Inland Northern American English

Inland Northern (American) English,[1] also known in American linguistics as the Inland North or Great Lakes dialect,[2] is an American English dialect spoken primarily by White Americans in a geographic band reaching from Central New York westward along the Erie Canal, through much of the U.S. Great Lakes region, to eastern Iowa. The most innovative Inland Northern accents are spoken in Chicago, Milwaukee, Detroit, Cleveland, Buffalo, Rochester, and Syracuse.[3] A geographic corridor reaching from Chicago southwest along historic Route 66 into St. Louis, Missouri, has also been infiltrated by features of the Inland Northern accent, with the corridor today showing a mixture of both Inland Northern and Midland accents.[4] Linguists often characterize the western Great Lakes region's dialect as the separate North-Central American English.

This map shows, with red circles, the exact cities identified within the Inland North dialect region, according to Labov et al.'s (2006) ANAE.

The early 20th-century accent of the Inland North was the basis for the term "General American",[5][6] though the regional accent has since altered, due to its now-defining chain shift of vowels that began as late as the 1930s.[7] A 1969 study first formally showed lower-middle-class women leading the regional population in the first two stages (raising of the TRAP vowel and fronting of the LOT vowel) of what, since the 1970s onward, has been documented as the five-stage Northern Cities Vowel Shift.[5] Some recent evidence has suggested a reversal of some of the shift's features in certain locations.[8][9]

Geographic distribution
Three isoglosses identifying the NCVS. In the brown areas /ʌ/ is more retracted than /ɑ/. The blue line encloses areas in which /ɛ/ is backed. The red line encloses areas in which /æ/ is diphthongized to [eə] even before oral consonants. The areas enclosed by all three lines may be considered the "core" of the NCVS; it is most consistently present in Syracuse, Rochester, Buffalo, Detroit, and Chicago. Adapted from Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006:204).

The dialect region called the "Inland North" consists of western and central New York State (Utica, Syracuse, Rochester, Buffalo, Binghamton, Jamestown, Fredonia, Olean); northern Ohio (Akron, Cleveland, Toledo); Michigan's Lower Peninsula (Detroit, Flint, Grand Rapids, Lansing); northern Indiana (Gary, South Bend); northern Illinois (Chicago, Rockford); southeastern Wisconsin (Kenosha, Racine, Milwaukee); and, largely, northeastern Pennsylvania's Wyoming Valley/Coal Region (Scranton and Wilkes-Barre). This is the dialect spoken in part of America's chief industrial region, an area sometimes known as the Rust Belt.

Linguists identify the "St. Louis Corridor", extending from Chicago down into St. Louis, as a dialectally remarkable area, because young and old speakers alike have a Midland accent, except for a single middle generation born between the 1920s and 1940s, who have an Inland Northern accent diffused into the area from Chicago.[10]

Erie, Pennsylvania, though in the geographic area of the "Inland North," never underwent the Northern Cities Shift and now shares more features with Western Pennsylvania English due to contact with Pittsburghers, particularly with Erie as their choice of city for summer vacations.[11] Meanwhile, in suburban areas, the dialect may be less pronounced; for example, native-born speakers in Kane, McHenry, Lake, DuPage, and Will Counties in Illinois may sound slightly different from speakers from Cook County and particularly those who grew up in Chicago. Many African-Americans in Detroit and other Northern cities are multidialectal and also or exclusively use African American Vernacular English rather than Inland Northern English, but some do use the Inland Northern dialect, as do almost all people in and around the city of Detroit who are not African American.

Social factors

The dialect's progression across the Midwest has stopped at a general boundary line traveling through central Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois and then western Wisconsin, on the other sides of which speakers have continued to maintain their Midland and North Central accents. Sociolinguist William Labov theorizes that this separation reflects a political divide and a controlled study of his shows that Inland Northern speakers tend to be more associated with liberal politics than those of the other dialects, especially as Americans continue to self-segregate in residence based on ideological concerns.[12] Former Democratic President Barack Obama, for example, has a mild Inland Northern accent.[12]

History of the Northern Cities Vowel Shift

William Labov et al.'s Atlas of North American English (2006) presents the first historical understandings about the order in which the Inland North's vowels shifted. Speakers around the Great Lakes began to pronounce the short a sound, /æ/ as in TRAP, as more of a diphthong and with a higher starting point in the mouth, causing the same word to sound more like "tray-ap" or "tray-up"; Labov et al. assume that this began by the middle of the 19th century.[13] After roughly a century following this first vowel change—general /æ/ raising—the region's speakers, around the 1960s, then began to use the newly opened vowel space previously occupied by [æ] for the broad a of "spa" /ɑ/ as in LOT and PALM, so words like bot, gosh, or lock then came to be pronounced with the tongue extended farther forward, thus making these words sound more like how bat, gash, and lack sound in dialects without the shift. These two vowel changes were first recognized and reported in 1967.[14] While these were certainly the first two vowel shifts of this accent, and Labov et al. assume that /æ/ raising occurred first, they also admit that the specifics of time and place are unclear.[15] In fact, real-time evidence of a small number of Chicagoans born between 1890 and 1920 suggests that /ɑ/ fronting occurred first, starting by 1900 at the latest, and was followed by /æ/ raising sometime in the 1920s.[16]

During the 1960s, several more vowels followed suit in rapid succession, each filling in the space left by the last, including the lowering of /ɔ/ as in THOUGHT, the backing and lowering of /ɛ/ as in DRESS, the backing of /ʌ/ as in STRUT (first reported in 1986),[17] and the backing and lowering of /ɪ/ as in KIT, often but not always in that exact order. Altogether, this constitutes a chain shift of vowels, identified as such in 1972, and known by linguists as the "Northern Cities [Vowel] Shift" or NCS: the defining pattern of the current Inland Northern accent.[12][12]

Possible motivations for the shift

Migrants from all over the Northeastern U.S. came to the rapidly-industrializing Great Lakes area in the decades after the Erie Canal opened in 1825, and Labov suggests that the Inland North's general /æ/ raising originated from the diverse and incompatible /æ/ raising patterns of these various migrants mixing into a new, simpler pattern.[18] He posits that this hypothetical dialect-mixing event that preceded the Northern Cities Shift (NCS) occurred by about 1860 in upstate New York,[19] and the later stages of the NCS are merely those that logically followed (a "pull chain"). More recent evidence suggests that German-accented English greatly influenced the shift, because German speakers tend to pronounce the English TRAP vowel as [ɛ] and the LOT/PALM vowel as [ɑ̈~a], and there were more speakers of German in the Erie Canal region of upstate New York in 1850 than there were of any single variety of English.[20] There is also evidence for an alternative theory, according to which the Great Lakes area—settled primarily by western New Englanders—simply inherited Western New England English and developed that dialect's vowel shifts further. 20th-century Western New England English variably shows NCS-like TRAP and LOT/PALM pronunciations, which may have already existed among 19th-century New England settlers, though this has been contested[20]. Another theory, not mutually exclusive with the others, is that the Great Migration of African Americans intensified White Northerners' participation in the NCS in order to differentiate their accents from Black ones.[21]

Reversal of the shift

The shift, found throughout the Great Lakes cities, still exists, but recent evidence suggests a reversal of the shift in at least some of the Inland North,[8][9] such as in Lansing, Michigan,[8] and Ogdensburg and Syracuse, New York,[9][22] in particular with regard to /ɑ/ fronting and /æ/ raising (though raising is persisting before nasal consonants, as is the General American norm).

Phonology and phonetics
The monophthongs of Southern Michigan on a vowel chart, typical of the Northern cities vowel shift, though not to the extreme. Adapted from Hillenbrand (2003).[23]
The diphthongs of Southern Michigan on a vowel chart, adapted from Hillenbrand (2003).[23]
All vowels of the Inland Northern dialect
Pure vowels (Monophthongs)
English diaphoneme Inland Northern realization Example words
/æ/ eə~ɪə bath, trap, man
/ɑː/ a~ɑ̈ blah, bother, father,
lot, top, wasp
/ɒ/†
ɒ~ɑ all, dog, bought,
loss, saw, taught
/ɔː/
/ɛ/ ɛ~ɜ dress, met, bread
/ə/ ə about, syrup, arena
/ɪ/ ɪ~ɪ̈ hit, skim, tip
/iː/ ɪi~i beam, chic, fleet
/ʌ/ ʌ~ɔ bus, flood, what
/ʊ/ ʊ book, put, should
/uː/ u~ɵu food, glue, new
Diphthongs
/aɪ/ ae~aɪ~æɪ ride, shine, try
ɐɪ~əɪ~ʌɪ bright, dice, fire
/aʊ/ äʊ~ɐʊ now, ouch, scout
/eɪ/ eɪ lame, rein, stain
/ɔɪ/ ɔɪ boy, choice, moist
/oʊ/ ʌo~oʊ~o goat, oh, show
R-colored vowels
/ɑːr/ ɑ̈ɻ~ɐɻ barn, car, park
/ɪər/ iɻ~iɚ fear, peer, tier
/ɛər/ eəɻ~eɻ bare, bear, there
/ɜːr/ əɻ~ɚ burn, doctor, first,
herd, learn, murder
/ər/
/ɔːr/ ɔɻ~oɻ hoarse, horse, war
/ʊər/ uɻ~oɻ poor, tour, lure
/jʊər/ jɚ cure, Europe, pure
† Footnotes
When followed by /r/, the historic /ɒ/ is pronounced entirely differently by Inland North speakers as [ɔ~o], for example, in the words orange, forest, and torrent. The only exceptions to this are the words tomorrow, sorry, sorrow, borrow and, for some speakers, morrow, which use the sound [a~ɑ̈].
Based on Labov et al.; averaged F1/F2 means for speakers from the Inland North. Note that /æ/ is higher and fronter than /ɛ/, while /ʌ/ is more retracted than /ɑ/.

A Midwestern accent (which may refer to other dialectal accents as well), Chicago accent, or Great Lakes accent are all common names in the United States for the sound quality produced by speakers of this dialect. Many of the characteristics listed here are not necessarily unique to the region and are oftentimes found elsewhere in the Midwest.

Northern Cities Vowel Shift

The Northern Cities Vowel Shift or Northern Cities Shift is a chain shift of vowels and the defining accent feature of the Inland North dialect region, though it can also be found, variably, in the neighboring Upper Midwest and Western New England accent regions.

Tensing of /æ/ and fronting of /ɑ/

The first two sound changes in the shift, with some debate about which one led to the other or came first,[16] are the general raising and lengthening (tensing) of the "short a" (the vowel sound of TRAP), as well as the fronting of /ɑ/ (the "ah" vowel of PALM and LOT), in the direction of [a]. Inland Northern /æ/ raising was first identified in the 1960s,[24] with /æ/ coming to be articulated so that the tongue starts from a position that is higher and fronter than it used to be, and then often glides back toward the center of the mouth, thus producing a centering diphthong of the type [ɛə] or [eə] or at its most extreme [ɪə]; e.g. naturally /ˈnætʃɹəli/ as [ˈneətʃɹəɫi]. As for /ɑ/ fronting towards [a], it may, for advanced speakers, even be close to /æ/—so that pot or sod come to be pronounced how a mainstream American speaker would say pat or sad; e.g. coupon /ˈkupɑn/ as [ˈkʰupan].

Lowering of /ɔ/

The fronting of /ɑ/ leaves a blank space in Inland North speakers' pronunciation that is filled by lowering /ɔ/ (the "aw" vowel in THOUGHT), which comes to be pronounced with the tongue in a lower position, closer to [ɑ] or [ɒ]. As a result, for example, people affected by the shift may pronounce caught the way speakers without the shift say cot, with both using the vowel [ɑ]. However, a cot–caught merger is robustly avoided in many parts of Inland North, due to the prior fronting of the /ɑ/. In other words, cot is [kʰat] and caught is [kʰɒt].[25] Even so, however, there is a definite scattering of Inland North speakers who are in a state of transition towards a cot–caught merger; this is particularly evident in northeastern Pennsylvania.[26][27] Younger speakers reversing the fronting of /ɑ/, for example in Lansing, Michigan, also approach a merger.[8]

Backing or lowering of /ɛ/

The movement of /æ/ to [ɛə], in order to avoid overlap, presumably initiates the further movement of the original /ɛ/ vowel (the "short e" in DRESS) towards either [ɐ], the near-open central vowel, or almost [æ]. As the vowel [ɐ] is pronounced with the tongue farther back and lower in the mouth than in the sound [ɛ], this change is called "lowering and/or backing".[8]

Backing of /ʌ/

The next change is the movement of /ʌ/ toward a very far back position [ɔ]. /ʌ/ is the "short u" vowel in STRUT. People with the shift pronounce bus so that it sounds more like boss to people without the shift.

Lowering and backing of /ɪ/

The final change is the lowering and backing of /ɪ/, the "short i" vowel in KIT, to a more central position in the mouth, perhaps [ɘ].

Other phonetics
  • Rhoticity: As in General American, Inland North speech is rhotic, and the r sound is typically the retroflex (or perhaps, more accurately, the bunched or molar) [ɻ].
  • Mary–marry–merry merger: Words that formerly contained /eɪ/, /æ/, or /ɛ/ before an r and a vowel are all pronounced as [ɛ~eə] followed by r followed by the vowel, so that Mary, marry, and merry all sound the same, and have the same first vowel as Sarah, and bearing. This merger is also widespread throughout the Midwest, West, and Canada.
  • Canadian raising: Two phenomena typically exist, corresponding with identical phenomena in Canadian English, involving tongue-raising in the nuclei (beginning points) of gliding vowels that start in an open front (or central) unrounded position:
    • The raising of the tongue for the nucleus of the gliding vowel /aɪ/ is found in the Inland North when the vowel sound appears before any voiceless consonant, just like in General American, thus distinguishing, for example, between writer and rider (listen).[28] However, unlike General American, the raising occurs even before certain voiced consonants, including in the words fire, tiger, iron, and spider. When it is not subject to raising, the nucleus of /aɪ/ is pronounced with the tongue further to the front of the mouth than most other American dialects, as [a̟ɪ] or [ae]; however, in the Inland North speech of Pennsylvania, the nucleus is centralized as in General American, thus: [äɪ].[29]
    • The nucleus of /aʊ/ may be more backed than in other common North American accents (towards [ɐʊ] or [äʊ]).
  • The nucleus of /oʊ/ (as in go and boat), like /aʊ/, remains a back vowel [oʊ], not undergoing the fronting that is common in the vast American southeastern super-region. Similarly, the traditionally high back vowel /u/ tends to be conservative and less fronted in the North than in other regions, though it still undergoes some fronting after coronal consonants.[30]
  • /ɑr/ (as in bar, sorry, or start) is centralized or fronted for many speakers in this region, resulting in variants like [ɑ̈ɻ~ɐɻ].
  • Working-class th-stopping: The two sounds represented by the spelling th—/θ/ (as in thin) and /ð/ (as in those)—may shift from fricative consonants to stop consonants among urban and working-class speakers: thus, for example, thin may approach the sound of tin (using [t]) and those may merge to the sound of doze (using [d]).[31] This was parodied in the Saturday Night Live comedy sketch "Bill Swerski's Superfans," in which characters hailing from Chicago pronounce "The Bears" as "Da Bears."[32]
  • Caramel is typically pronounced with two syllables as carmel.[33]

Vocabulary

Note that not all of these terms, here compared with other regions, are necessarily unique only to the Inland North, though they appear most strongly in this region:[33]

  • Boulevard as a synonym for island (in the sense of a grassy area in the middle of some streets)
  • Crayfish for a freshwater crustacean
  • Devil's Night for the night before Halloween (not Northeastern Mischief Night)[34]
  • Expressway as a synonym for highway
  • Faucet for an indoor water tap (not Southern spigot)
  • Goose pimples as a synonym for goose bumps
  • Pit for the seed of a peach (not Southern stone or seed)
  • Pop for a sweet, bubbly soft drink (not Eastern and Californian soda, nor Southern coke)
    • The "soda/pop line" has been found to run between Western New York State (Buffalo residents say "pop", Syracuse residents who used to say "pop" until sometime in the 1970s now say "soda", and Rochester residents say either. Lollipops are also known as "suckers" in this region. Eastern Wisconsinites around Milwaukee and some Chicagoans are also an exception, using the word soda.)
  • Teeter totter as a synonym for seesaw
  • Tennis shoes for generic athletic shoes (not Northeastern sneakers, except in New York State and Pennsylvania)

Individual cities and sub-regions also have their own terms; for example:

  • Bubbler, in a large portion of Wisconsin around Milwaukee, for water fountain (in addition to the synonym drinking fountain, also possible throughout the Inland North)
  • Cash station, in the Chicago area, for ATM
  • Doorwalls, in Detroit, for sliding glass doors
  • Gapers' block or gapers' delay, in Chicago, Milwaukee and Detroit; or gawk block, in Detroit, for traffic congestion caused by rubbernecking
  • Gym shoes, in Chicago, for generic athletic shoes
  • Party store, in Michigan, for convenience store
  • Rummage sale, in Wisconsin, as a synonym for garage sale or yard sale
  • Treelawn, in Cleveland and Michigan; devilstrip or devil's strip in Akron, Ohio;[35] and right-of-way in Wisconsin for the grass between the sidewalk and the street
  • Yous(e) or youz, in northeastern Pennsylvania around its urban center of Scranton, for you guys; in this sub-region, there is notable self-awareness of the Inland Northern dialect (locally called by various names, including "Coalspeak")[36]

Notable lifelong native speakers
gollark: Are you actually here?
gollark: Hi!
gollark: Yes.
gollark: Insanity?
gollark: Probably, but *should* you?

See also

References
  1. Kortmann, Bernd, Kate Burridge, Rajend Mesthrie, Edgar W. Schneider and Clive Upton (eds) (2004). A Handbook of Varieties of English. Volume 1: Phonology, Volume 2: Morphology and Syntax. Berlin / New York: Mouton de Gruyter. p. xvi.
  2. Garn-Nunn, Pamela G.; Lynn, James M. (2004). Calvert's Descriptive Phonetics. Thieme, p. 136.
  3. Gordon, Matthew J. (2004). "New York, Philadelphia, and other northern cities: phonology." Kortmann, Bernd, Kate Burridge, Rajend Mesthrie, Edgar W. Schneider and Clive Upton (eds). A Handbook of Varieties of English. Volume 1: Phonology, Volume 2: Morphology and Syntax. Berlin / New York: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 297.
  4. Labov et al., Chapter 19, p. 276.
  5. Labov et al., p. 190.
  6. ""Talking the Tawk", ''The New Yorker''". Newyorker.com. Retrieved 2018-04-09.
  7. Gordon, Matthew J. (2005). "Vowel Shifting". Do You Speak American? MacNeil/Lehrer Productions.
  8. Wagner, S. E.; Mason, A.; Nesbitt, M.; Pevan, E.; Savage, M. (2016). "Reversal and re-organization of the Northern Cities Shift in Michigan" (PDF). University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics 22.2: Selected Papers from NWAV 44.
  9. Driscoll, Anna; Lape, Emma (2015). "Reversal of the Northern Cities Shift in Syracuse, New York". University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics. 21 (2).
  10. Friedman, Lauren (2015). A Convergence of Dialects in the St. Louis Corridor. Volume 21. Issue 2. Selected Papers from New Ways of Analyzing Variation(NWAV). 43. Article 8. University of Pennsylvania.
  11. Evanini, Keelan (2008). "A shift of allegiance: The case of Erie and the North". University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics. Volume 14, Issue 2.
  12. Sedivy, Julie (March 28, 2012). "Votes and Vowels: A Changing Accent Shows How Language Parallels Politics". Discover. Retrieved January 24, 2016.
  13. Labov et al. (2006), pp. 192, 195.
  14. Labov et al. (2006), p. 190.
  15. Labov et al. (2006), p. 191.
  16. McCarthy, Corrine (2010) "The Northern Cities Shift in Real Time: Evidence from Chicago". University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: Vol. 15 : Iss. 2, Article 12.
  17. Labov, William (2008). "Yankee Cultural Imperialism and the Northern Cities Shift". PowerPoint presentation for paper given at Yale University, October 20, 2008. Online at University of Pennsylvania. Slide 94.
  18. Labov, William. (2007). Transmission and Diffusion. Language. 83. 344-387. p. 42 of this PDF.
  19. Castro Calle, Yesid. (2017). "German Echoes in American English: How New-dialect Formation Triggered the Northern Cities Shift". Stanford University Department of Linguistics (Undergraduate Honors Thesis). pp. 34, 48.
  20. Castro Calle, Yesid. (2017). "German Echoes in American English: How New-dialect Formation Triggered the Northern Cities Shift". Stanford University Department of Linguistics (Undergraduate Honors Thesis). pp. 49.
  21. Van Herk, Gerard (2008) "Fear of a Black Phonology: The Northern Cities Shift as Linguistic White Flight," University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: Vol. 14 : Iss. 2, Article 19. Available at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol14/iss2/19
  22. Dinkin, Aaron (2017). "Escaping the TRAP: Losing the Northern Cities Shift in Real Time (with Anja Thiel)". Talk presented at NWAV 46, Madison, Wisc., November 2017.
  23. Hillenbrand, James M. (2003). "American English: Southern Michigan". Journal of the International Phonetic Association. 33 (1): 122. doi:10.1017/S0025100303001221.
  24. Fasold, Ralph (1969). A Sociolinguistic Study of the Pronunciation of Three Vowels in Detroit Speech. Washington: Center for Applied Linguistics.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
  25. Labov et al., Chapter 14, p. 189.
  26. Labov et al., p. 61.
  27. Herold, Ruth (1990). "Mechanisms of Merger: The Implementation and Distribution of the Low Back Merger in Eastern Pennsylvania." Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Pennsylvania.
  28. Labov et al. (2006), pp. 203-204.
  29. Labov et al. (2006), pp. 161.
  30. Labov et al. (2006), p. 187
  31. van den Doel, Rias (2006). How Friendly Are the Natives? An Evaluation of Native-Speaker Judgements of Foreign-Accented British and American English (PDF). Landelijke onderzoekschool taalwetenschap (Netherlands Graduate School of Linguistics). pp. 268–269.
  32. Salmons, Joseph; Purnell, Thomas (2008 draft). "[bris.ac.uk/german/hison/reading/salmonsandpurnell.pdf Contact and the Development of American English]". Handbook of Language Contact, ed. Ray Hickey. Blackwell.
  33. Vaux, Bert and Scott Golder. 2003. The Harvard Dialect Survey Archived 2016-04-30 at the Wayback Machine. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Linguistics Department.
  34. Metcalf, Allan A. (2000). How We Talk: American Regional English Today. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. p. 104.
  35. Metcalf, Allan A. (2000). How We Talk: American Regional English Today. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. p. 97.
  36. Feather, Kasey. "NEPAisms overlooked in new dictionary entries". The Times-Tribune. Times-Shamrock Communications. Retrieved 27 November 2016.
  37. Chozick, Amy (December 28, 2015). "How Hillary Clinton Went Undercover to Examine Race in Education". The New York Times. Retrieved February 2, 2016.
  38. Gostin, Nick (2011). "Joan Cusack on 'Mars Needs Moms,' Raising Kids and Her Famous Brother". Parentdish (AOL Inc.)republished at http://www.childcarequest.com/Parent-Dish/joan-cusack-on-mars-needs-moms-raising-kids-and-her-famous-brother.html Missing or empty |url= (help)
  39. Stein, Anne (2003). "The über-mayor: what's behind Daley's longevity". Christian Science Monitor.
  40. Wawzenek, Bryan. "10 Actors Who Always Show Up on the Best TV Shows." Diffuser.
  41. "Disturbed? not if you're David Draiman". Today. June 15, 2006. Retrieved April 5, 2016.
  42. Moser, Whet (March 29, 2012). "Where the Chicago Accent Comes From and How Politics is Changing It". Chicago Mag. Retrieved December 27, 2015.
  43. Dennis Farina, 'Law & Order' actor, dies at 69. NBC News. 2013.
  44. Desowitz, Bill (October 16, 2009). "'Fantastic Mr. Fox' Goes to London". Animation World Network. Retrieved January 7, 2016.
  45. "Dennis Franz". Encyclopædia Britannica. 2014.
  46. Crowder, Courtney (December 9, 2014). "'Normal kid' from Park Ridge lifts 'Goldbergs'". Chicago Tribune. Retrieved January 6, 2018.
  47. Mcclelland, Edward (November 15, 2016). "The St. Louis Accent: An Explainer". Citylab. Retrieved August 29, 2018.
  48. Media Literacy: A Reader. Peter Lang. 2007. p. 55.
  49. "Congressional Record, V. 150, Pt. 17, October 9 to November 17, 2004". Books.google.com. Retrieved 2018-04-09.
  50. Brooks, Jake (2004). "Mr. Skin Invades Sundance". The New York Observer. Observer Media.
  51. McClelland, Edward (2013). Nothin' but Blue Skies. Bloomsbury Publishing USA. p. 85.
  52. "Bush fears Moore because he speaks to the heart of America". The Independent. 2004.
  53. Dominus, Susan (2009). "Suze Orman Is Having a Moment". The New York Times.
  54. AFP (October 14, 2014). "Iggy Pop's advice for young rockers". Sydney Morning Herald. Retrieved April 1, 2016.
  55. Landers, Peter (October 11, 2012). "Paul Ryan Sounds Radical to Linguists". The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved January 24, 2016.
  56. "Michael Symon: 2007 winner of 'The Next Iron Chef'". Chicago Tribune. 2015.
  57. Maupin, Elizabeth (1997). "'Signs': Still Briming With Intelligent Life." Orlando Sentinel.

Sources
  • Labov, William, Sharon Ash, and Charles Boberg (2006). The Atlas of North American English. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. ISBN 3-11-016746-8
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