination and redlining in inner city areas limited the newer African-American migrants' ability to determine their own housing, or obtain a fair price. In the long term, the National Housing Act of 1934 contributed to limiting the availability of loans to urban areas, particularly those areas inhabited by African Americans.[37]

Migrants going to Albany, New York found poor living conditions and employment opportunities, but also higher wages and better schools and social services. Local organizations such as the Albany Inter-Racial Council and churches, helped them, but de facto segregation and discrimination remained well into the late 20th century.[38]

Migrants going to Pittsburgh and surrounding mill towns in western Pennsylvania between 1890 and 1930 faced racial discrimination and limited economic opportunities. The black population in Pittsburgh jumped from 6,000 in 1880 to 27,000 in 1910. Many took highly paid, skilled jobs in the steel mills. Pittsburgh's black population increased to 37,700 in 1920 (6.4% of the total) while the black element in Homestead, Rankin, Braddock, and others nearly doubled. They succeeded in building effective community responses that enabled the survival of new communities.[39][40] Historian Joe Trotter explains the decision process:

Although African-Americans often expressed their views of the Great Migration in biblical terms and received encouragement from northern black newspapers, railroad companies, and industrial labor agents, they also drew upon family and friendship networks to help in the move to Western Pennsylvania. They formed migration clubs, pooled their money, bought tickets at reduced rates, and often moved ingroups. Before they made the decision to move, they gathered information and debated the pros and cons of the process....In barbershops, poolrooms, and grocery stores, in churches, lodge halls, and clubhouses, and in private homes, southern blacks discussed, debated, and decided what was good and what was bad about moving to the urban North.[41]

Integration and segregation

White tenants seeking to prevent blacks from moving into the Sojourner Truth housing project in Detroit erected this sign, 1942

In cities such as Newark, New York and Chicago, African Americans became increasingly integrated into society. As they lived and worked more closely with European Americans, the divide became increasingly indefinite. This period marked the transition for many African Americans from lifestyles as rural farmers to urban industrial workers.[42]

This migration gave birth to a cultural boom in cities such as Chicago and New York. In Chicago for instance, the neighborhood of Bronzeville became known as the "Black Metropolis". From 1924 to 1929, the "Black Metropolis" was at the peak of its golden years. Many of the community's entrepreneurs were black during this period. "The foundation of the first African American YMCA took place in Bronzeville, and worked to help incoming migrants find jobs in the city of Chicago."[43] The "Black Belt" geographical and racial isolation of this community, bordered to the north and east by whites, and to the south and west by industrial sites and ethnic immigrant neighborhoods, made it a site for the study of the development of an urban black community. For urbanized people, eating proper foods in a sanitary, civilized setting such as the home or a restaurant was a social ritual that indicated one's level of respectability. The people native to Chicago had pride in the high level of integration in Chicago restaurants, which they attributed to their unassailable manners and refined tastes.[44]

Since African-American migrants retained many Southern cultural and linguistic traits, such cultural differences created a sense of "otherness" in terms of their reception by others who were already living in the cities.[45] Stereotypes ascribed to black people during this period and ensuing generations often derived from African-American migrants' rural cultural traditions, which were maintained in stark contrast to the urban environments in which the people resided.[45]

Second and New Great Migration

The Great Depression of the 1930s resulted in reduced migration because of decreased opportunities. With the defense buildup for World War II and with the post-war economic prosperity, migration was revived, with larger numbers of blacks leaving the South through the 1960s. After the political and civil gains of the Civil Rights Movement, in the 1970s migration began to increase again. It moved in a different direction, as blacks traveled to new regions of the South for economic opportunity.

White southern reaction

The beginning of the Great Migration exposed a paradox in race relations in the American South at that time. Although blacks were treated with extreme hostility and subjected to legal discrimination, the southern economy was deeply dependent on them as an abundant supply of cheap labor, and black workers were seen as the most critical factor in the economic development of the South. One South Carolina politician summed up the dilemma: "Politically speaking, there are far too many negroes, but from an industrial standpoint there is room for many more."[46]

When the Great Migration started in the 1910s, white southern elites seemed to be unconcerned, and industrialists and cotton planters saw it as a positive, as it was siphoning off surplus industrial and agricultural labor. As the migration picked up, however, southern elites began to panic, fearing that a prolonged black exodus would bankrupt the South, and newspaper editorials warned of the danger. White employers eventually took notice and began expressing their fears. White southerners soon began trying to stem the flow in order to prevent the hemorrhaging of their labor supply, and some began attempting to address the poor living standards and racial oppression experienced by Southern blacks in order to induce them to stay.

As a result, southern employers increased their wages to match those on offer in the North, and some individual employers opposed the worst excesses of Jim Crow laws. When the measures failed to stem the tide, white southerners, in concert with federal officials who feared the rise of black nationalism, co-operated in attempting to coerce blacks to stay in the South. The Southern Metal Trades Association urged decisive action to stop black migration, and some employers undertook serious efforts against it. The largest southern steel manufacturer refused to cash checks sent to finance black migration, efforts were made to restrict bus and train access for blacks, agents were stationed in northern cities to report on wage levels, unionization, and the rise of black nationalism, and newspapers were pressured to divert more coverage to negative aspects of black life in the North. A series of local and federal directives were put into place with the goal of restricting black mobility, including local vagrancy ordinances, "work or fight" laws demanding all males either be employed or serve in the army, and conscription orders. Intimidation and beatings were also used to terrorize blacks into staying.[46][47] These intimidation tactics were described by Secretary of Labor William B. Wilson as interfering with "the natural right of workers to move from place to place at their own discretion".[48]

During the wave of migration that took place in the 1940s, white southerners were less concerned, as mechanization of agriculture in the late 1930s had resulted in another labor surplus so southern planters put up less resistance.[46]

In popular culture

The Great Migration is a backdrop of the 2013 film The Butler, as the Forest Whitaker character Cecil Gaines moves from a plantation in Georgia to become a butler at the White House.

Statistics

African Americans as a Percentage of the Total Population By U.S. Region (1900–2010)[49][50][51]
Region	1900	1910	1920	1930	1940	1950	1960	1970	1980	1990	2000	2010	Change in the Black Percentage of the Total Population Between 1900 and 2010
United States	11.6%	10.7%	9.9%	9.7%	9.8%	10.0%	10.5%	11.1%	11.7%	12.1%	12.3%	12.6%	+1.0%
Northeast	1.8%	1.9%	2.3%	3.3%	3.8%	5.1%	6.8%	8.9%	9.9%	11.0%	11.4%	11.8%	+10.0%
Midwest	1.9%	1.8%	2.3%	3.3%	3.5%	5.0%	6.7%	8.1%	9.1%	9.6%	10.1%	10.4%	+8.5%
South	32.3%	29.8%	26.9%	24.7%	23.8%	21.7%	20.6%	19.1%	18.6%	18.5%	18.9%	19.2%	-13.1%
West	0.7%	0.7%	0.9%	1.0%	1.2%	2.9%	3.9%	4.9%	5.2%	5.4%	4.9%	4.8%	+4.1%

African Americans as a Percentage of the Total Population By U.S. State (1900–2010)[49][50][51]
State	Region	1900	1910	1920	1930	1940	1950	1960	1970	1980	1990	2000	2010	Change in the Black Percentage of the Total Population Between 1900 and 2010
United States	N/A	11.6%	10.7%	9.9%	9.7%	9.8%	10.0%	10.5%	11.1%	11.7%	12.1%	12.3%	12.6%	+1.0%
Alabama	South	45.2%	42.5%	38.4%	35.7%	34.7%	32.0%	30.0%	26.2%	25.6%	25.3%	26.0%	26.2%	-19.0%
Alaska	West	0.3%	0.3%	0.2%	0.2%	0.2%		3.0%	3.0%	3.4%	4.1%	3.5%	3.3%	+3.0%
Arizona	West	1.5%	1.0%	2.4%	2.5%	3.0%	3.5%	3.3%	3.0%	2.8%	3.0%	3.1%	4.1%	+2.6%
Arkansas	South	28.0%	28.1%	27.0%	25.8%	24.8%	22.3%	21.8%	18.3%	16.3%	15.9%	15.7%	15.4%	-12.6%
California	West	0.7%	0.9%	1.1%	1.4%	1.8%	4.4%	5.6%	7.0%	7.7%	7.4%	6.7%	6.2%	+5.5%
Colorado	West	1.6%	1.4%	1.2%	1.1%	1.1%	1.5%	2.3%	3.0%	3.5%	4.0%	3.8%	4.0%	+2.4%
Connecticut	Northeast	1.7%	1.4%	1.5%	1.8%	1.9%	2.7%	4.2%	6.0%	7.0%	8.3%	9.1%	10.1%	+8.4%
Delaware	South	16.6%	15.4%	13.6%	13.7%	13.5%	13.7%	13.6%	14.3%	16.1%	16.9%	19.2%	21.4%	+4.8%
District of Columbia	South	31.1%	28.5%	25.1%	27.1%	28.2%	35.0%	53.9%	71.1%	70.3%	65.8%	60.0%	50.7%	+19.6%
Florida	South	43.7%	41.0%	34.0%	29.4%	27.1%	21.8%	17.8%	15.3%	13.8%	13.6%	14.6%	16.0%	-27.7%
Georgia	South	46.7%	45.1%	41.7%	36.8%	34.7%	30.9%	28.5%	25.9%	26.8%	27.0%	28.7%	30.5%	-16.2%
Hawaii	West	0.2%	0.4%	0.1%	0.2%	0.1%	0.5%	0.8%	1.0%	1.8%	2.5%	1.8%	1.6%	+1.4%
Idaho	West	0.2%	0.2%	0.2%	0.2%	0.1%	0.2%	0.2%	0.3%	0.3%	0.3%	0.4%	0.6%	+0.4%
Illinois	Midwest	1.8%	1.9%	2.8%	4.3%	4.9%	7.4%	10.3%	12.8%	14.7%	14.8%	15.1%	14.5%	+12.7%
Indiana	Midwest	2.3%	2.2%	2.8%	3.5%	3.6%	4.4%	5.8%	6.9%	7.6%	7.8%	8.4%	9.1%	+6.8%
Iowa	Midwest	0.6%	0.7%	0.8%	0.7%	0.7%	0.8%	0.9%	1.2%	1.4%	1.7%	2.1%	2.9%	+2.3%
Kansas	Midwest	3.5%	3.2%	3.3%	3.5%	3.6%	3.8%	4.2%	4.8%	5.3%	5.8%	5.7%	5.9%	+2.4%
Kentucky	South	13.3%	11.4%	9.8%	8.6%	7.5%	6.9%	7.1%	7.2%	7.1%	7.1%	7.3%	7.8%	-5.5%
Louisiana	South	47.1%	43.1%	38.9%	36.9%	35.9%	32.9%	31.9%	29.8%	29.4%	30.8%	32.5%	32.0%	-15.1%
Maine	Northeast	0.2%	0.2%	0.2%	0.1%	0.2%	0.1%	0.3%	0.3%	0.3%	0.4%	0.5%	1.2%	+1.0%
Maryland	South	19.8%	17.9%	16.9%	16.9%	16.6%	16.5%	16.7%	17.8%	22.7%	24.9%	27.9%	29.4%	+9.6%
Massachusetts	Northeast	1.1%	1.1%	1.2%	1.2%	1.3%	1.6%	2.2%	3.1%	3.9%	5.0%	5.4%	6.6%	+5.5%
Michigan	Midwest	0.7%	0.6%	1.6%	3.5%	4.0%	6.9%	9.2%	11.2%	12.9%	13.9%	14.2%	14.2%	+13.5%
Minnesota	Midwest	0.3%	0.3%	0.4%	0.4%	0.4%	0.5%	0.7%	0.9%	1.3%	2.2%	3.5%	5.2%	+4.9%
Mississippi	South	58.5%	56.2%	52.2%	50.2%	49.2%	45.3%	42.0%	36.8%	35.2%	35.6%	36.3%	37.0%	-21.5%
Missouri	Midwest	5.2%	4.8%	5.2%	6.2%	6.5%	7.5%	9.0%	10.3%	10.5%	10.7%	11.2%	11.6%	+6.4%
Montana	West	0.6%	0.2%	0.3%	0.2%	0.2%	0.2%	0.2%	0.3%	0.2%	0.3%	0.3%	0.4%	-0.2%
Nebraska	Midwest	0.6%	0.6%	1.0%	1.0%	1.1%	1.5%	2.1%	2.7%	3.1%	3.6%	4.0%	4.5%	+3.9%
Nevada	West	0.3%	0.6%	0.4%	0.6%	0.6%	2.7%	4.7%	5.7%	6.4%	6.6%	6.8%	8.1%	+7.8%
New Hampshire	Northeast	0.2%	0.1%	0.1%	0.2%	0.1%	0.1%	0.3%	0.3%	0.4%	0.6%	0.7%	1.1%	+0.9%
New Jersey	Northeast	3.7%	3.5%	3.7%	5.2%	5.5%	6.6%	8.5%	10.7%	12.6%	13.4%	13.6%	13.7%	+10.0%
New Mexico	West	0.8%	0.5%	1.6%	0.7%	0.9%	1.2%	1.8%	1.9%	1.8%	2.0%	1.9%	2.1%	+1.3%
New York	Northeast	1.4%	1.5%	1.9%	3.3%	4.2%	6.2%	8.4%	11.9%	13.7%	15.9%	15.9%	15.9%	+14.5%
North Carolina	South	33.0%	31.6%	29.8%	29.0%	27.5%	25.8%	24.5%	22.2%	22.4%	22.0%	21.6%	21.5%	-11.5%
North Dakota	West	0.1%	0.1%	0.1%	0.1%	0.0%	0.0%	0.1%	0.4%	0.4%	0.6%	0.6%	1.2%	+1.1%
Ohio	Midwest	2.3%	2.3%	3.2%	4.7%	4.9%	6.5%	8.1%	9.1%	10.0%	10.6%	11.5%	12.2%	+9.9%
Oklahoma	South	7.0%	8.3%	7.4%	7.2%	7.2%	6.5%	6.6%	6.7%	6.8%	7.4%	7.6%	7.4%	+0.4%
Oregon	West	0.3%	0.2%	0.3%	0.2%	0.2%	0.8%	1.0%	1.3%	1.4%	1.6%	1.6%	1.8%	+1.5%
Pennsylvania	Northeast	2.5%	2.5%	3.3%	4.5%	4.7%	6.1%	7.5%	8.6%	8.8%	9.2%	10.0%	10.8%	+8.3%
Rhode Island	Northeast	2.1%	1.8%	1.7%	1.4%	1.5%	1.8%	2.1%	2.7%	2.9%	3.9%	4.5%	5.7%	+3.6%
South Carolina	South	58.4%	55.2%	51.4%	45.6%	42.9%	38.8%	34.8%	30.5%	30.4%	29.8%	29.5%	27.9%	-30.5%
South Dakota	West	0.1%	0.1%	0.1%	0.1%	0.1%	0.1%	0.2%	0.2%	0.3%	0.5%	0.6%	1.3%	+1.2%
Tennessee	South	23.8%	21.7%	19.3%	18.3%	17.4%	16.1%	16.5%	15.8%	15.8%	16.0%	16.4%	16.7%	-7.1%
Texas	South	20.4%	17.7%	15.9%	14.7%	14.4%	12.7%	12.4%	12.5%	12.0%	11.9%	11.5%	11.8%	-8.6%
Utah	West	0.2%	0.3%	0.3%	0.2%	0.2%	0.4%	0.5%	0.6%	0.6%	0.7%	0.8%	1.1%	+0.9%
Vermont	Northeast	0.2%	0.5%	0.2%	0.2%	0.1%	0.1%	0.1%	0.2%	0.2%	0.3%	0.5%	1.0%	+0.8%
Virginia	South	35.6%	32.6%	29.9%	26.8%	24.7%	22.1%	20.6%	18.5%	18.9%	18.8%	19.6%	19.4%	-16.2%
Washington	West	0.5%	0.5%	0.5%	0.4%	0.4%	1.3%	1.7%	2.1%	2.6%	3.1%	3.2%	3.6%	+3.1%
West Virginia	South	4.5%	5.3%	5.9%	6.6%	6.2%	5.7%	4.8%	3.9%	3.3%	3.1%	3.2%	3.4%	-1.1%
Wisconsin	Midwest	0.1%	0.1%	0.2%	0.4%	0.4%	0.8%	1.9%	2.9%	3.9%	5.0%	5.7%	6.3%	+6.2%
Wyoming	West	1.0%	1.5%	0.7%	0.6%	0.4%	0.9%	0.7%	0.8%	0.7%	0.8%	0.8%	0.8%	-0.2%

African Americans as a Percentage of the Population By Large U.S. Cities (Those With a Peak Population of 500,000 or More by 1990) Outside of the Former Confederacy[52][53]
City	1900	1910	1920	1930	1940	1950	1960	1970	1980	1990	Change in the Black Percentage of the Total Population Between 1900 and 1990
Phoenix, Arizona	2.7%	2.9%	3.7%	4.9%	6.5%	4.9%	4.8%	4.8%	4.8%	5.2%	+2.5%
Los Angeles, California	2.1%	2.4%	2.7%	3.1%	4.2%	8.7%	13.5%	17.9%	17.0%	14.0%	+11.9%
San Diego, California	1.8%	1.5%	1.3%	1.8%	2.0%	4.5%	6.0%	7.6%	8.9%	9.4%	+7.6%
San Francisco, California	0.5%	0.4%	0.5%	0.6%	0.8%	5.6%	10.0%	13.4%	12.7%	10.9%	+10.4%
San Jose, California	1.0%	0.6%	0.5%	0.4%	0.4%	0.6%	1.0%	2.5%	4.6%	4.7%	+3.7%
Denver, Colorado	2.9%	2.5%	2.4%	2.5%	2.4%	3.6%	6.1%	9.1%	12.0%	12.8%	+9.9%
Washington, District of Columbia	31.1%	28.5%	25.1%	27.1%	28.2%	35.0%	53.9%	71.1%	70.3%	65.8%	+34.7%
Chicago, Illinois	1.8%	2.0%	4.1%	6.9%	8.2%	13.6%	22.9%	32.7%	39.8%	39.1%	+37.3%
Indianapolis, Indiana	9.4%	9.3%	11.0%	12.1%	13.2%	15.0%	20.6%	18.0%	21.8%	22.6%	+13.2%
Baltimore, Maryland	15.6%	15.2%	14.8%	17.7%	19.3%	23.7%	34.7%	46.4%	54.8%	59.2%	+43.6%
Boston, Massachusetts	2.1%	2.0%	2.2%	2.6%	3.1%	5.0%	9.1%	16.3%	22.4%	25.6%	+23.5%
Detroit, Michigan	1.4%	1.2%	4.1%	7.7%	9.2%	16.2%	28.9%	43.7%	63.1%	75.7%	+74.3%
Minneapolis, Minnesota	0.8%	0.9%	1.0%	0.9%	0.9%	1.3%	2.4%	4.4%	7.7%	13.0%	+12.2%
Kansas City, Missouri	10.7%	9.5%	9.5%	9.6%	10.4%	12.2%	17.5%	22.1%	27.4%	29.6%	+18.9%
St. Louis, Missouri	6.2%	6.4%	9.0%	11.4%	13.3%	17.9%	28.6%	40.9%	45.6%	47.5%	+41.3%
Buffalo, New York	0.5%	0.4%	0.9%	2.4%	3.1%	6.3%	13.3%	20.4%	26.6%	30.7%	+30.2%
New York City, New York	1.8%	1.9%	2.7%	4.7%	6.1%	9.5%	14.0%	21.1%	25.2%	28.7%	+26.9%
Cincinnati, Ohio	4.4%	5.4%	7.5%	10.6%	12.2%	15.5%	21.6%	27.6%	33.8%	37.9%	+33.5%
Cleveland, Ohio	1.6%	1.5%	4.3%	8.0%	9.6%	16.2%	28.6%	38.3%	43.8%	46.6%	+45.0%
Columbus, Ohio	6.5%	7.0%	9.4%	11.3%	11.7%	12.4%	16.4%	18.5%	22.1%	22.6%	+16.1%
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania	4.8%	5.5%	7.4%	11.3%	13.0%	18.2%	26.4%	33.6%	37.8%	39.9%	+35.1%
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania	5.3%	4.8%	6.4%	8.2%	9.3%	12.2%	16.7%	20.2%	24.0%	25.8%	+20.5%
Seattle, Washington	0.5%	1.0%	0.9%	0.9%	1.0%	3.4%	4.8%	7.1%	9.5%	10.1%	+9.6%
Milwaukee, Wisconsin	0.3%	0.3%	0.5%	1.3%	1.5%	3.4%	8.4%	14.7%	23.1%	30.5%	+30.2%

African Americans as a Percentage of the Population By Large U.S. Cities (Those With a Peak Population of 500,000 or More by 1990) Inside the Former Confederacy[52][53]
City	1900	1910	1920	1930	1940	1950	1960	1970	1980	1990	Change in the Black Percentage of the Total Population Between 1900 and 1990
Jacksonville, Florida	57.1%	50.8%	45.3%	37.2%	35.7%	35.4%	41.1%	22.3%	25.4%	25.2%	-31.9%
New Orleans, Louisiana	27.1%	26.3%	26.1%	28.3%	30.1%	31.9%	37.2%	45.0%	55.3%	61.9%	+34.8%
Memphis, Tennessee	48.8%	40.0%	37.7%	38.1%	41.5%	37.2%	37.0%	38.9%	47.6%	54.8%	+6.0%
Dallas, Texas	21.2%	19.6%	15.1%	14.9%	17.1%	13.1%	19.0%	24.9%	29.4%	29.5%	+8.3%
El Paso, Texas	2.9%	3.7%	1.7%	1.8%	2.3%	2.4%	2.1%	2.3%	3.2%	3.4%	+0.5%
Houston, Texas	32.7%	30.4%	24.6%	21.7%	22.4%	20.9%	22.9%	25.7%	27.6%	28.1%	-4.6%
San Antonio, Texas	14.1%	11.1%	8.9%	7.8%	7.6%	7.0%	7.1%	7.6%	7.3%	7.0%	-7.1%

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