Turkification

Turkification, or Turkicisation (Turkish: Türkleştirme), describes both a cultural and language shift whereby populations or states adopted a historical Turkic culture, such as in the Ottoman Empire, and the Turkish nationalist policies of the Republic of Turkey toward ethnic minorities in Turkey. As the Turkic states developed and grew, there were many instances of this cultural shift. An early form of Turkification occurred in the time of the Seljuk Empire among the local population of Anatolia, involving intermarriages, religious conversion, linguistic shift and interethnic relationships, which today is reflected in the genetic makeup of the modern Turkish people.[1][2][3][4][5] Diverse peoples were affected by Turkification including Anatolian, Balkan, Caucasian, and Middle Eastern peoples with different ethnic origins, such as Albanians, Armenians, Assyrians, Circassians, Georgians, Greeks, Jews, Romani, Slavs, Kurds living in Anatolia, as well as Lazs from all the regions of the Ottoman Empire.[1][6][3][4][5]

Janissaries in the Ottoman army were largely of Christian origin.[7][8]

Etymology

Prior to the 20th century, Anatolian, Balkan, Caucasian, and Middle Eastern regions were said to undergo Ottomanization. "Turkification" started being used interchangeably with "Ottomanization" after the rise of Turkish nationalism in the 20th century.[9]

The term has been used in the Greek language since the 1300s or late-Byzantine era as "εκτουρκισμός", or "τούρκεμα". It literally means "becoming Turk". Apart from persons, it may refer also to cities that were conquered by Turks or churches that were converted to mosques. It is more frequently used in the form of the verb "τουρκεύω" (turkify, become Muslim or Turk).[10][11][12]

History

By 750 the Turkification of Kashgar by the Qarluq Turks was underway. The Qarluqs were ancestors of the Karakhanids, who also Islamized the population.[13] The Iranian language of Khwarezm, a Central Asian oasis region, eventually died out as a result of Turkification.[14]

Native Iranian population of Central Asia and the steppes part of the region[note 1], had also been turkified by the migrating Turkic tribes of Inner Asia by the 6th century A.D. The process of Turkification of Central Asia, besides those parts that today constitute the territory of the present-day Tajikistan, accelerated with the Mongol conquest of Central Asia[note 2].[15]

Arrival of Turks to Anatolia
Main article: Turkic migration
Illustration of the registration of Christian boys for the devşirme. Ottoman miniature painting, 1558.[16])

Anatolia was home to many different peoples in ancient times who were either natives or settlers and invaders. These different people included the Armenians, Anatolian peoples, Persians,[17] Hurrians, Greeks, Cimmerians, Galatians, Colchians, Iberians, Arameans, Assyrians, Corduenes, and scores of others. The presence of many Greeks, the process of Hellenization, and the similarity of some of the native languages of Anatolia to Greek (cf. Phrygian), gradually caused many of these peoples to abandon their own languages in favor of the eastern Mediterranean lingua franca, Koine Greek, a process reinforced by Romanization. By the 5th century the native people of Asia Minor were entirely Greek in their language and Christian in religion.[18] These Greek Christian inhabitants of Asia Minor are known as Byzantine Greeks, and they formed the bulk of the Byzantine Empire's Greek-speaking population for one thousand years, from the 5th century until the fall of the Byzantine state in the 15th century. In the northeast along the Black Sea these peoples eventually formed their own state known as the Empire of Trebizond, which gave rise to the modern Pontic Greek population. In the east, near the borderlands with the Persian Empire, other native languages remained, specifically Armenian, Assyrian Aramaic, and Kurdish.[19] Byzantine authorities routinely conducted large-scale population transfers in an effort to impose religious uniformity and quell rebellions. After the subordination of the First Bulgarian Empire in 1018, for instance, much of its army was resettled in Eastern Anatolia. The Byzantines were particularly keen to assimilate the large Armenian population. To that end, in the eleventh century, the Armenian nobility were removed from their lands and resettled throughout western Anatolia with prominent families subsumed into the Byzantine nobility, leading to numerous Byzantine generals and emperors of Armenian extraction. These resettlements spread the Armenian-speaking community deep into Asia Minor, but an unintended consequence was the loss of local military leadership along the eastern Byzantine frontier, opening the path for the inroads of Turkish invaders.[20] Beginning in the eleventh century, war between the Turks and Byzantines led to the deaths of many in Asia Minor, while others were enslaved and removed.[21] As areas became depopulated, Turkic nomads moved in with their herds.[22]

Number of pastoralists of Turkic origin in Anatolia

The number of nomads of Turkic origin that migrated to Anatolia is a matter of discussion. According to Ibn Sa'id al-Maghribi, there were 200,000 Turkmen tents in Denizli and its surrounding areas, 30,000 in Bolu and its environment, and about 100,000 in Kastamonu and its environment.[23][24] According to a Latin source at the end of the 12th century there were 100,000 nomadic tents in the regions of Denizli and Isparta.[25]

According to Ottoman tax archives, in modern-day Anatolia, in Anatolia Eyalet, Karaman Eyalet, Dulkadir Eyalet and Rûm Eyalet provinces there were about 872,610 households in the 1520s and 1530s; 160,564 of those households were nomadic, and the remainder were sedentary. Of four provinces, province of Anatolia had the largest nomadic population with 77,268 households. (note: province of Anatolia does not include entire Anatolia, it includes Western Anatolia and some parts of Northwestern Anatolia only) Between 1570 and 1580, 220,217 households of the total 1,360,474 households in the four provinces were nomadic which means, at least 20% of Anatolia was still nomadic in the 16th century. The province of Anatolia, which had the largest nomadic population with 77,268, saw an increase in its nomadic population. 116,219 households in those years in province of Anatolia were nomadic.[26]

Devşirme
Main article: Devşirme

Devşirme[a] (literally "collecting" in Turkish), also known as the blood tax, was chiefly the annual practice by which the Ottoman Empire sent military to press second or third sons of their Christian subjects (Rum millet) in the villages of the Balkans into military training as janissaries.[27] They were then converted to Islam[28] with the primary objective of selecting and training the ablest children for the military or civil service of the Empire, notably into the Janissaries.[29] Started by Murad I as a means to counteract the growing power of the Turkish nobility, the practice itself violated Islamic law.[30] Yet by 1648, the practice was slowly drawing to an end. An attempt to re-institute it in 1703 was resisted by its Ottoman members who coveted its military and civilian posts. Finally in the early part of Ahmet III's reign, the practice of devshirme was abolished.

Late Ottoman era

The late Ottoman government sought to create "a core identity with a single Turkish religion, language, history, tradition, culture and set of customs", replacing earlier Ottoman traditions that had not sought to assimilate different religions or ethnic groups. The Ottoman Empire had an ethnically diverse population that included Turks, Arabs, Albanians, Bosniaks, Greeks, Persians, Bulgarians, Serbs, Armenians, Kurds, Zazas, Circassians, Assyrians, Jews and Laz people. Turkish nationalists claimed that only Turks were loyal to the state. Ideological support for Turkification was not widespread in the Ottoman Empire.[31]

One of its main supporters was sociologist and political activist Ziya Gökalp who believed that a modern state must become homogeneous in terms of culture, religion, and national identity.[32] This conception of national identity was augmented by his belief in the primacy of Turkishness, as a unifying virtue. As part of this belief, it was necessary to purge from the territories of the state those national groups who could threaten the integrity of a modern Turkish nation state.[33][34] The 18th article of the Ottoman Constitution of 1876 declared Turkish the sole official language,[35] and that only Turkish speaking people could be employed in the government.[36]

After the Young Turks assumed power in 1909, the policy of Turkification received several new layers and it was sought to impose Turkish in the administration, the courts and education in the areas where the Arabic speaking population was the majority. Another aim was to loosen ties between the Empire's Turk and ethnically non-Turkish populations through efforts to purify the Turkish language of Arabic influences. In this nationalist vision of Turkish identity, language was supreme and religion relegated to a subordinate role. Arabs responded by asserting the superiority of Arabic language, describing Turkish as a "mongrel" language that had borrowed heavily from the Persian and Arabic languages. Through the policy of Turkification, the Young Turk government suppressed Arabic language. Turkish teachers were hired to replace Arabic teachers at schools. The Ottoman postal service was administrated in Turkish.[37]

Those who supported Turkification were accused of harming Islam. Rashid Rida was an advocate who supported Arabic against Turkish.[37] Even before the Young Turk Revolution of 1908, the Syrian Reformer Tahrir al-Jazairi had convinced Midhat Pasha to adopt Arabic as the official language of instruction at state schools. The language of instruction was only changed to Turkish in 1885 under Sultan Abdulhamid.[38] Though writers like Ernest Dawn have noted that the foundations of Second Constitutional Era "Arabism" predate 1908, the prevailing view still holds that Arab nationalism emerged as a response to the Ottoman Empire's Turkification policies.[39][40] One historian of Arab nationalism wrote that: "the Unionists introduced a grave provocation by opposing the Arab language and adopting a policy of Turkification", but not all scholars agree about the contribution of Turkification policies to Arab nationalism.[39]

European critics who accused the CUP of depriving non-Turks of their rights through Turkification saw Turk, Ottoman and Muslim as synonymous, and believed Young Turk "Ottomanism" posed a threat to Ottoman Christians. The British ambassador Gerard Lowther said it was like "pounding non-Turkish elements in a Turkish mortar", while another contemporary European source complained that the CUP plan would reduce "the various races and regions of the empire to one dead level of Turkish uniformity." Rifa'at 'Ali Abou-El-Haj has written that "some Ottoman cultural elements and Islamic elements were abandoned in favor of Turkism, a more potent device based on ethnic identity and dependent on a language based nationalism".[39]

The Young Turk government launched a series of initiatives that included forced assimilation. Uğur Üngör writes that "Muslim Kurds and Sephardi Jews were considered slightly more 'Turkifiable' than others", noting that many of these nationalist era "social engineering" policies perpetuated persecution "with little regard for proclaimed and real loyalties." These policies culminated in Armenian and Assyrian genocides.[41]

During World War I, the Ottoman government established orphanages throughout the empire which included Armenian, Kurdish and Turkish children. Armenian orphans were given Arabic and Turkish names.[42] In 1916 a Turkification campaign began in which whole Kurdish tribes were to be resettled in areas where they were not to exceed more than 10% of the local population. Talaat Pasha ordered that Kurds in the eastern areas be relocated in western areas. He also demanded information regarding if the Kurds turkefy in their new settlements and if they get along with their Turkish population.[43] Also non-Kurdish immigrants from Greece, Albania, Bosnia and Bulgaria were to be settled in the Diyarbakır province, where the deported Kurds have lived before.[44] By October 1918, with the Ottoman army retreating from Lebanon, a Father Sarlout sent the Turkish and Kurdish orphans to Damascus, while keeping the Armenian orphans in Antoura. He began the process of reversing the Turkification process by having the Armenian orphans recall their original names.[45] It is believed by various scholars, that at least two million Turks have at least one Armenian grandparent.[46]

Around 1.5 million Ottoman Greeks remained in the Ottoman Empire after losses of 550,000 during WWI. Almost all, 1,250,000, except for those in Constantinople, had fled before or were forced to go to Greece in 1923 in the population exchanges mandated by the League of Nations after the Greco-Turkish War (1919–1922).[47] The lingual Turkification of Greek-speakers in 19th-century Anatolia is well documented. According to Speros Vryonis the Karamanlides are the result of partial Turkification that occurred earlier, during the Ottoman period.[48] Fewer than 300,000 Armenians remained of 1.8 million before the war; fewer than 100,000 of 400,000 Assyrians.

Modern Turkey

When the modern Republic of Turkey was founded in 1923, nationalism and secularism were two of the founding principles.[49] Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the leader of the early years of the Republic, aimed to create a nation state (Turkish: Ulus) from the Turkish remnants of the Ottoman Empire. The Turkish Ministry of National Education in 2008 defines the "Turkish People" as "those who protect and promote the moral, spiritual, cultural and humanistic values of the Turkish Nation."[50] One of the goals of the establishment of the new Turkish state was to ensure "the domination of Turkish ethnic identity in every aspect of social life from the language that people speak in the streets to the language to be taught at schools, from the education to the industrial life, from the trade to the cadres of state officials, from the civil law to the settlement of citizens to particular regions."[51]

The process of unification through Turkification continued within modern Turkey with such policies as:

  • According to Art. 12 of the Turkish Constitution of 1924, citizens who could not speak and read Turkish were not allowed to become members of parliament.[52]
  • A law from December 1925 demanded that clothes worn by employees in all companies must be of Turkish production.[53]
  • On the 18 March 1926 a Civil Servants Law came into effect, which allowed only Turks to become civil servants and explicitly excluded Armenians and Greeks to become such.[54]
  • On the 28 Mai 1927 it was decided that the business correspondence must be in Turkish language and foreign assurance companies must employ Turks except for the director and the deputy director.[53]
  • The Law 1164 from September 1927,[55] enabled the creation of regional administrative areas called Inspectorates-General (Turkish: Umumi Müfettişlikler), where extensive policies of Turkififaction were applied.[56] The Inspectorates Generals existed until 1952.[57]
  • Citizen, speak Turkish! (Turkish: Vatandaş Türkçe konuş!) – An initiative created by law students but sponsored by the Turkish government which aimed to put pressure on non-Turkish speakers to speak Turkish in public in the 1930s.[58][59][60] In some municipalities, fines were given to those speaking in any language other than Turkish.[61][62][63][64][65][66]
  • The Law 2007 of 11 June 1932 reserved a wide number of professions like lawyer, construction worker, artisan, hairdresser, messenger etc. to Turkish citizens and forbade foreigners also to open shops in rural areas. Most affected by the Law were the Greek.[67][68]
  • 1934 Resettlement Law (also known as the Law no. 2510) – A policy adopted by the Turkish government which set forth the basic principles of immigration.[69] The law was issued to impose a policy of forceful assimilation of non-Turkish minorities through a forced and collective resettlement.[70]
  • Surname Law – The surname law forbade certain surnames that contained connotations of foreign cultures, nations, tribes, and religions.[59][71][72][73] As a result, many ethnic Armenians, Greeks, and Kurds were forced to adopt last names of Turkish rendition.[72] Names ending with "yan, of, ef , viç, is, dis , poulos, aki, zade, shvili, madumu, veled, bin" (names that denote Armenian, Russian, Greek, Albanian, Arabic, Georgian, Kurdish, and other origins) could not be registered, they had to be replaced by "-oğlu."[74]
  • From 1932 on, it was implemented by the Diyanet that the Adhan and the Salah shall be called in Turkish. Imams who delivered the Adhan in Arabic were prosecuted according to the article 526 of the Turkish Criminal Code for "being opposed to the command of officials maintaining public order and safety".[75] 1941 a new paragraph was added to Article 526 of the Turkish Criminal Code and from then on Imams who refused to deliver the Adhan in Turkish could be imprisoned for up to 3 months or be fined with between 10 and 300 Turkish Lira.[76] After the Democrat Party won the elections in 1950, on 17 June 1950 it was decided that the prayers could be given in Arabic again.[77]
  • The conscription of the 20 Classes working battalions in the years 1941-1942. Only non-Muslims, mainly Jews, Greeks and Armenians were conscripted to work under difficult conditions.[78][79]
  • Varlık Vergisi ("Wealth tax" or "Capital tax") – A Turkish tax levied on the wealthy citizens of Turkey in 1942, with the stated aim of raising funds for the country's defense in case of an eventual entry into World War II. Those who suffered most severely were non-Muslims like the Jews, Greeks, Armenians, and Levantines, who controlled a large portion of the economy;[80] the Armenians who were most heavily taxed.[81] According to Klaus Kreiser for President Inönü the aim of the tax was to evict the foreigners who control the Turkish economy and move the economy to the Turks[82]
  • Article 16 of the Population Law from 1972 prohibited to give newborns names that were contrary to the national culture.[83]
  • Animal name changes in Turkey – An initiative by the Turkish government to remove any reference to Armenia and Kurdistan in the Latin names of animals.[84][85][86][87][88][89][90][91]
  • Confiscated Armenian properties in Turkey – An initiative by the Ottoman and Turkish governments which involved seizure of the assets, properties and land of the Armenian community of Turkey.[92] The policy is considered a nationalization and Turkification of the country's economy by eliminating ownership of non-Turkish minorities which in this case would be of the Armenian community.[93]
  • Geographical name changes in Turkey – An initiative by the Turkish government to replace non-Turkish geographical and topographic names within the Turkish Republic or the Ottoman Empire, with Turkish names,[94][95][96] as part of a policy of Turkification.[97][98][99] The main proponent of the initiative has been a Turkish homogenization social-engineering campaign which aimed to assimilate or obliterate geographical or topographical names that were deemed foreign and divisive against Turkish unity. The names that were considered foreign were usually of Armenian, Greek, Laz, Slavic, Kurdish, Assyrian, or Arabic origin.[94][96][98][99][100] For example, words such as Armenia were banned in 1880 from use in the press, schoolbooks, and governmental establishments and was subsequently replaced with words like Anatolia or Kurdistan.[101][102][103][104][105] Assyrians have increased their protest regarding the forced Turkification of historically Aramaic-named cities and localities and they see this process as continuing the cultural genocide of their identity and history (as part of the wider erasure of Assyrian, Kurdish and Armenian cultures).[106][107][69]
  • Article 301 (Turkish Penal Code) – An article of the Turkish Penal Code which makes it illegal to insult Turkey, the Turkish nation, or Turkish government institutions. It took effect on 1 June 2005, and was introduced as part of a package of penal-law reform in the process preceding the opening of negotiations for Turkish membership of the European Union (EU), in order to bring Turkey up to the Union standards.[108][109]
  • Turkification was also prevalent in the educational system of Turkey. Measures were adopted making Turkish classes mandatory in minority schools and making use of the Turkish language mandatory in economic institutions.[110]

Imprecise meaning of Türk

During the 19th century, the word Türk was a derogatory term used to refer to Anatolian villagers. The Ottoman elite identified themselves as Ottomans, not as Turks.[111] In the late 19th century, as European ideas of nationalism were adopted by the Ottoman elite, and as it became clear that the Turkish-speakers of Anatolia were the most loyal supporters of Ottoman rule, the term Türk took on a much more positive connotation.[112][113]

During Ottoman times, the millet system defined communities on a religious basis, and a residue remains today in that Turkish villagers will commonly consider as Turks only those who profess the Sunni faith, and they consider Turkish-speaking Jews, Christians, or even Alevis to be non-Turks.[114][115]

The imprecision of the appellation Türk can also be seen with other ethnic names, such as Kürt, which is often applied by western Anatolians to anyone east of Adana, even those who speak only Turkish.[114] On the other hand, Kurdish-speaking or Arabic-speaking Sunnis of eastern Anatolia are often considered to be Turks.[116]

Thus, the category Türk, like other ethnic categories popularly used in Turkey, does not have a uniform usage. In recent years, centrist Turkish politicians have attempted to redefine this category in a more multicultural way, emphasizing that a Türk is anyone who is a citizen of the Republic of Turkey.[117] Now, article 66 of the Turkish Constitution defines a "Turk" as anyone who is "bound to the Turkish state through the bond of citizenship".[118]

Genetic testing of language replacement hypothesis in Anatolia, Caucasus and Balkans
Main article: Genetic studies on Turkish people

The region of the Anatolia represents an extremely important area with respect to ancient population migration and expansion, and the spread of the Caucasian, Indo-European and Turkic languages. During the late Roman Period, prior to the Turkic conquest, the population of Anatolia had reached an estimated level of approximately 4 million people.[119][120][121] Several studies examined the extent to which gene flow from Central Asia has contributed to the current gene pool of the Turkish people, and the role of the 11th century invasion by Turkic peoples. A 2002 study concluded that Turks do not significantly differ from other Mediterranean populations, indicating that while the Asian Turks carried out an invasion with cultural significance (language and religion), the genetic significance is lesser detectable.[122] A genetic research from 2001 has suggested the local Anatolian origins of the Turkic Asian peoples might have been slight.[123] In 2003, DNA results suggested there was no strong genetic relationship between the Mongols and the Turks people despite the historical relationship of their languages.[124]

In 2014, however, the largest autosomal study on Turkish genetics (on 16 individuals) concluded the weight of East Asian (presumably Central Asian) migration legacy of the Turkish people is estimated at 21.7%.[4] The authors conclude on the basis of previous studies that "South Asian contribution to Turkey's population was significantly higher than East/Central Asian contributions, suggesting that the genetic variation of medieval Central Asian populations may be more closely related to South Asian populations, or that there was continued low level migration from South Asia into Anatolia." They note that these weights are not direct estimates of the migration rates as the original donor populations are not known, and the exact kinship between current East Asians and the medieval Oghuz Turks is uncertain. For instance, genetic pools of Central Asian Turkic peoples is particularly diverse and modern Oghuz Turkmens living in Central Asia are with higher West Eurasian genetic component than East Eurasian on average .[125][126][127]

These findings are consistent with a model in which the Turkic languages, originating in the Altai-Sayan region of Central Asia and northwestern Mongolia, were imposed on the indigenous peoples with genetic admixture, shows both ethnic mixing and linguistic replacement.[128] Genetically, Anatolian Turks were more closely related also with Balkan populations than to the Central Asian populations in early history. After eleven decades of Turkic migration to Anatolia including Oghuz and Kipchak Turkic people from Central Asia, Persia, Caucassia and Crimea, today's population is genetically in between Central Asia and indigenous historic Anatolia.[129][130] Similar results come from neighbouring Caucasus region by testing Armenian and Turkic speaking Azerbaijani populations, therefore representing language replacements and intermarriages.[131] As of 2004, the haplogroups in Turkey are shared with European and neighboring Near Eastern populations and haplogroups related to Central Asian, South Asian and African affinity, which supports both the mass migration, and language replacement hypothesis on the region and ethnic mixing.[132]

A 2011 haplogroup study concluded "that the profile of Anatolian populations today is the product not of mass westward migrations of Central Asians and Siberians, or of small-scale migrations into an emptied subcontinent, but instead of small-scale, irregular punctuated migration events that engendered large-scale shifts in language and culture among the diverse" indigenous inhabitants (p. 32).[133] Results of a 2012 genetic study by Hodoğlugil and Mahley showed the admixture of Turkish people, which is primarily European (French, Italian, Sardinian) and Middle Eastern (Druze, Palestinian), with a Central Asian (Uyghur, Kyrgyz, Hazara) component of only 9%-15% of their genepool.[134]

gollark: I should really make it escape formatting and limit entry length.
gollark: I can delete bot-data.json if it becomes a problem.
gollark: I think it's limited to 2000 chars.
gollark: Never!
gollark: ++list_deleted

See also

Notes
  1. Mainly the territories of the present-day Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Kyrghyzstan
  2. Though Mongols were not Turks or Turkic-speaking people, their army consisted mostly of Turkic warriors by the end of the conquest of Central Asia

References
  1. Lambton, Ann; Lewis, Bernard, eds. (1977). "3". The Cambridge history of Islam (Reprint. ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press. p. 231. ISBN 0521291356. Archived from the original on 2016-09-01. Retrieved 2016-09-22.
  2. Davison, Roderic H. (2013). Essays in Ottoman and Turkish History, 1774-1923: The Impact of the West. University of Texas Press. p. 3. ISBN 978-0292758940. Archived from the original on 2018-08-06. Retrieved 2016-09-22.
  3. Yunusbayev, Bayazit; et al. (2015). "The Genetic Legacy of the Expansion of Turkic-Speaking Nomads across Eurasia". PLoS Genetics. 11 (4): e1005068. doi:10.1371/journal.pgen.1005068. PMC 4405460. PMID 25898006.
  4. Alkan, Can; Kavak, Pinar; Somel, Mehmet; Gokcumen, Omer; Ugurlu, Serkan; Saygi, Ceren; Dal, Elif; Bugra, Kuyas; Güngör, Tunga; Sahinalp, S Cenk; Özören, Nesrin; Bekpen, Cemalettin (7 November 2014). "Whole genome sequencing of Turkish genomes reveals functional private alleles and impact of genetic interactions with Europe, Asia and Africa". BMC Genomics. 15 (1): 963. doi:10.1186/1471-2164-15-963. PMC 4236450. PMID 25376095.
  5. Heraclides, Alexandros; Bashiardes, Evy; Fernández-Domínguez, Eva; Bertoncini, Stefania; Chimonas, Marios; Christofi, Vasilis; King, Jonathan; Budowle, Bruce; Manoli, Panayiotis; Cariolou, Marios A. (16 June 2017). "Y-chromosomal analysis of Greek Cypriots reveals a primarily common pre-Ottoman paternal ancestry with Turkish Cypriots". PLOS ONE. 12 (6): e0179474. Bibcode:2017PLoSO..1279474H. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0179474. PMC 5473566. PMID 28622394.
  6. Davison, Roderic H. (2013). Essays in Ottoman and Turkish History, 1774-1923: The Impact of the West. University of Texas Press. p. 3. ISBN 978-0292758940. Archived from the original on 2018-08-06. Retrieved 2016-09-22.
  7. Goodwin, Jason (1998). Lords of the Horizons: A History of the Ottoman Empire. New York: H. Holt, 59,179–181. ISBN 0-8050-4081-1.
  8. The New Encyclopedia of Islam, ed. Cyril Glassé, Rowman & Littlefield, 2008, p.129
  9. Göl, Ayla (2015-11-01). Turkey facing east: Islam, modernity and foreign policy. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-1-5261-0334-5.
  10. Vyzantios, Skarlatos D. (1856). Skarlatos D. Vyzantios, Dictionnaire Grec-Francais et Francaise-Grec, Athenes, 1856, p. 408 (French part), under term "TURBAN". Retrieved 2014-05-05.
  11. Thumb, Albert (1895). Thumb Albert, Handbuch der neugriechischen Volkssprache, Trübner, 1895, p. 233. Retrieved 2014-05-05.
  12. Emile Louis Jean Legrand, Chrestomathie grecque moderne, 1899, p. 479. Archived 2013-07-18 at the Wayback Machine "τουρκεύω, rendre turc, se faire turc.
  13. Dickens, Mark (2018-03-22). "Kashgar". The Oxford Dictionary of Late Antiquity. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-866277-8. Retrieved 2018-07-21.
  14. Dickens, Mark (2018-03-22). "Khwarezmian (Chorasmian) language". The Oxford Dictionary of Late Antiquity. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-866277-8. Retrieved 2018-07-21.
  15. Hooman Peimani, "Conflict and Security in Central Asia and the Caucasus", ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2009, p.144
  16. Nasuh, Matrakçı (1588). "Janissary Recruitment in the Balkans". Süleymanname, Topkapı Sarayı Museum, Ms Hazine 1517. Archived from the original on 2018-12-03. Retrieved 2019-08-15.
  17. Raditsa, Leo (1983). "Iranians in Asia Minor". In Yarshater, Ehsan (ed.). The Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. 3 (1): The Seleucid, Parthian and Sasanian periods. Cambridge University Press. pp. 100–115. ISBN 978-1139054942.
  18. Swain, Simon; Adams, J. Maxwell; Janse, Mark (2002). Bilingualism in Ancient Society: Language Contact and the Written Word. Oxford [Oxfordshire]: Oxford University Press. pp. 246–266. ISBN 0-19-924506-1.
  19. Mitchell, Stephen. 1993. Anatolia: land, men and gods in Asia Minor. Vol. 1, The Celts, and the impact of Roman rule. Clarendon Press. pp.172–176.
  20. Charanis, Peter (2009). "The Transfer of Population as a Policy in the Byzantine Empire". Comparative Studies in Society and History. 3 (2): 140–54. doi:10.1017/S0010417500012093. JSTOR 177624.
  21. (Vryonis 1971: 172)
  22. (Vryonis 1971: 184–194)
  23. Thonemann, Peter (2011). Peter Thonemann, The Maeander Valley: A Historical Geography from Antiquity to Byzantium, p. 7. ISBN 9781139499354.
  24. Lindner, Rudi Paul (1983). Rudi Paul Lindner, Nomads and Ottomans in Medieval Anatolia. ISBN 9781134897841. Retrieved 2008-05-15.
  25. İlhan Şahin The Oghuz Turks of Anatolia, 2004 p. 5 (PDF). 2004. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2018-07-29. Retrieved 2018-07-28.
  26. İlhan Şahin The Oghuz Turks of Anatolia, 2004 p. 24 (PDF). 2004. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2018-07-29. Retrieved 2018-07-28.
  27. Perry Anderson (1979). Lineages of the Absolutist State. Verso. pp. 366–. ISBN 978-0-86091-710-6. Archived from the original on 2015-03-17. Retrieved 2015-10-19.
  28. The New Encyclopedia of Islam, Ed. Cyril Glassé, (Rowman & Littlefield, 2008), 129.
  29. Basgoz, I. & Wilson, H. E. (1989), The educational tradition of the Ottoman Empire and the development of the Turkish educational system of the republican era. Turkish Review 3(16), 15.
  30. Alexander Mikaberidze (22 July 2011). Conflict and Conquest in the Islamic World: A Historical Encyclopedia [2 volumes]: A Historical Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. pp. 273–. ISBN 978-1-59884-337-8. Archived from the original on 17 June 2016. Retrieved 19 October 2015. This effectively enslaved some of the sultan's own non-Islamic subjects and was therefore illegal under Islamic law, which stipulated that conquered non-Muslims should be demilitarized and protected
  31. Tas, Latif (2016-04-22). Legal Pluralism in Action: Dispute Resolution and the Kurdish Peace Committee. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-317-10615-9.
  32. Akcam, Taner. A Shameful Act. 2006, page 88.
  33. Bloxham. p. 150 Archived 2020-01-02 at the Wayback Machine
  34. Levene (1998)
  35. Doganalp-Votzi, Heidemarie (2002). Aspects of the political language in Turkey. Istanbul: Isis Press. p. 64.
  36. "Die Verfassung des Osmanischen Reichs (1876)". www.verfassungen.eu. Archived from the original on 2018-11-06. Retrieved 2019-01-19.
  37. Suleiman, Yasir (2004-06-10). A War of Words: Language and Conflict in the Middle East. Cambridge University Press. pp. 17–18. ISBN 978-0-521-54656-0.
  38. Çiçek, M. Talha (2015-12-14). Syria in World War I: Politics, economy, and society. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-317-37126-7.
  39. Kayali, Hasan (1997-09-03). Arabs and Young Turks: Ottomanism, Arabism, and Islamism in the Ottoman Empire, 1908-1918. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-91757-6.
  40. Esposito, John L. (2003-01-01). "Arab Nationalism". In John L. Esposito (ed.). The Oxford Dictionary of Islam. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-512558-0. Retrieved 2018-07-21.
  41. Üngör, Uğur Ümit (2008). "Geographies of Nationalism and Violence: Rethinking Young Turk 'Social Engineering'". European Journal of Turkish Studies (7). doi:10.4000/ejts.2583. Archived from the original on 24 April 2013. Retrieved 24 March 2013.
  42. Demirdjian 2016, p. 51.
  43. Üngör, Umut. "Young Turk social engineering : mass violence and the nation state in eastern Turkey, 1913- 1950" (PDF). University of Amsterdam. pp. 217–220. Archived (PDF) from the original on 11 April 2020. Retrieved 8 April 2020.
  44. Üngör, Umut. "Young Turk social engineering : mass violence and the nation state in eastern Turkey, 1913- 1950" (PDF). University of Amsterdam. pp. 226–227. Archived (PDF) from the original on 11 April 2020. Retrieved 8 April 2020.
  45. Demirdjian 2016, p. 53.
  46. Demirdjian, Alexis (2016). The Armenian Genocide Legacy. Springer. p. 53. ISBN 978-1137561633.
  47. Peoples on the Move, Pertti Ahonen, page 8, 2008
  48. "Vryonis Sp. Decline of Medieval Hellinism in Asia Minor, 1971, pp. 452-459". Scribd.com. Archived from the original on 2017-02-02. Retrieved 2014-05-05.
  49. Findley, Carter Vaughn (2010). Turkey, Islam, nationalism, and modernity : a history, 1789–2007. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-15260-9.
  50. Republic Of Turkey Ministry Of National Education. "Turkish National Education System". T.C. Government. Archived from the original on 2008-02-07. Retrieved 2008-02-20.
  51. Ayhan Aktar, "Cumhuriyet’in Đlk Yıllarında Uygulanan ‘Türklestirme’ Politikaları," in Varlık Vergisi ve 'Türklestirme' Politikaları,2nd ed. (Istanbul: Iletisim, 2000), 101.
  52. "Verfassungsgesetz der Republik Türkei (1924)". Archived from the original on 2018-04-25. Retrieved 2018-12-23.
  53. Ağrı, Ülkü (2014). Pogrom in Istanbul, 6./7. September 1955. Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag GmbH. p. 135. ISBN 9783879974399.
  54. Bayir, Derya (2013). Minorities and Nationalism in Turkish Law. Surrey, England: Ashgate Publishing Limited. p. 122. ISBN 9781409420071.
  55. "Üçüncü Umumi Müfettişliği'nin Kurulması ve III. Umumî Müfettiş Tahsin Uzer'in Bazı Önemli Faaliyetleri". Dergipark. p. 2. Archived from the original on 11 April 2020. Retrieved 8 April 2020.
  56. Bayir, Derya (2016-04-22). Minorities and Nationalism in Turkish Law. Routledge. pp. 139–141. ISBN 978-1-317-09579-8.
  57. Fleet, Kate; Kunt, I. Metin; Kasaba, Reşat; Faroqhi, Suraiya (2008-04-17). The Cambridge History of Turkey. Cambridge University Press. p. 343. ISBN 978-0-521-62096-3.
  58. Kieser, ed. by Hans-Lukas (2006). Turkey beyond nationalism: towards post-nationalist identities ([Online-Ausg.] ed.). London [u.a.]: Tauris. p. 45. ISBN 978-1-84511-141-0. Archived from the original on 13 October 2013. Retrieved 7 January 2013.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
  59. Toktas, Sule (2005). "Citizenship and Minorities: A Historical Overview of Turkey's Jewish Minority". Journal of Historical Sociology. 18 (4): 400. doi:10.1111/j.1467-6443.2005.00262.x. Archived from the original on 3 May 2020. Retrieved 7 January 2013.
  60. Aslan, Senem (April 2007). ""Citizen, Speak Turkish!": A Nation in the Making". Nationalism and Ethnic Politics. Routledge, part of the Taylor & Francis Group. 13 (2): 245–272. doi:10.1080/13537110701293500.
  61. Sofos, Umut Özkırımlı & Spyros A. (2008). Tormented by history: nationalism in Greece and Turkey. New York: Columbia University Press. p. 167. ISBN 978-0-231-70052-8.
  62. Soner, Çağaptay (2006). Otuzlarda Türk Milliyetçiliğinde Irk, Dil ve Etnisite (in Turkish). Istanbul. pp. 25–26.
  63. Bali, Rifat N. (1999). Cumhuriyet yıllarında Türkiye Yahudileri bir türkleştirme serüveni ; (1923–1945) (in Turkish) (7. bs. ed.). İstanbul: İletişim. p. 604. ISBN 9789754707632.
  64. İnce, Başak (2012-04-26). Citizenship and identity in Turkey : from Atatürk's republic to the present day. London: I.B. Tauris. p. 61. ISBN 978-1-78076-026-1. Archived from the original on 13 October 2013. Retrieved 8 January 2013.
  65. (eds.), Ferhad Ibrahim (2000). The Kurdish conflict in Turkey : obstacles and chances for peace and democracy. Münster: Lit [u.a.] ISBN 978-0-312-23629-8.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
  66. Clark, Bruce (2006). Twice a stranger : the mass expulsion that forged modern Greece and Turkey. Cambridge (Massachusetts): Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-02368-0.
  67. Bali, Rifat N. (2013). Xenophobia and Protectionism - A Study of the 1932 Law Reserving Majority of Occupations in Turkey to Turkish Nationals. Istanbul: Libra. pp. 31–33, 37. ISBN 9786054326723.
  68. Vryonis, Speros (2005). The Mechanism of Catastrophe: The Turkish Pogrom of September 6–7, 1955, and the Destruction of the Greek Community of Istanbul. New York: Greekworks.com, Inc. ISBN 0-9747660-3-8.
  69. Çağatay, Soner 2002 'Kemalist dönemde göç ve iskan politikaları: Türk kimliği üzerine bir çalışma' (Policies of migration and settlement in the Kemalist era: a study on Turkish identity), Toplum ve Bilim, no. 93, pp. 218-41.
  70. Jongerden, Joost (2007). The settlement issue in Turkey and the Kurds : an analysis of spatial policies, modernity and war ([Online-Ausg.]. ed.). Leiden, the Netherlands: Brill. ISBN 9789004155572.
  71. Suny, edited by Ronald Grigor; Goçek,, Fatma Müge; Naimark, Norman M. (2011-02-23). A question of genocide : Armenians and Turks at the end of the Ottoman Empire. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-539374-3.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link) CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  72. İnce, Başak (2012-04-26). Citizenship and identity in Turkey : from Atatürk's republic to the present day. London: I.B. Tauris. ISBN 978-1-78076-026-1.
  73. Aslan, Senem (2009-12-29). "Incoherent State: The Controversy over Kurdish Naming in Turkey". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey. European Journal of Turkish Studies (10). doi:10.4000/ejts.4142. Archived from the original on 26 July 2012. Retrieved 16 January 2013. the Surname Law was meant to foster a sense of Turkishness within society and prohibited surnames that were related to foreign ethnicities and nations
  74. Ekmekcioglu, Lerna (2010). Improvising Turkishness: Being Armenian in post-Ottoman Istanbul (1918–1933). Ann Arbor. p. 169. ISBN 978-1-124-04442-2.
  75. Aydar, Hidayet (2006). "The issue of chanting the Adhan in languages other than Arabic and related social reactions against it in Turkey". p. 59. Archived from the original on 2019-01-12. Retrieved 2019-02-26.
  76. Aydar, Hidayet (2006). "The issue of chanting the Adhan in languages other than Arabic and related social reactions against it in Turkey". p. 60. Archived from the original on 2019-01-12. Retrieved 2019-02-26.
  77. Aydar, Hidayet (2006). "The issue of chanting the Adhan in languages other than Arabic and related social reactions against it in Turkey". p. 61. Archived from the original on 2019-01-12. Retrieved 2019-02-26.
  78. Melkonyan, Ruben. "On some problems of the Armenian national minority in Turkey" (PDF). www.noravank.am. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2017-11-12. Retrieved 2018-12-30.
  79. Rifat Bali, Model Citizens of the State: The Jews of Turkey during the Multi-Party Period, Lexington Books, 2012, ISBN 1611475376, p. 12.
  80. Güven, Dilek (2005-09-06). "6-7 Eylül Olayları (1)". Radikal (in Turkish). Archived from the original on 2015-07-21. Retrieved 2008-10-25. Nitekim 1942 yılında yürürlüğe giren Varlık Vergisi, Ermenilerin, Rumların ve Yahudilerin ekonomideki liderliğine son vermeyi hedeflemiştir...Seçim dönemleri CHP ve DP'nin Varlık Vergisi'nin geri ödeneceği yönündeki vaatleri ise seçim propagandasından ibarettir.
  81. Smith, Thomas W. (August 29 – September 2, 2001). "Constructing A Human Rights Regime in Turkey: Dilemmas of Civic Nationalism and Civil Society": 4. One of the darkest events in Turkish history was the Wealth Tax, levied discriminatory against non-Muslims in 1942, hobbling Armenians with the most punitive rates. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  82. Klaus Kreiser (2012), Geschichte der Türkei, Von Atatürk bis zur Gegenwart (in German), C.H. Beck, p. 73, ISBN 978-3-406-64065-0
  83. Yeğen, Mesut (2011). Jongerden, Joost; Casier, Marlies (eds.). Nationalisms and Politics in Turkey: Political Islam, Kemalism and the Kurdish Issue (Routledge Studies in Middle Eastern Politics). Routledge. p. 73. ISBN 978-0415583459.
  84. "Turkey renames 'divisive' animals". BBC: British Broadcasting Corporation. 8 March 2005. Archived from the original on 3 February 2013. Retrieved 26 January 2013.
  85. Gunaysu, Ayse (March 4, 2009). "Learnings from the Sari Gelin Case". Armenian Weekly. Archived from the original on 6 November 2013. Retrieved 26 January 2013.
  86. Shahbazi, Shirana; Krebs, Manuel; Zolghadr, Tirdad (2005). Shahrzad: history. JRP Ringier. p. 97. Archived from the original on 22 May 2016. Retrieved 26 January 2013. Turkey Renames Armenian Animals
  87. Grigoriadis, Ioannis N. (2009). Trials of Europeanization : Turkish political culture and the European Union (1st ed.). New York: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-230-61215-0.
  88. Morris, Chris (2006). The new Turkey : the quiet revolution on the edge of Europe (Paperback ed.). London: Granta Books. ISBN 978-1-86207-865-9. "A species of red fox known as Vulpes Vulpes Kurdistanica will henceforth be plain Vulpes Vulpes, while a species of wild sheep called Ovis Armeniana has been renamed Ovis Orientalis Anatolicus. Foreign scientists, the Ministry noted.. "
  89. Revue des deux mondes 2006 "L'espèce de moutons appelée Ovis armeniana a été renommée Ovis orientalis anatolicus. De même, le chevreuil dit Capreolus caprelus armenius a été rebaptisé Capreolus caprelus capreolus. « Les noms de ces espèces animales auraient ..." "
  90. La Recherche Numéros 393 à 398 Société d'éditions scientifiques (Paris, France) – 2006 – Page 96 "Ovis Armeniana devient Ovis Orientalis Anatolicus, Capreolus Capreolus Armenius se transforme en Capreolus Caprelus Capreolus, et Vulpes Vulpes Kurdistanicum, le renard roux du Kurdistan, s'appelle désormais en Turquie Vulpes ..."
  91. MacDonald, David B. (2008). Identity politics in the age of genocide : the Holocaust and historical representation (1. publ. ed.). London: Routledge. p. 261. ISBN 978-0-415-43061-6. Archived from the original on 3 June 2016. Retrieved 26 January 2013. "The Ovis Armeniana (wild sheep) is now the Ovis Orientalis Anatolicus, while the roe deer, formerly known as Capreolus Capreolus Armenus, has become Capreolus Cuprelus Capreolus. These previous names have disappeared thanks to ..."
  92. Ungor; Polatel, Ugur; Mehmet (2011). Confiscation and Destruction: The Young Turk Seizure of Armenian Property. Continuum International Publishing Group. p. 224. ISBN 978-1-4411-3055-6. Archived from the original on 9 October 2013. Retrieved 22 December 2012.
  93. "Revisiting the Turkification of Confiscated Armenian Assets". Armenian Weekly. April 17, 2012. Archived from the original on 6 November 2012. Retrieved 24 March 2013.
  94. Nişanyan, Sevan (2010). Adını unutan ülke: Türkiye'de adı değiştirilen yerler sözlüğü (in Turkish) (1. basım. ed.). İstanbul: Everest Yayınları. ISBN 978-975-289-730-4.
  95. Halis, Mujgan (30 July 2011). "Norşin'den Potamya'ya hayali coğrafyalarımız". Sabah (in Turkish). Archived from the original on 6 January 2014. Retrieved 12 January 2013.
  96. Jongerden, edited by Joost; Verheij, Jelle (2012-08-03). Social relations in Ottoman Diyarbekir, 1870–1915. Leiden: Brill. p. 300. ISBN 978-90-04-22518-3.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
  97. Sahakyan, Lusine (2010). Turkification of the Toponyms in the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Turkey (PDF). Montreal: Arod Books. ISBN 978-0-9699879-7-0. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2013-05-26. Retrieved 2013-03-24.
  98. Simonian, edited by Hovann H. (2007). The Hemshin: history, society and identity in the highlands of northeast Turkey (PDF) (Repr. ed.). London: Routledge. p. 161. ISBN 978-0-7007-0656-3. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2013-05-03.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
  99. Jongerden, Joost (2007). The settlement issue in Turkey and the Kurds : an analysis of spatial policies, modernity and war ([Online-Ausg.]. ed.). Leiden, the Netherlands: Brill. p. 354. ISBN 978-90-04-15557-2. Archived from the original on 2 January 2014. Retrieved 12 January 2013.
  100. Korkut, Tolga (14 May 2009). "Names of 12,211 Villages Were Changed in Turkey". Bianet. Archived from the original on 20 July 2009. Retrieved 12 January 2013.
  101. (in Russian) Modern History of Armenia in the Works of Foreign Authors [Novaya istoriya Armenii v trudax sovremennix zarubezhnix avtorov], edited by R. Sahakyan, Yerevan, 1993, p. 15
  102. Blundell, Roger Boar, Nigel (1991). Crooks, crime and corruption. New York: Dorset Press. p. 232. ISBN 978-0-88029-615-1.
  103. Balakian, Peter (2009-10-13). The Burning Tigris: The Armenian Genocide and America's Response. HarperCollins. p. 36. ISBN 978-0-06-186017-1.
  104. Books, the editors of Time-Life (1989). The World in arms : timeframe AD 1900–1925 (U.S. ed.). Alexandria, Va.: Time-Life Books. p. 84. ISBN 978-0-8094-6470-8.
  105. K. Al-Rawi, Ahmed (2012). Media Practice in Iraq. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 9. ISBN 978-0-230-35452-4. Archived from the original on 31 December 2013. Retrieved 16 January 2013.
  106. "Arameans call for reversal of place names". TodaysZaman. Archived from the original on 2015-01-15. Retrieved 2015-01-15.
  107. Maria Kara. "World Council of Arameans [Syriacs]". wca-ngo.org. Archived from the original on 2015-01-15. Retrieved 2015-01-15.
  108. "Turkey's new penal code touches raw nerves Archived 2017-06-25 at the Wayback Machine," EurActiv June 2, 2005, updated November 14, 2005.
  109. Leicht, Justus (2006-02-06). "Turkey: Court drops prosecution of writer Orhan Pamuk". World Socialist Web site. ICFI. Archived from the original on 25 July 2008. Retrieved 2008-07-29.
  110. Kadioglu, Ayse Keyman (2011). Utah Series in Turkish and Islamic Studies : Symbiotic Antagonisms : Competing Nationalisms in Turkey. Salt Lake City, UT: University of Utah Press. p. 40. ISBN 978-1-60781-979-0.
  111. (Kushner 1997: 219; Meeker 1971: 322)
  112. (Kushner 1997: 220-221)
  113. Berfin Emre Çetin, The Paramilitary Hero on Turkish Television: A Case Study on Valley of the Wolves; Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2015, ISBN 1443875236, p. 31.
  114. (Meeker 1971: 322)
  115. Ceren Lord, Religious Politics in Turkey: From the Birth of the Republic to the AKP; Cambridge University Press, 2018, ISBN 1108472001, p. 135.
  116. (Meeker 1971: 323)
  117. (Kushner 1997: 230)
  118. Bayir, Derya (2016-04-22). Minorities and Nationalism in Turkish Law. Routledge. p. 144. ISBN 978-1-317-09579-8.
  119. Russell, Josiah C. (October 1960). "Late Medieval Balkan and Asia Minor Population". Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient. 3 (3): 265–74. doi:10.1163/156852060X00106. JSTOR 3596052.
  120. Kardulias, P. Nick (April 1992). "Estimating Population at Ancient Military Sites: The Use of Historical and Contemporary Analogy". American Antiquity. 57 (2): 276–87. doi:10.2307/280733. JSTOR 280733.
  121. Russell, J. C. (1958). "Late Ancient and Medieval Population". Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. 48 (3): 1–152. doi:10.2307/1005708. JSTOR 1005708.
  122. Arnaiz-Villena, A.; Gomez-Casado, E.; Martinez-Laso, J. (2002). "Population genetic relationships between Mediterranean populations determined by HLA allele distribution and a historic perspective". Tissue Antigens. 60 (2): 111–21. doi:10.1034/j.1399-0039.2002.600201.x. PMID 12392505.
  123. Rosser, Z; Zerjal, T; Hurles, M; Adojaan, M; Alavantic, D; Amorim, A; Amos, W; Armenteros, M; Arroyo, E; Barbujani, G; Beckman, G; Beckman, L; Bertranpetit, J; Bosch, E; Bradley, DG; Brede, G; Cooper, G; Côrte-Real, HB; De Knijff, P; Decorte, R; Dubrova, YE; Evgrafov, O; Gilissen, A; Glisic, S; Gölge, M; Hill, EW; Jeziorowska, A; Kalaydjieva, L; Kayser, M; Kivisild, T (2000). "Y-Chromosomal Diversity in Europe is Clinal and Influenced Primarily by Geography, Rather than by Language". The American Journal of Human Genetics. 67 (6): 1526–43. doi:10.1086/316890. PMC 1287948. PMID 11078479.
  124. Machulla, H.K.G.; Batnasan, D.; Steinborn, F.; Uyar, F.A.; Saruhan-Direskeneli, G.; Oguz, F.S.; Carin, M.N.; Dorak, M.T. (2003). "Genetic affinities among Mongol ethnic groups and their relationship to Turks". Tissue Antigens. 61 (4): 292–9. doi:10.1034/j.1399-0039.2003.00043.x. PMID 12753667.
  125. Irwin, Jodi A.; Ikramov, Abror; Saunier, Jessica; Bodner, Martin; Amory, Sylvain; Röck, Alexander; O'Callaghan, Jennifer; Nuritdinov, Abdurakhmon; Atakhodjaev, Sattar; Mukhamedov, Rustam; Parson, Walther; Parsons, Thomas J. (2010). "The mtDNA composition of Uzbekistan: a microcosm of Central Asian patterns". International Journal of Legal Medicine. 124: 195–204. doi:10.1007/s00414-009-0406-z. PMID 20140442.
  126. "Map". doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0076748.g003. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  127. Cristofaro, Julie Di; Pennarun, Erwan; Mazières, Stéphane; Myres, Natalie M.; Lin, Alice A.; Temori, Shah Aga; Metspalu, Mait; Metspalu, Ene; Witzel, Michael; King, Roy J.; Underhill, Peter A.; Villems, Richard; Chiaroni, Jacques (18 October 2013). "Afghan Hindu Kush: Where Eurasian Sub-Continent Gene Flows Converge". PLOS ONE. 8 (10): e76748. Bibcode:2013PLoSO...876748D. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0076748. PMC 3799995. PMID 24204668.
  128. The Turkish and Azeri populations are atypical among Altaic speakers (Table (Table1)1) in having low frequencies of M130, M48, M45, and M17 haplotypes. Rather, these two Turkic-speaking groups seem to be closer to populations from the Middle East and Caucasus, characterized by high frequencies of M96- and/or M89-related haplotypes. This finding is consistent with a model in which the Turkic languages, originating in the Altai-Sayan region of Central Asia and northwestern Mongolia (31), were imposed on the Caucasian and Anatolian peoples with relatively little genetic admixture—another possible example of elite dominance-driven linguistic replacement. For more see: Wells, R. S.; Yuldasheva, N.; Ruzibakiev, R.; Underhill, P. A.; Evseeva, I.; Blue-Smith, J.; Jin, L.; Su, B.; Pitchappan, R.; Shanmugalakshmi, S.; Balakrishnan, K.; Read, M.; Pearson, N. M.; Zerjal, T.; Webster, M. T.; Zholoshvili, I.; Jamarjashvili, E.; Gambarov, S.; Nikbin, B.; Dostiev, A.; Aknazarov, O.; Zalloua, P.; Tsoy, I.; Kitaev, M.; Mirrakhimov, M.; Chariev, A.; Bodmer, W. F. (August 2001). "The Eurasian Heartland: A continental perspective on Y-chromosome diversity". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America. 98 (18): 10244–9. Bibcode:2001PNAS...9810244W. doi:10.1073/pnas.171305098. JSTOR 3056514. PMC 56946. PMID 11526236.
  129. Berkman, Ceren Caner; Dinc, Havva; Sekeryapan, Ceran; Togan, Inci (2008). "Alu insertion polymorphisms and an assessment of the genetic contribution of Central Asia to Anatolia with respect to the Balkans". American Journal of Physical Anthropology. 136 (1): 11–8. doi:10.1002/ajpa.20772. PMID 18161848.
  130. Comas, D.; Schmid, H.; Braeuer, S.; Flaiz, C.; Busquets, A.; Calafell, F.; Bertranpetit, J.; Scheil, H.-G.; Huckenbeck, W.; Efremovska, L.; Schmidt, H. (2004). "Alu insertion polymorphisms in the Balkans and the origins of the Aromuns". Annals of Human Genetics. 68 (2): 120–7. doi:10.1046/j.1529-8817.2003.00080.x. PMID 15008791.
  131. Nasidze, I; Sarkisian, T; Kerimov, A; Stoneking, M (2003). "Testing hypotheses of language replacement in the Caucasus: Evidence from the Y-chromosome". Human Genetics. 112 (3): 255–61. doi:10.1007/s00439-002-0874-4. PMID 12596050. INIST:14599190.
  132. Cinnioglu, Cengiz; King, Roy; Kivisild, Toomas; Kalfoğlu, Ersi; Atasoy, Sevil; Cavalleri, Gianpiero L.; Lillie, Anita S.; Roseman, Charles C.; Lin, Alice A.; Prince, Kristina; Oefner, Peter J.; Shen, Peidong; Semino, Ornella; Cavalli-Sforza, L. Luca; Underhill, Peter A. (2004). "Excavating Y-chromosome haplotype strata in Anatolia". Human Genetics. 114 (2): 127–48. doi:10.1007/s00439-003-1031-4. PMID 14586639.
  133. Schurr, Theodore G.; Yardumian, Aram (2011). "Who Are the Anatolian Turks?". Anthropology & Archeology of Eurasia. 50 (1): 6–42. doi:10.2753/AAE1061-1959500101.
  134. Hodoğlugil, Uğur; Mahley, Robert W. (2012). "Turkish Population Structure and Genetic Ancestry Reveal Relatedness among Eurasian Populations". Annals of Human Genetics. 76 (2): 128–41. doi:10.1111/j.1469-1809.2011.00701.x. PMC 4904778. PMID 22332727.

Sources
  • Demirdjian, Alexis (2016). The Armenian Genocide Legacy. Springer.
  • Herzog, Christoph (July 1999). "Arabs and Young Turks. Ottomanism, Arabism, and Islamism in the Ottoman Empire, 1908–1918 by Hasan Kayali". Die Welt des Islams. 39 (2): 249–51. JSTOR 1571149.
  • Kieser, Hans-Lukas (ed.). "Turkey Beyond Nationalism towards Post-Nationalist Identities". International Library of Twentieth Century History. 8.
  • Kushner, David (April 1997). "Self-Perception and Identity in Contemporary Turkey". Journal of Contemporary History. 32 (2): 219–33. doi:10.1177/002200949703200206. JSTOR 261242.
  • Langer, William L.; Blake, Robert P. (April 1932). "The Rise of the Ottoman Turks and Its Historical Background". The American Historical Review. 37 (3): 468–505. doi:10.1086/ahr/37.3.468. JSTOR 1837961.
  • Mango, Andrew. 2004. The Turks Today. Overlook Press.
  • Meeker, Michael E. (2009). "The Black Sea Turks: Some Aspects of Their Ethnic and Cultural Background". International Journal of Middle East Studies. 2 (4): 318–45. doi:10.1017/S002074380000129X. JSTOR 162721.
  • Ulker, Erol (2005). "Contextualising 'Turkification': Nation-building in the late Ottoman Empire, 1908–18". Nations and Nationalism. 11 (4): 613–36. doi:10.1111/j.1469-8129.2005.00222.x.
  • Vryonis, Speros. 1971. The decline of medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the process of Islamization from the eleventh through the fifteenth century. University of California Press.
This article is issued from Wikipedia. The text is licensed under Creative Commons - Attribution - Sharealike. Additional terms may apply for the media files.