Cretan Turks

The Cretan Turks (Greek: Τουρκοκρητικοί or Τουρκοκρήτες, Tourkokritikí or Tourkokrítes, Turkish: Giritli, Girit Türkleri, or Giritli Türkler, Arabic: أتراك كريت‎), Muslim-Cretans or Cretan Muslims were the Muslim inhabitants of the Greek island of Crete (until 1923) and now their descendants, who settled principally in Turkey, the Dodecanese Islands under Italian administration (part of Greece since World War II), Syria (notably in the village of Al-Hamidiyah), Lebanon, Israel, Libya, and Egypt, as well as in the larger Turkish diaspora.

Cretan Muslims
Τουρκοκρητικοί
Giritli Muslims
مسلمي كريت
Total population
est. 450,000 (1971 estimate)[1]
Regions with significant populations
 Turkey200,000 (1971)[1]
 Egypt100,000 (1971)[1]
 Libya100,000 (1971)[1]
Other countries (Lebanon, Israel, Syria etc.)50,000 (1971)[1]
Languages
Cretan Greek, Turkish, Arabic
Religion
Sunni Islam
Part of a series of articles on
Turkish people
Cretan Turks

Cretan Muslims were of mainly Greek origin, with in certain cases some Turkish ancestry through intermarriage with the small number of Turks who settled on Ottoman Crete. Many Cretan Greeks had converted to Islam in the wake of the Ottoman conquest of Crete.[2] This high rate of local conversions to Islam was similar to that in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Albania, parts of western North Macedonia, and Bulgaria;[3] perhaps even a uniquely high rate of conversions rather than immigrants.[4]

The Greek Muslims of Crete continued to speak Cretan Greek.[5] They were often called "Turkocretans"; "among the Christian population, intermarriage and conversion to Islam produced a group of people called Turkocretans; ethnically Greek but converted (or feigning conversion) to Islam for various practical reasons. European travellers' accounts note that the 'Turks' of Crete were mostly not of Turkic origin, but were Cretan converts from Orthodoxy."[6][7]

Sectarian violence during the 19th century caused many to leave Crete, especially during the Greco-Turkish War of 1897,[8] and after autonomous Crete's unilateral declaration of union with Greece rule in 1908.[9] Finally, after the Greco-Turkish War of 1919–1922 and the Turkish War of Independence, the remaining Muslims of Crete were compulsorily exchanged for the Greek Christians of Anatolia under the terms of the Treaty of Lausanne (1923).

At all periods, most Cretan Muslims were Greek-speaking,[10] but the language of administration and the prestige language for the Muslim urban upper classes was Ottoman Turkish. In the folk tradition, however, Greek was used to express Muslims' "Islamic—often Bektashi—sensibility".[10]

Under the Ottoman Empire, many Cretan Turks attained prominent positions.

Those who left Crete in the late 19th and early 20th centuries settled largely along Turkey's Aegean and Mediterranean coast; other waves of refugees settled in Syrian cities like Damascus, Aleppo, and Al Hamidiyah; in Tripoli, Lebanon; Haifa, Israel; Alexandria and Tanta in Egypt, and Apollonia in Libya. While some of these peoples have integrated themselves with the populations around them over the course of the 20th century, the majority of them still live in tightly knit communities preserving their unique culture, traditions and their Cretan Greek dialects.

Culture

Literature

Turks in Crete produced a varied literary output, leading one researcher to define a "Cretan School" which counts twenty-one poets who evolved within Ottoman Divan poetry or Turkish folk literature traditions, especially in the 18th century[11] Personal, mystical, fantastic themes abound in the works of these men of letters, reflecting the dynamism of the cultural life in the island.

A taste and echo of this tradition can be perceived in the verses below by Giritli Sırrı Pasha (1844–1895);

Fidânsın nev-nihâl-i hüsn ü ânsın âfet-i cânsın
Gül âşık bülbül âşıkdır sana, bir özge cânânsın[12]

which were certainly addressed to his wife, the poet-composer Leyla Saz, herself a notable figure of Turkish literature and Turkish Classical Music.

Recently, a number of books written by descendants of Cretan Turks in the form of novelized family souvenirs with scenes set in Crete and Anatolia have seen the day in Turkey's book market. Saba Altınsay's "Kritimu" and Ahmet Yorulmaz's trilogy were the first to set the example in this move. There has even been family souvenirs written by a Cretan Turk – Afro-Turk, namely Mustafa Olpak whose biographies in retrospect from the shores of Istanbul, Crete and Kenya follow his grandfathers who were initially brought to the Ottoman Empire as slaves to Crete. (see below: Further reading)

Music

A study by one Greek researcher counts six Muslim Cretans who engaged themselves into music in Cretan Greek dialect.[13] The Cretans brought the musical tradition they shared with the Cretan Christians to Turkey with them:

One of the significant aspects of Giritli culture is that this Islamic—often Bektashi—sensibility is expressed through the Greek language. [There has been] some confusion about their cultural identity, and an assumption is often made that their music was somehow more "Turkish" than "Cretan". In my view this assumption is quite wrong....[10]

But certain instruments were more often used by Christians: there are few cases of Muslim Cretan lyra-players compared to Christians: the very name for that instrument in Turkish language being Rum kemençesi – Greek kemenche.[14]

Nuances may be observed among the waves of immigrations from Crete and the respective behavioral patterns. At the end of the 19th century Muslims fled reprisal to take refuge in the present-day territory of Turkey or beyond (see Al Hamidiyah). During the 1910s, with the termination of the Cretan State which had recognized the Muslim community of the island a proper status, many others left. The Greco-Turkish War (1919–22)[15] and the ensuing population exchange is the final chapter among the root causes that shaped these nuances.

Among contributions made by Cretan Turks to the Turkish culture in general, the first to be mentioned should be their particular culinary traditions based on consumption at high-levels of olive oil and of a surprisingly wide array of herbs and other plant-based raw materials. While they have certainly not introduced olive oil and herbs to their compatriots, Cretan Turks have greatly extended the knowledge and paved the way for a more varied use of these products. Their predilection for herbs, some of which could be considered as unusual ones, has also been the source of some jokes. The Giritli chain of restaurants in İstanbul, Ankara and Bodrum, and Ayşe Ün's "Girit Mutfağı" (Cretan Cuisine) eateries in İzmir are indicative references in this regard. Occasional although intrinsically inadequate care has also been demonstrated by the authorities in the first years of the Turkish Republic for settling Cretan Turks in localities where vineyards left by the departed Greeks were found, since this capital was bound to be lost in the hands of cultivators with no prior knowledge of viniculture. In the field of maritime industries, the pioneer of gulet boats construction that became a vast industry in Bodrum in our day, Ziya Güvendiren was a Cretan Turk, as are many of his former apprentices who themselves have become master shipbuilders and who are based in Bodrum or Güllük today.

An overall pattern of investing in expertise and success remains remarkable among Cretan Turks, as attested by the notable names below. However, with sex roles and social change starting out from different grounds for Turkish Cretans,[16] the adaptation to the "fatherland"[17] did not always take place without pain, including that of being subjected to slurs as in other cases involving immigration of people.[18] According to Peter Loizos, they were often relegated to the poorest land:

They were briefly feted on arrival, as 'Turks' 'returning' to the Turkish heartland... like the Asia Minor Christians seeking to settle on land in northern Greece, the Muslim refugees found that local people, sometimes government officials, had already occupied the best land and housing.[19]

The same author depicts a picture where they did not share the "Ottoman perceptions of certain crafts and trades as being of low status",[19] so more entrepreneurial opportunities were open to them. Like others who did not speak Turkish, they suffered during the "Citizens Speak Turkish!" campaign which started in 1928. "Arabs, Circassians, Cretan Muslims, and Kurds in the country were being targeted for not speaking Turkish. In Mersin, for instance, 'Kurds, Cretans, Arabs and Syrians' were being fined for speaking languages other than Turkish.".[20] In the summary translation of a book on Bodrum made by Loizos, it is stated that, even as late as 1967, the Cretans and the 'local Turks' did not mix in some towns; they continued to speak Greek and mostly married other Cretans.[21]

Diaspora in Lebanon and Syria

Today there are about 7,000 living in Tripoli, Lebanon and about 3,000 in Al Hamidiyah, Syria.[22] The majority of them are Muslims of Cretan origin. Records suggest that the community left Crete between 1866 and 1897, on the outbreak of the last Cretan uprising against the Ottoman Empire, which ended the Greco-Turkish War of 1897.[22] Sultan Abdul Hamid II provided Cretan Muslim families who fled the island with refuge on the Levantine coast. The new settlement was named Hamidiye after the sultan.

Many Cretan Muslims of Lebanon somewhat managed to preserve their identity and language. Unlike neighbouring communities, they are monogamous and consider divorce a disgrace. Until the Lebanese Civil War, their community was close-knit and entirely endogamous. However many of them left Lebanon during the 15 years of the war.[22]

Cretan Muslims constitute 60% of Al Hamidiyah's population. The community is very much concerned with maintaining its culture. The knowledge of the spoken Greek language is remarkably good and their contact with their historical homeland has been possible by means of satellite television and relatives.[22]

History
Main articles: History of Crete § Venetian and Ottoman Crete, and Ottoman Crete

Starting in 1645, the Ottoman Empire gradually took Crete from the Republic of Venice, which had ruled it since 1204. In the final major defeat, Candia (modern Iraklion) fell to the Ottomans in 1669 (though some offshore islands remained Venetian until 1715). Crete remained part of the Ottoman Empire until 1897.

The fall of Crete was not accompanied by an influx of Muslims. At the same time, many Cretans converted to Islam – more than in any other part of the Greek world. Various explanations have been given for this, including the disruption of war, the possibility of receiving a timar (for those who went over to the Ottomans during the war), Latin-Orthodox dissension, avoidance of the head-tax (cizye) on non-Muslims, the increased social mobility of Muslims, and the opportunity that Muslims had of joining the paid militia (which the Cretans also aspired to under Venetian rule).[23]

It is difficult to estimate the proportion which became Muslim, as Ottoman cizye tax records count only Christians: estimates range from 30–40%[24] By the late 18th century, as many as 30% of the islanders may have been Muslim. The Muslim population declined through the 19th century, and by the last Ottoman census, in 1881, Muslims were only 26% of the population, concentrated in the three large towns on the north coast, and in Monofatsi.

Year[25]18211832185818811900191019201928
Muslims 47%43%22%26%11%8%7%0%

People who claim descent from Muslim Cretans are still found in several Muslim countries today, and principally in Turkey.

Between 1821 and 1828, during the Greek War of Independence, the island was the scene of repeated hostilities. Most Muslims were driven into the large fortified towns on the north coast and both the Muslim and Christian populations of the island suffered severe losses, due to conflicts, plague or famine. In the 1830s, Crete was an impoverished and backward island.

Since the Ottoman sultan, Mahmud II, had no army of his own available, he was forced to seek the aid of his rebellious vassal and rival, Kavalalı Mehmed Ali Pasha of Egypt, who sent troops to the island. Starting in 1832, the island was administered for two decades by Mustafa Naili Pasha, whose rule attempted to create a synthesis between the Muslim landowners and the emergent Christian commercial classes. His rule was generally cautious, pro-British, and he tried harder to win the support of the Christians (having married the daughter of a priest and allowed her to remain Christian) than the Muslims. In 1834, however, a Cretan committee had already been founded in Athens to work for the union of the island with Greece.

In 1840, Egypt was forced by Palmerston to return Crete to direct Ottoman rule. Mustafa Naili Pasha angled unsuccessfully to become a semi-independent prince but the Cretans rose up against him, once more driving the Muslims temporarily into siege in the towns. An Anglo-Ottoman naval operation restored control in the island and Mustafa Naili Pasha was confirmed as its governor, though under command from İstanbul. He remained in Crete until 1851 when he was summoned to the capital, where at a relatively advanced age he pursued a successful career.

An ethnic map of Crete, around 1861. Turks and Muslim Greeks are in red, Orthodox Greeks in blue

Religious tensions erupted on the island between Muslims and Christians and the Christian populations of Crete revolted twice against Ottoman rule (in 1866 and in 1897). In the uprising of 1866, the rebels initially managed to gain control of most of the hinterland although as always the four fortified towns of the north coast and the southern town of Ierapetra remained in Ottoman hands. The Ottoman approach to the Cretan question was that, if Crete was lost, the next line of defense would have to be the Dardanelles, as indeed it was the case later. The Ottoman Grand Vizier, Mehmed Emin Aali Pasha arrived in the island in October 1867 and set in progress a low profile district-by-district reconquest of the island followed by the erection of blockhouses or local fortresses across the whole of it. More importantly, he designed an Organic Law which gave the Cretan Christians equal (in practice, because of their superior numbers, majority) control of local administration. At the time of the Congress of Berlin in the summer of 1878, there was a further uprising, which was speedily halted through the adaptation of the Organic Law into a constitutional settlement known as the Pact of Halepa.

Crete became a semi-independent parliamentary state within the Ottoman Empire under a Greek Orthodox Governor. A number of the senior "Christian Pashas" including Photiades Pasha and Adossides Pasha ruled the island in the 1880s, presiding over a parliament in which liberals and conservatives contended for power. Disputes between these led to a further insurgency in 1889 and the collapse of the Pact of Halepa arrangements. The international powers allowed the Ottoman authorities to send troops to the island and restore order but the Sultan Abdulhamid II used the occasion for ruling the island by martial law. This action led to international sympathy for the Cretan Christians and to a loss of any remaining acquiescence among them for continued Ottoman rule. When a small insurgency began in September 1895, it quickly spiralled out of control and by the summer of 1896, the Ottoman forces had lost military control over most of the island. A new insurrection that began in 1897 led to a war between Greece and the Ottoman Empire. The Great Powers dispatched a multinational naval force, the International Squadron, to Crete in February 1897, and by late March 1897 it brought Cretan insurgent and Greek Army operations against the Ottomans in Crete to a halt by forcing the Greek Army to abandon the island, bombarding insurgent forces, placing sailors and marines ashore, and instituting a blockade of Crete and key ports in Greece.[26] Meanwhile, the International Squadron's senior admirals formed an "Admirals Council" that temporarily governed Crete pending a resolution of the Cretan uprising, and the Admirals Council eventually decided that Crete should become an autonomous state within the Ottoman Empire.[27] After a violent riot by Cretan Turks against Cretan Christians and British occupation forces on 6 September 1898 (25 August according to the Julian calendar then in use on Crete, which was 12 days behind the modern Gregorian calendar during the 19th century), the Admirals Council ordered all Ottoman forces to leave Crete, and the last of them were evacuated on 6 November 1898. The 21 December 1898 (9 December according to the Julian calendar) arrival of Prince George of Greece and Denmark as the first High commissioner of an autonomous Cretan State, although still under the suzerainty of the Sultan, effectively detached Crete from the Ottoman Empire.[28]

The island's Muslim population dropped dramatically because of these changes. From the summer of 1896 until the end of hostilities in 1898, Cretan Muslims remained under siege in the four coastal cities, where massacres against them took place. Subsequent waves of emigration followed as the island was united by stages with Greece. In 1908, the Cretan deputies declared union with Greece, which was internationally recognized after the Balkan Wars in 1913. Under the Treaty of London, Sultan Mehmed V relinquished his formal rights to the island. The Cretan Turks still remaining were forced to leave Crete under the population exchange between Greece and Turkey in 1923. In Turkey, some descendants of this population continued to speak a form of Cretan Greek dialect until recently.

Notable people
Ahmed Resmî Efendi (1700–1783) an Ottoman statesman and historian, who was born into a Muslim family of Greek descent in Crete.[29]
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See also

References

Notes
  1. Rippin, Andrew (2008). World Islam: Critical Concepts in Islamic Studies. Routledge. p. 77. ISBN 978-0415456531.
  2. Leonidas Kallivretakis, "A Century of Revolutions: The Cretan Question between European and Near Eastern Politics", p. 13f in Paschalis Kitromilides, Eleftherios Venizelos: The Trials of Statesmanship, Edinburgh University Press, 2009, ISBN 0748633642
  3. Malise Ruthven, Azim Nanji, Historical Atlas of Islam, ISBN 0674013859, p. 118
  4. Greene, Molly (2000). A Shared World: Christians and Muslims in the early modern Mediterranean. London: Princeton University Press. p. 39ff, passim. ISBN 978-0-691-00898-1.
  5. Demetres Tziovas, Greece and the Balkans: Identities, Perceptions and Cultural Encounters Since the Enlightenment; William Yale, The Near East: A modern history Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1958)
  6. Barbara J. Hayden, The Settlement History of the Vrokastro Area and Related Studies, vol. 2 of Reports on the Vrokastro Area, Eastern Crete, p. 299
  7. Balta, E., & Ölmez, M. (2011). Between religion and language: Turkish-speaking Christians, Jews and Greek-speaking Muslims and Catholics in the Ottoman Empire. İstanbul: Eren.
  8. Henry Noel Brailsford (full text), an eyewitness of the immediate aftermath, uses the term "wholesale massacre" to describe the events of 1897 in Crete.
  9. Smith, Michael Llewellyn (1998). Ionian Vision: Greece in Asia Minor, 1919–1922. London: C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. ISBN 978-1-85065-368-4., Chapter 5, p. 87. "In the eve of the Occupation of İzmir by the Greek army in 1922, there was in the city a colony of Turcocretans who had left Crete around the time that the island was united with the Greek Kingdom."
  10. Chris Williams, "The Cretan Muslims and the Music of Crete", in Dimitris Tziovas, ed., Greece and the Balkans: Identities, Perceptions, and Cultural Encounters since the Enlightenment
  11. Filiz Kılıç. "Cretan Bektashi school in Ottoman Divan poetry" (in Turkish). Hacı Bektash Veli and Turkish Culture Research Center. Archived from (full text) the original Check |url= value (help) on 30 January 2008. Retrieved 30 April 2007. (abstract also in English) Aside from those cited in the article, the principal men of letters considered to compose the "Cretan school" are; 1. Ahmed Hikmetî Efendi (also called Bî-namaz Ahmed Efendi) (? – 1727), 2. Ahmed Bedrî Efendi (? – 1761), 3. Lebib Efendi (? – 1768), 4. Ahmed Cezbî Efendi (? – 1781), 5. Aziz Ali Efendi (? – 1798), 6. İbrahim Hıfzî Efendi (? – ?), 7. Mustafa Mazlum Fehmî Pasha (1812–1861), 8. İbrahim Fehim Bey (1813–1861), 9. Yahya Kâmi Efendi (? – ?), 10. Ahmed İzzet Bey (? – 1861), 11. Mazlum Mustafa Pasha (? – 1861), 12. Ahmed Muhtar Efendi (1847–1910), 13. Ali İffet Efendi (1869–1941).
  12. Summary translation: A slender sapling you are, freshly shooting beauty and grace you are, an affection for one's mind you are! The rose is in love with you, the nightingale is in love you. An uncommon beloved one you are! (note that "fidân" can mean "sapling" as a noun and "slender" as an adjective, and "âfet" has more than one meaning as its English equivalent "affection".)
  13. Prof. Theodoros I. Riginiotis. "Christians and Turks: The language of music and everyday life" (PDF). www.cretan-music.gr, Rethimno. Archived from (full text) the original Check |url= value (help) on 27 September 2007. Retrieved 30 April 2007. External link in |publisher= (help)
  14. "A Greek point of view on Cretan Turks". Cretan-music.gr. Archived from the original on 29 September 2007. Retrieved 8 July 2012.
  15. (limited preview) Smith, Michael Llewellyn (1998). Ionian Vision: Greece in Asia Minor, 1919–1922. London: C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. ISBN 978-1-85065-368-4., Chapter 5, p. 88. Some effort was made by Greece prior to the war to win Turcocretans to the idea of Greek government in Anatolia. The Greek Prime Minister Venizelos dispatched an obscure Cretan politician by the name of Makrakis to İzmir in the early months of 1919, and his mission is qualified a "success", although the Greek mission set up İzmir, "presenting a naive picture of the incorrigible Turks", is cited as describing "the various [Turkish] organizations which includes the worst elements among Turcocretans and the Laz people (...) as disastrous and inexpedient" in the same source.
  16. Kandiyoti, Deniz (1977). "Sex Roles and Social Change: A Comparative Appraisal of Turkey's Women". Signs. 3 (1): 57–73. doi:10.1086/493439. JSTOR 3173079.
  17. M. Ragip Zik. "Giritli Mübadillerde Kimlik Oluşumu ve Toplumsal Hafıza" (in Turkish). Bilgi University, Istanbul. Archived from the original on 11 March 2005. Retrieved 30 April 2007.
  18. Yiannis Papadakis, Echoes from the Dead Zone: Across the Cyprus Divide, 2005, ISBN 1-85043-428-X, p. 187;
  19. Peter Loizos, "Are Refugees Social Capitalists?" in Stephen Baron, John Field, Tom Schuller, eds., Social Capital: Critical Perspectives, Oxford 2001, ISBN 0-19-829713-0, p. 133-5
  20. Soner Cagaptay, "Race, Assimilation and Kemalism: Turkish Nationalism and the Minorities in the 1930s", Middle Eastern Studies 40:3:95 (May 2004) doi:10.1080/0026320042000213474
  21. Fatma Mansur, Bodrum: A Town in the Aegean, 1967, ISBN 90-04-03424-2
  22. Greek-Speaking Enclaves of Lebanon and Syria by Roula Tsokalidou. Proceedings II Simposio Internacional Bilingüismo. Retrieved 4 December 2006
  23. Greene, pp. 39–44
  24. Greene, pp. 52–54
  25. Macrakis, p. 51
  26. McTiernan, pp. 13–23.
  27. McTiernan, p. 28.
  28. McTiernan, pp. 35–39.
  29. Houtsma, Martinus T. (1987). E. J. Brill's first encyclopaedia of Islam: 1913–1936, Volume 9. Brill. p. 1145. ISBN 978-90-04-08265-6. RESMI, AHMAD Ottoman statesman and historian. Ahmad b. Ibrahim, known as Resmi, belonged to Rethymo (turk. Resmo; hence his epithet) in Crete and was of Greek descent (cf. J. v. Hammer, GOR, viii. 202). He was born in III (1700) and came in 1146 (1733) to Stambul where he was educated, married a daughter of the Ke is Efendi
  30. "Tuerkische Botschafter in Berlin" (in German). Turkish Embassy, Berlin. Archived from List of Ambassadors the original Check |url= value (help) on 2 June 2001.
  31. Müller-Bahlke, Thomas J. (2003). Zeichen und Wunder: Geheimnisse des Schriftenschranks in der Kunst- und Naturalienkammer der Franckeschen Stiftungen : kulturhistorische und philologische Untersuchungen. Franckesche Stiftungen. p. 58. ISBN 978-3-931479-46-6. Ahmed Resmi Efendi (1700-1783). Der osmanische Staatsmann und Geschichtsschreiber griechischer Herkunft. Translation "Ahmed Resmi Efendi (1700-1783). The Ottoman statesman and historian of Greek origin"
  32. European studies review (1977). European studies review, Volumes 7–8. Sage Publications. p. 170. Resmi Ahmad (−83) was originally of Greek descent. He entered Ottoman service in 1733 and after holding a number of posts in local administration, was sent on missions to Vienna (1758) and Berlin (1763–4). He later held a number of important offices in central government. In addition, Resmi Ahmad was a contemporary historian of some distinction.
  33. Sir Hamilton Alexander Rosskeen Gibb (1954). Encyclopedia of Islam. Brill. p. 294. ISBN 978-90-04-16121-4. Ahmad b. Ibrahim, known as Resmi came from Rethymno (Turk. Resmo; hence his epithet?) in Crete and was of Greek descent (cf. Hammer- Purgstall, viii, 202). He was born in 1112/ 1700 and came in 1 146/1733 to Istanbul
  34. "Salih Zeki". Anopolis72000.blogspot.com. 19 September 2009.
  35. "Karagioules". Anopolis72000.blogspot. 23 September 2009.
  36. "Η λύρα του Αμπντούλ Καλημεράκη (;)".
  37. "Interview with Ayşe Cebesoy Sarıalp, Ali Fuat Pasha's niece". Aksiyon.com.tr. Archived from the original on 3 September 2011.
  38. Yeni Giritliler Archived 19 February 2007 at the Wayback Machine Article on the rising interest in Cretan heritage (in Turkish)
  39. "Arınç Ahmediye köyünde çocuklarla Rumca konuştu" [Arınç spoke Greek with the children in the village of Ahmediye]. Milliyet (in Turkish). Turkey. 23 September 2012. Retrieved 8 May 2015.
  40. Bülent Arınç anadili Rumca konuşurken [Bülent Arınç talking to native speakers of Greek] (video) (in Turkish and Greek). You Tube. 2013. Retrieved 8 May 2015.
  41. "Greece angered over Turkish Deputy PM's Hagia Sophia remarks". Hurriyet Daily News. Turkey. 19 November 2013. Retrieved 8 May 2015.

Bibliography

Further reading
  • Saba Altınsay (2004). Kritimu: Girit'im benim – novellized souvenirs. Can Yayinlari. ISBN 978-975-07-0424-6.
  • Ahmet Yorulmaz (2002). Savaşın çocukları (Children of the war) - novellized souvenirs. Remzi Kitabevi. ISBN 975-14-0847-4.
  • Mustafa Olpak (2005). Kenya - Girit - İstanbul Köle Kıyısından İnsan Biyografileri (Human biographies from the shores of slavery of Kenya, Crete and Istanbul). Ozan Yayıncılık. ISBN 975-7891-80-0.
  • Mustafa Olpak (2005). Kenya'dan İstanbul'a Köle Kıyısı (Shores of slavery from Kenya to Istanbul). Ozan Yayıncılık. ISBN 978-975-01103-4-4.
  • İzmir Life magazine, June 2003
  • Nükhet Adıyeke & Nuri Adıyeke, Fethinden Kaybına Girit (Crete from its conquest to its loss), Babıali Kültür Yayıncılığı, 2007
  • Michael Herzfeld, A Place in History: Social and Monumental Time in a Cretan Town, Princeton University Press, 1991
  • Michael Herzfeld, "Of language and land tenure: The transmission of property and information in autonomous Crete", Social Anthropology 7:7:223-237 (1999),
  • Richard Clogg, A Concise History of Greece, Cambridge University Press, 2002
  • Encyclopædia Britannica Eleventh Edition (1911), s.v. Crete; La Grande Encyclopédie (1886), s.v. Crète
  • Kemal Özbayri and Emmanuel Zakhos-Papazahariou, "Documents de tradition orale des Turcs d'origine crétoise: Documents relatifs à l'Islam crétois" Turcica VIII/I (5), pp. 70–86 (not seen)
  • Molly Greene, A Shared World: Christians and Muslims in the Early Modern Mediterranean, Princeton, 2000. ISBN 0-691-00898-1
  • A. Lily Macrakis, Cretan Rebel: Eleftherios Venizelos in Ottoman Crete, PhD Dissertation, Harvard University, 1983.
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