Slavery in Portugal
Slavery in Portugal occurred since before the country's formation. During the pre-independence period, inhabitants of the current Portuguese territory were often enslaved and enslaved others. After independence, during the existence of the Kingdom of Portugal, the country played a leading role in the Atlantic Slave Trade, which involved the mass trade and transportation of slaves from Africa and other parts of the world to the American continent. Slavery was abolished in Portugal in 1761 by the Marquês de Pombal. After the abolishment of slavery in Portugal, the Portuguese slave traders turned to clients in other countries where slavery was not yet abolished such as the United States of America.[1] Slavery in Portugal, Portuguese Slaves were many different colours and were from different regions. The main colour of slaves was black and they were most likely from India or Africa. They transported Slaves to Portugal through the Atlantic slave trade.
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History
Ancient era
Slavery was a major economic and social institution in Europe during the classical era and a great deal is known about the ancient Greeks and Romans in relation to the topic. Rome added Portugal to its empire (2nd century BC), the latter a province of Lusitania at the time, and the name of the future kingdom was derived from "Portucale", a Roman and post-Roman settlement situated at the mouth of the Douro River. The details of slavery in Roman Portugal are not well-known; however, there were several forms of slavery, including enslaved miners and domestic servants.
Visigothic and Suebi kingdoms
The Visigoths and the Suebi (Germanic tribes), of the 5th century AD, seized control of the Iberian peninsula as the Roman Empire fell. At the time, Portugal did not exist as a separate kingdom, but was primarily a part of the Visigothic Iberian kingdom (the Visigothic ruling class lived apart and heavily taxed the native population). However, during this period, a gradual transition to feudalism and serfdom was occurring throughout Europe.
Islamic Iberia
After the Umayyad conquest of Hispania in the 8th century, in which Moors from North Africa crossed the Strait of Gibraltar and defeated the Visigothic rulers of Iberia, the territory of both modern-day Portugal and Spain fell under Islamic control. The pattern of slavery and serfdom in the Iberian Peninsula differs from the rest of Western Europe due to the Islamic conquest. They established Moorish kingdoms in Iberia, including the area that is occupied by modern Portugal. In comparison to the north, classical-style slavery continued for a longer period of time in southern Europe and trade between Christian Europe, across the Mediterranean, with Islamic North Africa meant that Slavic and Christian Iberian slaves appeared in Italy, Spain, Southern France and Portugal; in the 8th century, the Islamic conquest in Portugal and Spain changed this pattern.
Trade ties between the Moorish kingdoms and the North African Moorish state led to a greater flow of trade within those geographical areas. In addition, the Moors engaged sections of Spaniards and Portuguese Christians in slave labor. There was not a “racial” component to slavery in Iberia. The Moors used ethnic European slaves: 1/12 of Iberian population were slave Europeans, less than 1% of Iberia were Moors and more than 99% were native Iberians. Periodic Arab and Moorish raiding expeditions were sent from Islamic Iberia to ravage the remaining Christian Iberian kingdoms, bringing back stolen goods and slaves. In a raid against Lisbon in 1189, for example, the Almohad caliph Yaqub al-Mansur held 3,000 women and children as captives, while his governor of Córdoba, in a subsequent attack upon Silves, held 3,000 Christian slaves in 1191. In addition, the Christian Iberians who lived within Arab and Moorish-ruled territories were subject to specific laws and taxes for state protection.
Reconquista
Muslim Moors who converted to Christianity, known as Moriscos, were enslaved by the Portuguese during the Reconquista; 9.3 per cent of slaves in southern Portugal were Moors[2] and many Moors were enslaved in 16th-century Portugal.[3] It has been documented that other slaves were treated better than Moriscos, the slaves were less than 1% of population.[4]
After the Reconquista period, Moorish slaves began to outnumber Slavic slaves in both importance and numbers in Portugal.[5]
Age of Discovery
Black slaves
African slaves prior to 1441 were predominately Berbers and Arabs from the North African Barbary coast, known as ‘Moors” to the Iberian. They were typically enslaved during wars and conquests between Christian and Islamic kingdoms.[6] The first expeditions of Sub-Saharan Africa were sent out by Prince Infante D. Henrique, known commonly today as Henry the Navigator, with the intent to probe how far the kingdoms of the Moors and their power reached.[7] The expeditions sent by Henry came back with African slaves as a way to compensate for the expenses of their voyages. The enslavement of Africans was seen as a military campaign because the people that the Portuguese encountered were identified as Moorish and thus associated with Islam.[8] The royal chronicler Gomes Eanes de Zurara was never decided on the “Moorishness” of the slaves brought back from Africa, due to a seeming lack of contact with Islam. Slavery in Portugal and the number of slaves expanded after the Portuguese began exploration of Sub-Saharan Africa.[9]
Slave raids in Sub-Saharan Africa began in the 1430s and 1440s as war campaigns, but this period was short-lived. The Portuguese quickly transitioned into a trade network with African nobility and slavers. Prince Infante D. Henrique began selling African slaves in Lagos in 1444. In 1455, Pope Nicholas V gave Portugal the rights to continue the slave trade in West Africa, under the provision that they convert all people who are enslaved. The Portuguese soon expanded their trade along the whole west coast of Africa. Infante D Henrique held the monopoly on all expeditions to Africa granted by the crown until his death in 1460. Afterward, any ship sailing for Africa required authorization from the crown. All slaves and goods brought back to Portugal were subject to duties and tariffs.[10] Slaves were baptized before shipment. Their process of enslavement, which was viewed by critics as cruel, was justified by the conversion of the enslaved to Christianity.[11]
The high demand for slaves was due to a shortage of laborers in Portugal. Black slaves were in higher demand than Moorish slaves because they were much easier to convert to Christianity and less likely to escape. Although it was more expensive to purchase a slave than it was to employ a freeman, the sparse population and the lack of free labor made the purchase of a slave a favorable capital investment. The number of black slaves in Portugal given by contemporary accounts argue that Lisbon and the colonies of Portugal averaged a maximum of 10% of the population between the 16th and 18th centuries, but these numbers are impossible to verify. Most slaves in Portugal were concentrated in Lisbon and to the south in the Algarve.[11] The number of black slaves brought to Lisbon and sold cannot be known. This is because the records of both royal institutions responsible for the sale of black slaves, the Casa de Guiné and the Casa dos Escravos were damaged during the earthquake of 1755 in Lisbon, and the fiscal records containing the numbers and sales of these companies were destroyed. The records of the royal chronicler Zurara claim that 927 African slaves were brought to Portugal between 1441 and 1448, and an estimated 1000 black slaves arrived in Portugal each year afterward. A common estimate is that around 2000 black slaves arrive in Lisbon annually after 1490.[12]
Because of Portugal’s small population, Portuguese colonization was only possible with the large number of slaves they had acquired. In the late 15th and into the 16th centuries, the Portuguese economic reliance on slaves was less in question than the sheer number of slaves found in Portugal.[9] People wishing to purchase slaves in Portugal had two sources, the royal slaving company, the Casa da Guiné, or from slave merchants who had purchased their slaves through the Casa de Guiné to sell as retail. There were up to 70 slave merchants in Lisbon in the 1550s. Slave auctions occurred in the town or market square, or in the streets of central Lisbon. The sale of slaves was compared by observers as similar to the sale of horses or livestock. The laws of commerce regarding slavery addresses them as merchandise or objects. There was a period of time set upon purchase for the buyer to decide if he is happy with the slave he had purchased.[13]
The occupations of slaves varied widely. Some slaves in Lisbon could find themselves working in domestic settings, but most worked hard labor in the mines and metal forges, while others worked at the docks loading and maintaining ships. Some slaves worked peddling cheap goods at the markets and returning the profits to their masters. Opportunities for slaves to become free were scarce, however there were many instances in which slaves had either elevated their status or obtained their freedom. Slaves were able to buy their freedom by saving any earnings, so long as their masters allow them to keep their earnings, or purchase a slave to replace them. Women slaves could be freed if their masters chose to marry them, but this was more common among the colonies. When Lisbon was on the verge of being invaded in 1580, slaves were promised their freedom in exchange for their military service. 440 slaves took the offer and most, after being freed, left Portugal. Black female slaves were desired for sexual purposes, resulting in many mixed-race offspring. This prompted the Council of Trent in 1563 to denounce the widespread immorality. Mulattoes had the ability to integrate into society, some would even command whole fleets of ships. Slavery did little to alter society in Portugal, due to the slight ease of enslaved people’s integration, those who did not assimilate were treated similar to the poor.[14]
Asians
After the Portuguese first made contact with Japan in 1543, a large-scale slave trade developed in which Portuguese purchased Japanese as slaves in Japan and sold them to various locations overseas, including Portugal itself, throughout the 16th and 17th centuries.[15][16][17][18] Many documents mention the large slave trade along with protests against the enslavement of Japanese. Japanese slaves are believed to be the first of their nation to end up in Europe, and the Portuguese purchased large numbers of Japanese slave girls to bring to Portugal for sexual purposes, as noted by the Church in 1555. King Sebastian feared that it was having a negative effect on Catholic proselytization since the slave trade in Japanese was growing to massive proportions, so he commanded that it be banned in 1571.[19][20] Records of three Japanese slaves dating from the 16th century, named Gaspar Fernandes, Miguel and Ventura who ended up in Mexico showed that they were purchased by Portuguese slave traders in Japan, brought to Manila from where they were shipped to Mexico by their owner Perez.[21]
Japanese slave women were even sold as concubines to black African crew members, along with their European counterparts serving on Portuguese ships trading in Japan, mentioned by Luis Cerqueira, a Portuguese Jesuit, in a 1598 document.[22][23][24][25][26] Hideyoshi blamed the Portuguese and Jesuits for this slave trade and banned Christian proselytizing as a result.[27][28]
Some Korean slaves were bought by the Portuguese and brought to Portugal from Japan, where they had been among the tens of thousands of Korean prisoners of war transported to Japan during the Japanese invasions of Korea (1592–98).[29][30] Historians pointed out that at the same time Hideyoshi expressed his indignation and outrage at the Portuguese trade in Japanese slaves, he himself was engaging in a mass slave trade of Korean prisoners of war in Japan.[31][32] Chinese were bought in large numbers as slaves by the Portuguese in the 1520s.[33] Japanese Christian Daimyos mainly responsible for selling to the Portuguese their fellow Japanese. Japanese women and Japanese men, Javanese, Chinese, and Indians were all sold as slaves in Portugal.[34]
Some Chinese slaves in Spain ended up there after being brought to Lisbon, Portugal, and sold when they were boys. Tristán de la China was a Chinese who was taken as a slave by the Portuguese,[35] while he was still a boy and in the 1520s was obtained by Cristobál de Haro in Lisbon, and taken to live in Seville and Valladolid.[36] He was paid for his service as a translator on the 1525 Loaísa expedition,[37] during which he was still an adolescent.[38] The survivors, including Tristan, were shipwrecked for a decade until 1537 when they were brought back by a Portuguese ship to Lisbon.[39]
There are records of Chinese slaves in Lisbon as early as 1540.[40] According to modern historians, the first known visit of a Chinese person to Europe dates to 1540 (or soon after), when a Chinese scholar, apparently enslaved by Portuguese raiders somewhere on the southern China coast, was brought to Portugal. Purchased by João de Barros, he worked with the Portuguese historian on translating Chinese texts into Portuguese.[41]
In sixteenth century southern Portugal there were Chinese slaves but the number of them was described as "negligible", being outnumbered by East Indian, Mourisco, and African slaves.[42] Amerindians, Chinese, Malays, and Indians were slaves in Portugal but in far fewer number than Turks, Berbers, and Arabs.[43] China and Malacca were origins of slaves delivered to Portugal by Portuguese viceroys.[44] A testament from 23 October 1562 recorded a Chinese man named António who was enslaved and owned by a Portuguese woman, Dona Maria de Vilhena, a wealthy noblewoman in Évora.[45][46][47][48][49][50][51][52][53][54][55][56][57][58] António was among the three most common male names given to male slaves in Évora.[59] D. Maria owned one of the only two Chinese slaves in Évora and she specifically selected and used him from among the slaves she owned to drive her mules for her because he was Chinese since rigorous and demanding tasks were assigned to Mourisco, Chinese, and Indian slaves.[60] D. Maria's owning a Chinese, 3 Indians, and 3 Mouriscos among her fifteen slaves reflected on her high social status, since Chinese, Mouriscos, and Indians were among the ethnicities of prized slaves and were very expensive compared to blacks, so high class individuals owned these ethnicities and it was because her former husband Simão was involved in the slave trade in the east that she owned slaves of many different ethnicities.[61] When she died, D. Maria freed twelve of her slaves including this Chinese man in her testament, leaving them with sums from 20,000 to 10,000 réis in money.[62][63] D. Maria de Vilhena was the daughter of the nobleman and explorer Sancho de Tovar, the capitão of Sofala (List of colonial governors of Mozambique), and she was married twice, the first marriage to the explorer Cristóvão de Mendonça, and her second marriage was to Simão da Silveira, capitão of Diu (Lista de governadores, capitães e castelões de Diu).[64][65][66] D. Maria was left a widow by Simão,[67] and she was a major slave owner, possessing the most slaves in Évora, with her testament recording fifteen slaves.[68]
A legal case was brought before the Spanish Council of the Indies in the 1570s, involving two Chinese men in Seville, one of them a freeman, Esteban Cabrera, and the other a slave, Diego Indio, against Juan de Morales, Diego's owner. Diego called on Esteban to give evidence as a witness on his behalf.[69][35] Diego recalled that he was taken as a slave by Francisco de Casteñeda from Mexico, to Nicaragua, then to Lima in Peru, then to Panama, and eventually to Spain via Lisbon, while he was still a boy.[70][71][72][73]
Chinese boys were kidnapped from Macau and sold as slaves in Lisbon while they were still children.[74] Brazil imported some of Lisbon's Chinese slaves.[75] Fillippo Sassetti saw some Chinese and Japanese slaves in Lisbon among the large slave community in 1578, although most of the slaves were blacks.[76] Brazil and Portugal were both recipients of Chinese slaves bought by Portuguese.[77] Portugal exported to Brazil some Chinese slaves. Military, religious, and civil service secretarial work and other lenient and light jobs were given to Chinese slaves while hard labor was given to Africans. Only African slaves in 1578 Lisbon outnumbered the large numbers of Japanese and Chinese slaves in the same city.[78] Some of the Chinese slaves were sold in Brazil, a Portuguese colony.[79][80] Cooking was the main profession of Chinese slaves around 1580 in Lisbon, according to Fillippo Sassetti from Florence and the Portuguese viewed them as diligent, smart, and "loyal".[81][82][83]
The Portuguese "highly regarded" Asian slaves like Chinese and Japanese, much more "than slaves from sub-Saharan Africa" and Moorish Muslims.[84][85] The Portuguese attributed qualities like intelligence and industriousness to Chinese and Japanese slaves which is why they favored them more.[86] Traits such as high intelligence were ascribed to Indians, Chinese, and Japanese slaves.[87][88][89]
In 1595, a law was passed by Portugal banning the selling and buying of Chinese and Japanese slaves[90] due to hostility from the Chinese and Japanese regarding the trafficking in Japanese and Chinese slaves[91] On 19 February 1624, the King of Portugal forbade the enslavement of Chinese people of either sex.[92][93]
A Portuguese woman, Dona Ana de Ataíde owned an Indian man named António as a slave in Évora.[94] He served as a cook for her.[95] Ana de Ataíde's Indian slave escaped from her in 1587.[96] A large number of slaves were forcibly brought there since the commercial, artisanal, and service sectors all flourished in a regional capital like Évora.[96]
A fugitive Indian slave from Evora named António went to Badajoz after leaving his master in 1545.[97]
Portuguese domination was accepted by the "docile" Jau slaves. In Évora, Brites Figueira owned a Java (Jau) slave named Maria Jau. Antão Azedo took an Indian slave named Heitor to Evora, who along with another slave was from Bengal were among the 34 Indian slaves in total who were owned by Tristão Homem, a nobleman in 1544 in Évora. Manuel Gomes previously owned a slave who escaped in 1558 at age 18 and he was said to be from the "land of Prester John of the Indias" named Diogo.[98]
In Évora, men were owned and used as slaves by female establishments like convents for nuns. Three male slaves and three female slaves were given to the nuns of Montemor by the alcaide-mor's widow. In order to "serve those who serve God" and being told to obey orders "in all things that they ordered them", a boy named Manual along with his slave mother were given to the Nuns of Montemor by father Jorge Fernandes in 1544.[99] A capelão do rei, father João Pinto left an Indian man in Porto, where he was picked up in 1546 by the Évora-based Santa Marta convent's nuns to serve as their slave. However, female slaves did not serve in male establishments, unlike vice versa.[100]
Slavery in Macau and the coast of China
Beginning in the 16th century, the Portuguese tried to establish trading ports and settlements along the coast of China. Early attempts at establishing such bases, such as those in Ningbo and Quanzhou, were however destroyed by the Chinese, following violent raids by the settlers to neighboring ports, which included pillaging and plunder and sometimes enslavement.[101][102][103][104][105] The resulting complaints made it to the province's governor who commanded the settlement destroyed and the inhabitants wiped out. In 1545, a force of 60,000 Chinese troops descended on the community, and 800 of the 1,200 Portuguese residents were massacred, with 25 vessels and 42 junks destroyed.[106][107][108][109]
Until the mid-17th century, during the early Portuguese mandate of Macau, some 5,000 slaves lived in the territory, in addition to 2,000 Portuguese and an ever-growing number of Chinese, which in 1664 reached 20,000.[110][111] This number decreased in the following decades to between 1000 and 2000.[112] Most of the slaves were of African origin.[110][113] Rarely did Chinese women marry Portuguese, initially, mostly Goans, Ceylonese/Sinhalese (from today's Sri Lanka), Indochinese, Malay (from Malacca), and Japanese women were the wives of the Portuguese men in Macau.[114][115][116][117] Slave women of Indian, Indonesian, Malay, and Japanese origin were used as partners by Portuguese men.[118] Japanese girls would be purchased in Japan by Portuguese men.[119] From 1555 onwards Macau received slave women of Timorese origin as well as women of African origin, and from Malacca and India.[120][121] Macau was permitted by Pombal to receive an influx of Timorese women.[122] Macau received an influx of African slaves, Japanese slaves as well as Christian Korean slaves who were bought by the Portuguese from the Japanese after they were taken prisoner during the Japanese invasions of Korea (1592–98) in the era of Hideyoshi.[123]
On June 24, 1622, the Dutch attacked Macau in the Battle of Macau, expecting to turn the area into a Dutch possession, with an 800-strong invasion force led by under Captain Kornelis Reyerszoon. The relatively small number of defenders repulsed the Dutch attack, which was not repeated. The majority of the defenders were Africans slaves, with only a few dozen Portuguese soldiers and priests in support, and they accounted for most of the victims in the battle.[124][125][126][127] Following the defeat, the Dutch Governor Jan Coen said of the Macao slaves, that "it was they who defeated and drove away our people there".[128][129][130][131] In the 1800s, during the Qing dynasty, the British consul noted that some Portuguese were still buying children between five and eight years of age.[132][133][134]
In 1814, the Jiaqing Emperor added a clause to the section of the fundamental laws of China titled "Wizards, Witches, and all Superstitions, prohibited", later modified in 1821 and published in 1826 by the Daoguang Emperor, which sentenced Europeans, namely Portuguese Christians who would not repent their conversion, to be sent to Muslim cities in Xinjiang as slaves to Muslim leaders.[135]
Treatment
During transport to Portugal, slaves were fastened and chained with manacles, padlocks, and rings around their necks.[136] Portuguese owners could whip, chain, and pour burning hot wax and fat onto the skin of their slaves, and punish their slaves in any way that they wished, as long as the slaves remained alive.[137] The Portuguese also used branding irons to brand their slaves as property.[138]
Banning
Voices condemning the slave trade were raised quite early on during the Atlantic Slave Trade period. Among them was Gaspar da Cruz (1550-1575), a Dominican friar who dismissed any arguments by the slave traffickers that they had "legally" purchased already-enslaved children, among the earliest condemnations of slavery in Europe during this period.[139]
From an early age during the Atlantic Slave Trade period, the crown attempted to stop the trading of non-African slaves. The enslavement and overseas trading of Chinese slaves, who were prized by the Portuguese,[85] was specifically addressed in response to Chinese authorities' requests, who, although not against the enslavement of people in Macau and Chinese territories, which was common practice,[140] at different times attempted to stop the transport of slaves to outside the territory.[141] In 1595, a Portuguese royal decree banned the selling and buying of ethnically Chinese slaves; it was reiterated by the Portuguese King on February 19, 1624,[75][140][142] and, in 1744, by the Qianlong Emperor, who forbade the practice to Chinese subjects, reiterating his order in 1750.[143][144] However, these laws were not able to stop the trade completely, a practice which lasted until the 1700s.[75] In the American colonies, Portugal halted the use of Chinese, Japanese, Europeans, and Indians to work as slaves for sugar plantations, which was reserved exclusively for African slaves.
The abolition of all forms of slavery occurred in 1761 on mainland Portugal and Portuguese India through a decree by the Marquis of Pombal, followed, in 1777, by Madeira. The transatlantic slave trade was definitively outlawed altogether by Portugal in 1836, at the same time as other European powers, as a result of British pressure. Slavery within the African Portuguese colonies, however, would only be definitively abolished in 1869, following a treaty between United States and Britain for the suppression of the slave trade. In Brazil, which had become independent from Portugal in 1822, slavery was finally abolished in 1888.[1] However, Portuguese involvement in slavery in its colonies continued into the 20th century. So-called contract labourers were effectively slaves as, although they signed a piece of paper, they had no idea what they were signing. In most cases they were not paid and few were returned to their homes when the duration of the contract was over. The use of such slavery in São Tomé led in 1909 to the three leading British chocolate makers, Cadbury's, Fry's and Rowntree's, ceasing to buy cocoa beans from that colony.[145]
See also
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- Hugh Thomas (2013). The Slave Trade: The Story of the Atlantic Slave Trade: 1440-1870 (illustrated ed.). Simon and Schuster. p. 119. ISBN 978-1476737454. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Maria do Rosário Pimentel (1995). Viagem ao fundo das consciências: a escravatura na época moderna (in Portuguese). Volume 3 of Colibri história. Edições Colibri. p. 49. ISBN 978-9728047757. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Viagem ao fundo das consciências: a escravatura na época moderna (in Portuguese). Sociedade Histórica da Independência de Portugal (Lisbon, Portugal). Palácio da Independencia. 1966. p. 19. Retrieved 2014-02-02.CS1 maint: others (link)
- Fortunato de Almeida (1925). História de Portugal, Volume 3 (in Portuguese). F. de Almeida. p. 222. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Comissão Nacional para as Comemorações dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, Mosteiro dos Jerónimos (Lisbon, Portugal) (1999). Ana Maria Rodrigues (ed.). Os Negros em Portugal: sécs. XV a XIX : Mosteiro dos Jerónimos 23 de Setembro de 1999 a 24 de Janeiro de 2000 (in Portuguese) (illustrated ed.). Comissão Nacional para as Comemorações dos Descobrimentos Portugueses. p. 77. ISBN 978-9728325992. Retrieved 2014-02-02.CS1 maint: uses authors parameter (link)
- Jorge Fonseca (1997). Os escravos em Évora no século XVI (in Portuguese). Volume 2 of Colecção "Novos estudos eborenses" Volume 2 of Novos Estudos e Eborenses. Câmara Municipal de Évora. p. 30. ISBN 978-9729696534. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Jorge Fonseca (1997). Os escravos em Évora no século XVI (in Portuguese). Volume 2 of Colecção "Novos estudos eborenses" Volume 2 of Novos Estudos e Eborenses. Câmara Municipal de Évora. p. 31. ISBN 978-9729696534. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Gabriel Pereira (1886). Estudos eborenses : historia, arte, archeologia (O Archivo Da Santa Casa de Misericordia d'Evora 2.a Parte)(O testamento de uma grande dama do seculo 16) (in Portuguese). Evora : Minerva Eborense. p. 5 (575). Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- O Testamento de uma Grande Dama do Século XVI (PDF) (in Portuguese). p. 27. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Jack D. Forbes (1993). Title Africans and Native Americans: The Language of Race and the Evolution of Red-Black Peoples (reprint ed.). University of Illinois Press. p. 40. ISBN 978-0252063213. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- A. C. de C. M. Saunders (1982). A Social History of Black Slaves and Freedmen in Portugal, 1441-1555 (illustrated ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 214. ISBN 978-0521231503. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Jorge Fonseca (1997). Os escravos em Évora no século XVI (in Portuguese). Volume 2 of Colecção "Novos estudos eborenses" Volume 2 of Novos Estudos e Eborenses. Câmara Municipal de Évora. p. 24. ISBN 978-9729696534. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Jorge Fonseca (1997). Os escravos em Évora no século XVI (in Portuguese). Volume 2 of Colecção "Novos estudos eborenses" Volume 2 of Novos Estudos e Eborenses. Câmara Municipal de Évora. p. 21. ISBN 978-9729696534. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Jorge Fonseca (1997). Os escravos em Évora no século XVI (in Portuguese). Volume 2 of Colecção "Novos estudos eborenses" Volume 2 of Novos Estudos e Eborenses. Câmara Municipal de Évora. p. 21. ISBN 978-9729696534. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Comissão Nacional para as Comemorações dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, Mosteiro dos Jerónimos (Lisbon, Portugal) (1999). Ana Maria Rodrigues (ed.). Os Negros em Portugal: sécs. XV a XIX : Mosteiro dos Jerónimos 23 de Setembro de 1999 a 24 de Janeiro de 2000 (in Portuguese) (illustrated ed.). Comissão Nacional para as Comemorações dos Descobrimentos Portugueses. p. 77. ISBN 978-9728325992. Retrieved 2014-02-02.CS1 maint: uses authors parameter (link)
- Jorge Fonseca (1997). Os escravos em Évora no século XVI (in Portuguese). Volume 2 of Colecção "Novos estudos eborenses" Volume 2 of Novos Estudos e Eborenses. Câmara Municipal de Évora. p. 117. ISBN 978-9729696534. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Cristovão Alão de Morais; Eugénio de Andrea da Cunha e Freitas (1699). Alexandre António Pereira de Miranda Vasconcellos; António Cruz (eds.). Pedatura lusitana (nobiliário de famílias de Portugal) ... (in Portuguese). Volume 2. Livraria Fernando Machado. p. 276. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Cristovão Alão de Morais; Eugénio de Andrea da Cunha e Freitas (1673). Alexandre António Pereira de Miranda Vasconcellos; António Cruz (eds.). Pedatura lusitana (nobiliário de famílias de Portugal) ... (in Portuguese). Volume 4. Livraria Fernando Machado. p. 463. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Sociedade Histórica da Independência de Portugal (Lisbon, Portugal) (2000). João Paulo Oliveira e Costa (ed.). Descobridores do Brasil: exploradores do Atlântico e construtores do Estado da Índia (in Portuguese). Volume 8 of Memória lusíada. Sociedade Histórica da Independência de Portugal. p. 77. ISBN 978-9729326318. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Jorge Fonseca (1997). Os escravos em Évora no século XVI (in Portuguese). Volume 2 of Colecção "Novos estudos eborenses" Volume 2 of Novos Estudos e Eborenses. Câmara Municipal de Évora. p. 41. ISBN 978-9729696534. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Jorge Fonseca (1997). Os escravos em Évora no século XVI (in Portuguese). Volume 2 of Colecção "Novos estudos eborenses" Volume 2 of Novos Estudos e Eborenses. Câmara Municipal de Évora. p. 18. ISBN 978-9729696534. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
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- Teixeira Leite 1999, p. 20 : "Já por aí se vê que devem ter sido numerosos os escravos chineses que tomaram o caminho de Lisboa — e por extensão o do Brasil ... Em 1744 era o imperador Qianlong quem ordenava que nenhum Chinês ou europeu de Macau vendesse filhos e filhas, prohibição reiterada em 1750 pelo vice-rei de Cantão."
- Jonathan D. Spence (1985). The memory palace of Matteo Ricci (illustrated, reprint ed.). Penguin Books. p. 208. ISBN 978-0-14-008098-8. Retrieved 2012-05-05.
countryside.16 Slaves were everywhere in Lisbon, according to the Florentine merchant Filippo Sassetti, who was also living in the city during 1578. Black slaves were the most numerous, but there were also a scattering of Chinese
- Julita Scarano. "MIGRAÇÃO SOB CONTRATO: A OPINIÃO DE EÇA DE QUEIROZ". Unesp- Ceru. p. 4. Retrieved 14 July 2010.
- José Roberto Teixeira Leite (1999). A China no Brasil: influências, marcas, ecos e sobrevivências chinesas na sociedade e na arte brasileiras (in Portuguese). UNICAMP. Universidade Estadual de Campinas. p. 19. ISBN 978-85-268-0436-4. Retrieved 2012-05-05.
Idéias e costumes da China podem ter-nos chegado também através de escravos chineses, de uns poucos dos quais sabe-se da presença no Brasil de começos do Setecentos.17 Mas não deve ter sido através desses raros infelizes que a influência chinesa nos atingiu, mesmo porque escravos chineses (e também japoneses) já existiam aos montes em Lisboa por volta de 1578, quando Filippo Sassetti visitou a cidade,18 apenas suplantados em número pelos africanos. Parece aliás que aos últimos cabia o trabalho pesado, ficando reservadas aos chins tarefas e funções mais amenas, inclusive a de em certos casos secretariar autoridades civis, religiosas e militares.
- José Roberto Teixeira Leite (1999). A China no Brasil: influências, marcas, ecos e sobrevivências chinesas na sociedade e na arte brasileiras. Editora da Unicamp. p. 20. ISBN 978-85-268-0436-4. Retrieved 14 July 2010.
- José Roberto Teixeira Leite (1999). A China no Brasil: influências, marcas, ecos e sobrevivências chinesas na sociedade e na arte brasileiras. Editora da Unicamp. p. 20. ISBN 978-85-268-0436-4. Retrieved 14 July 2010.
- Jeanette Pinto (1992). Slavery in Portuguese India, 1510–1842. Himalaya Pub. House. p. 18. Retrieved 2012-05-05.
ing Chinese as slaves, since they are found to be very loyal, intelligent and hard working' ... their culinary bent was also evidently appreciated. The Florentine traveller Fillippo Sassetti, recording his impressions of Lisbon's enormous slave population circa 1580, states that the majority of the Chinese there were employed as cooks.
- Charles Ralph Boxer (1968). Fidalgos in the Far East 1550–1770 (2, illustrated, reprint ed.). 2, illustrated, reprint. p. 225. Retrieved 2012-05-05.
be very loyal, intelligent, and hard-working. Their culinary bent (not for nothing is Chinese cooking regarded as the Asiatic equivalent to French cooking in Europe) was evidently appreciated. The Florentine traveller Filipe Sassetti recording his impressions of Lisbon's enormous slave population circa 1580, states that the majority of the Chinese there were employed as cooks. Dr. John Fryer, who gives us an interesting ...
- José Roberto Teixeira Leite (1999). A China No Brasil: Influencias, Marcas, Ecos E Sobrevivencias Chinesas Na Sociedade E Na Arte Brasileiras (in Portuguese). UNICAMP. Universidade Estadual de Campinas. p. 19. ISBN 978-85-268-0436-4. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Paul Finkelman (1998). Paul Finkelman, Joseph Calder Miller (ed.). Macmillan encyclopedia of world slavery, Volume 2. Macmillan Reference USA, Simon & Schuster Macmillan. p. 737. ISBN 978-0-02-864781-4. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Finkelman & Miller 1998, p. 737
- Duarte de Sande (2012). Derek Massarella (ed.). Japanese Travellers in Sixteenth-century Europe: A Dialogue Concerning the Mission of the Japanese Ambassadors to the Roman Curia (1590). Volume 25 of 3: Works, Hakluyt Society Hakluyt Society. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. ISBN 978-1-4094-7223-0. ISSN 0072-9396. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- A. C. de C. M. Saunders (1982). A Social History of Black Slaves and Freedmen in Portugal, 1441–1555. Volume 25 of 3: Works, Hakluyt Society Hakluyt Society (illustrated ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 168. ISBN 978-0-521-23150-3. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Jeanette Pinto (1992). Slavery in Portuguese India, 1510–1842. Himalaya Pub. House. p. 18. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Charles Ralph Boxer (1968). Fidalgos in the Far East 1550–1770 (2, illustrated, reprint ed.). Oxford U.P. p. 225. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Dias 2007, p. 71
- Maria Suzette Fernandes Dias (2007). Legacies of slavery: comparative perspectives. Cambridge Scholars Publishing. p. 71. ISBN 978-1-84718-111-4. Retrieved 14 July 2010.
- Gary João de Pina-Cabral (2002). Between China and Europe: person, culture and emotion in Macao. Berg Publishers. p. 114. ISBN 978-0-8264-5749-3. Retrieved 14 July 2010.
- Gary João de Pina-Cabral (2002). Between China and Europe: person, culture and emotion in Macao. Berg Publishers. p. 115. ISBN 978-0-8264-5749-3. Retrieved 14 July 2010.
- Jorge Fonseca (1997). Os escravos em Évora no século XVI (in Portuguese). Volume 2 of Colecção "Novos estudos eborenses" Volume 2 of Novos Estudos e Eborenses. Câmara Municipal de Évora. p. 21. ISBN 978-9729696534. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Maria Antónia Pires de Almeida (2002). Andrade Martins Conceição; Nuno Gonçalo Monteiro (eds.). A Agricultura: Dicionário das Ocupações, História do Trabalho e das Ocupações (PDF) (in Portuguese). III. Oeiras: Celta Editora. p. 162. ISBN 978-972-774-133-5. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Jorge Fonseca (1997). Os escravos em Évora no século XVI (in Portuguese). Volume 2 of Colecção "Novos estudos eborenses" Volume 2 of Novos Estudos e Eborenses. Câmara Municipal de Évora. p. 31. ISBN 978-9729696534. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Jorge Fonseca (1997). Os escravos em Évora no século XVI (in Portuguese). Volume 2 of Colecção "Novos estudos eborenses" Volume 2 of Novos Estudos e Eborenses. Câmara Municipal de Évora. p. 103. ISBN 978-9729696534. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Jorge Fonseca (1997). Os escravos em Évora no século XVI (in Portuguese). Volume 2 of Colecção "Novos estudos eborenses" Volume 2 of Novos Estudos e Eborenses. Câmara Municipal de Évora. p. 21. ISBN 978-9729696534. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Jorge Fonseca (1997). Os escravos em Évora no século XVI (in Portuguese). Volume 2 of Colecção "Novos estudos eborenses" Volume 2 of Novos Estudos e Eborenses. Câmara Municipal de Évora. p. 45. ISBN 978-9729696534. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Jorge Fonseca (1997). Os escravos em Évora no século XVI (in Portuguese). Volume 2 of Colecção "Novos estudos eborenses" Volume 2 of Novos Estudos e Eborenses. Câmara Municipal de Évora. p. 45. ISBN 978-9729696534. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Ernest S. Dodge (1976). Islands and Empires: Western Impact on the Pacific and East Asia. Volume 7 of Europe and the World in Age of Expansion. U of Minnesota Press. p. 226. ISBN 978-0-8166-0853-9. Retrieved 18 October 2011.
The Portuguese, who considered all Eastern peoples legitimate prey, established trading settlements at Ningpo and in Fukien, but both were wiped out by massacres in 1545 and 1549. For some years the Portuguese were second only to the
- Kenneth Scott Latourette (1964). The Chinese, their history and culture, Volumes 1-2 (4, reprint ed.). Macmillan. p. 235. Retrieved 18 July 2011.
A settlement which the Portuguese established near Ningpo was wiped out by a massacre (1545), and a similar fate overtook a trading colony in Fukien (1549). For a time the Portuguese retained a precarious tenure only on islands south of Canton
(the University of Michigan) - Kenneth Scott Latourette (1942). The Chinese, their history and culture, Volumes 1-2 (2 ed.). Macmillan. p. 313. Retrieved 18 July 2011.
A settlement which the Portuguese established near Ningpo was wiped out by a massacre (1545), and a similar fate overtook a trading colony in Fukien (1549). For a time the Portuguese retained a precarious tenure only on islands south of Canton
(the University of Michigan) - John William Parry (1969). Spices: The story of spices. The spices described. Volume 1 of Spices. Chemical Pub. Co. p. 102. Retrieved 18 July 2011.
The Portuguese succeeded in establishing a settlement near Ningpo which was wiped out by massacre in 1545; another Portuguese settlement in Fukien province met a similar fate in 1549, but they finally succeeded in establishing a
(the University of California) - Witold Rodziński (1983). A history of China, Volume 1 (illustrated ed.). Pergamon Press. p. 203. ISBN 978-0-08-021806-9. Retrieved 18 July 2011.
A further attempt was made by the Portuguese in 1 522 by Affonso de Mello Coutinho which also suffered defeat. In spite of these initial setbacks the Portuguese succeeded, probably by bribing local officials, in establishing themselves in Ningpo (Chekiang) and in Ch'uanchou (Fukien), where considerable trade with the Chinese was developed. In both cases, however, the unspeakably brutal behaviours of the Portuguese caused a revulsion of Chinese feeling against the newcomers. In 1545 the Portuguese colony in Ningpo was completely wiped out after three years of existence and later, in 1549, the same fate met the settlement in Ch'iianchou. Somewhat later, the Portuguese did succeed finally in gaining
(the University of Michigan) - A.J. Johnson Company (1895). Charles Kendall Adams (ed.). Johnson's universal cyclopedia: a new edition. Volume 6 of Johnson's Universal Cyclopædia. NEW YORK: D. Appleton, A.J. Johnson. p. 202. Retrieved 18 July 2011.(Original from the University of California)
- Universal cyclopædia and atlas, Volume 8. NEW YORK: D. Appleton and Company. 1909. p. 490. Retrieved 18 July 2011.(Original from the New York Public Library)
- Charles Kendall Adams (1895). Johnson's universal cyclopaedia, Volume 6. NEW YORK: A.J. Johnson Co. p. 202. Retrieved 18 July 2011.(Original from Princeton University)
- Charles Kendall Adams; Rossiter Johnson (1902). Universal cyclopaedia and atlas, Volume 8. NEW YORK: D. Appleton and Company. p. 490. Retrieved 18 July 2011.(Original from the New York Public Library)
- George Bryan Souza (2004). The Survival of Empire: Portuguese Trade and Society in China and the South China Sea 1630-1754 (reprint ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 32. ISBN 978-0-521-53135-1. Retrieved 4 November 2011.
5000 slaves 20000 Chinese 1643 2000 moradores (Portuguese civil citizens) 1644
- Stephen Adolphe Wurm; Peter Mühlhäusler; Darrell T. Tryon (1996). Atlas of languages of intercultural communication in the Pacific, Asia and the Americas. Walter de Gruyter. p. 323. ISBN 978-3-11-013417-9. Retrieved 4 November 2011.
The Portuguese population of Macao was never very large. Between the period 1601 -1669, a typical cross section of the population consisted of about 600 casados, 100-200 other Portuguese, some 5000 slaves and a growing number of Chinese
- Zhidong Hao (2011). Macau History and Society (illustrated ed.). Hong Kong University Press. p. 63. ISBN 978-988-8028-54-2. Retrieved 4 November 2011.
This is a time when there were most African slaves, about 5100. In comparison there were about 1000 to 2000 during the later Portuguese rule in Macau.
- Trevor Burnard (2010). Gad Heuman; Trevor Burnard (eds.). The Routledge history of slavery (illustrated ed.). Taylor & Francis. p. 57. ISBN 978-0-415-46689-9. Retrieved 4 November 2011.
South Asia also exported bondspeople: Indians, for example, were exported as slaves to Macao, Japan, Indonesia
- Annabel Jackson (2003). Taste of Macau: Portuguese Cuisine on the China Coast (illustrated ed.). Hong Kong University Press. p. x. ISBN 978-962-209-638-7. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- João de Pina-Cabral (2002). Between China and Europe: person, culture and emotion in Macao. Volume 74 of London School of Economics monographs on social anthropology (illustrated ed.). Berg. p. 39. ISBN 978-0-8264-5749-3. Retrieved 2012-03-01.
To be a Macanese is fundamentally to be from Macao with Portuguese ancestors, but not necessarily to be of Sino-Portuguese descent. The local community was born from Portuguese men. ... but in the beginning the woman was Goanese, Siamese, Indo-Chinese, Malay - they came to Macao in our boats. Sporadically it was a Chinese woman.
- C. A. Montalto de Jesus (1902). Historic Macao (2 ed.). Kelly & Walsh, Limited. p. 41. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
macao Japanese women.
- Austin Coates (2009). A Macao Narrative. Volume 1 of Echoes: Classics of Hong Kong Culture and History. Hong Kong University Press. p. 44. ISBN 978-962-209-077-4. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Stephen A. Wurm; Peter Mühlhäusler; Darrell T. Tryon, eds. (1996). Atlas of Languages of Intercultural Communication in the Pacific, Asia, and the Americas: Vol I: Maps. Vol II: Texts. Walter de Gruyter. p. 323. ISBN 978-3110819724. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Camões Center (Columbia University. Research Institute on International Change) (1989). Camões Center Quarterly, Volume 1. Volume 1 of Echoes: Classics of Hong Kong Culture and History. The Center. p. 29. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Frank Dikötter (2015). The Discourse of Race in Modern China. Oxford University Press. p. 11. ISBN 978-0190231132. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Frank Dikotter (1992). The Discourse of Race in Modern China: Hong Kong Memoirs. Hong Kong University Press. p. 17. ISBN 978-9622093041. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Francisco Bethencourt (2014). Racisms: From the Crusades to the Twentieth Century. Princeton University Press. p. 209. ISBN 978-1400848416. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Kaijian Tang (2015). Setting Off from Macau: Essays on Jesuit History during the Ming and Qing Dynasties. Brill. p. 93. ISBN 978-9004305526. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
- Indrani Chatterjee; Richard Maxwell Eaton (2006). Indrani Chatterjee; Richard Maxwell Eaton (eds.). Slavery and South Asian history (illustrated ed.). Indiana University Press. p. 238. ISBN 978-0-253-21873-5. Retrieved 4 November 2011.
Portuguese,”he concluded;“The Portuguese beat us off from Macao with their slaves.”10 The same year as the Dutch ... an English witness recorded that the Portuguese defense was conducted primarily by their African slaves, who threw
- Middle East and Africa. Taylor & Francis. 1996. p. 544. ISBN 978-1-884964-04-6. Retrieved 4 November 2011.
A miscellaneous assemblage of Portuguese soldiers, citizens, African slaves, friars, and Jesuits managed to withstand the attack. Following this defeat, the Dutch made no further attempts to take Macau, although they continued to harass
- Christina Miu Bing Cheng (1999). Macau: a cultural Janus (illustrated ed.). Hong Kong University Press. p. 159. ISBN 978-962-209-486-4. Retrieved 4 November 2011.
invaded Macau on 24 June 1622 but was defeated by a handful of Portuguese priests, citizens and African slaves
- Steven Bailey (2007). Strolling in Macau: A Visitor's Guide to Macau, Taipa, and Coloane (illustrated ed.). ThingsAsian Press. p. 15. ISBN 978-0-9715940-9-8. Retrieved 4 November 2011.
On June 24, 1622, a Dutch fleet under Captain Kornelis Reyerszoon assembled a landing force of some 800 armed sailors, a number thought more than sufficient to overpower Macau's relatively weak garrison. Macau's future as a Dutch colony seemed all but assured, since the city's ... still remained under construction and its defenders numbered only about 60 soldiers and 90 civilians, who ranged from Jesuit priests to African slaves
- Ruth Simms Hamilton, ed. (2007). Routes of passage: rethinking the African diaspora, Volume 1, Part 1. Volume 1 of African diaspora research. Michigan State University Press. p. 143. ISBN 978-0-87013-632-0. Retrieved 4 November 2011.
Jan Coen, who had been sent to establish a Dutch base on the China coast, wrote about the slaves who served the Portuguese so faithfully: "It was they who defeated and drove away our people last year."
(the University of California) - Centro de Estudos Históricos Ultramarinos (1968). Studia, Issue 23. Centro de Estudos Históricos Ultramarinos. p. 89. Retrieved 4 November 2011.
85, quotes a report from the Dutch governor-general, Coen, in 1623: «The slaves of the Portuguese at Macao served them so well and faithfully, that it was they who defeated and drove away our people last year».
(University of Texas) - Themba Sono; Human Sciences Research Council (1993). Japan and Africa: the evolution and nature of political, economic and human bonds, 1543-1993. HSRC. p. 23. ISBN 978-0-7969-1525-2. Retrieved 4 November 2011.
A year later, Captain Coen was still harping on the same theme: "The slaves of the Portuguese at Macao served them so well and faithfully, that it was they who defeated and drove away our people there last year". Captain Coen was
- Charles Ralph Boxer (1968). Fidalgos in the Far East 1550-1770 (2, illustrated, reprint ed.). Oxford U.P. p. 85. Retrieved 4 November 2011.
The enemy, it was reported, "had lost many more men than we, albeit mostly slaves. Our people saw very few Portuguese". A year later he was still harping on the same theme. "The slaves of the Portuguese at Macao served them so well and faithfully, that it was they who defeated and drove away our people there last
(the University of Michigan) - P. D. Coates (1988). The China consuls: British consular officers, 1843-1943 (2, illustrated ed.). Oxford University Press. p. 124. Retrieved 4 November 2011.
a Portuguese slave trade in male and female children aged between 5 and 8, whom Portuguese bought for $3 to $4
(the University of Michigan) - Christina Miu Bing Cheng (1999). Macau: a cultural Janus (illustrated ed.). Hong Kong University Press. p. 159. ISBN 978-962-209-486-4. Retrieved 4 November 2011.
Apart from being a centre of coolie-slave trade, Macau was also known as the Oriental Monte Carlo
- W. G. Clarence-Smith (1985). The third Portuguese empire, 1825-1975: a study in economic imperialism (illustrated ed.). Manchester University Press ND. p. 71. ISBN 978-0-7190-1719-3. Retrieved 4 November 2011.
As the African slave trade declined the Portuguese became involved in a form of trade in Chinese labour which was in effect a Chinese slave trade.
- Robert Samuel Maclay (1861). Life among the Chinese: with characteristic sketches and incidents of missionary operations and prospects in China. Carlton & Porter. p. 336. Retrieved 2011-07-06.
mohammedan slaves to beys.
- A. Saunders (2010). A Social History of Black Slaves and Freedmen in Portugal, 1441-1555. Cambridge University Press. p. 14. ISBN 978-0-521-13003-5. Retrieved 2010-11-14.
- A. Saunders (2010). A Social History of Black Slaves and Freedmen in Portugal, 1441-1555. Cambridge University Press. p. 108. ISBN 978-0-521-13003-5. Retrieved 2010-11-14.
- Charles Patterson (2002). Eternal Treblinka: our treatment of animals and the Holocaust. Lantern Books. p. 14. ISBN 978-1-930051-99-7. Retrieved 2010-11-14.
- Boxer, Charles Ralph; Pereira, Galeote; Cruz, Gaspar da; Rada, Martín de (1953), South in the sixteenth century: being the narratives of Galeote Pereira, Fr. Gaspar da Cruz, O.P. [and] Fr. Martín de Rada, O.E.S.A. (1550-1575), Issue 106 of Works issued by the Hakluyt Society, Printed for the Hakluyt Society, pp. 149–152 (Includes an translation of Gaspar da Cruz's entire book, with C.R. Boxer's comments)
- de Pina-Cabral 2002, pp. 114–115 : "From very early on, it was recognized that the purchase of Chinese persons (particularly female infants) caused no particular problems in Macao, but that the export of these people as slaves was contrary to the safeguarding of peaceable relations with the Chinese authorities. This point is clearly made by a Royal Decree of 1624 ... [t]hese good intentions were, however, difficult to uphold in the territory where the monetary purchase of persons was easily accomplished and the supply very abundant, particularly of young females."
- Maria Suzette Fernandes Dias (2007). Legacies of slavery: comparative perspectives. Cambridge Scholars Publishing. p. 71. ISBN 978-1-84718-111-4. Retrieved 2010-07-14.
- Gary João de Pina-Cabral (2002). Between China and Europe: person, and emotion in Macao. Berg Publishers. p. 114. ISBN 978-0-8264-5749-3. Retrieved 2010-07-14.
- Mancall 2007, p. 228
- José Roberto Teixeira Leite (1999). A China no Brasil: influências, marcas, ecos e sobrevivências chinesas na sociedade e na arte brasileiras. Editora da Unicamp. p. 19. ISBN 978-85-268-0436-4. Retrieved 2010-07-14.
- Evans, David (2014). "The Chocolate Makers and the "Abyss of Hell"". British Historical Society of Portugal Annual Report. 41.
Bibliography
- Dias, Maria Suzette Fernandes (2007), Legacies of slavery: comparative perspectives, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, p. 238, ISBN 978-1-84718-111-4