Zahiri

The Ẓāhirī (Arabic: ظاهري‎) madhhab or al-Ẓāhirīyyah (Arabic: الظاهرية‎) is a school of Islamic jurisprudence founded by Dawud al-Zahiri in the ninth century,[1][2][3][4] characterised by reliance on the outward (ẓāhir) meaning of expressions in the Qur'an and hadith, as well as rejection of analogical deduction (qiyās). After a limited success and decline in the Middle East, the Ẓāhirī school flourished in the Caliphate of Córdoba (Al-Andalus, today's Spain and Portugal), particularly under the leadership of ibn Hazm. It is variously said to have "survived for about 500 years in various forms" before being "merged with the Ḥanbalī school",[5] but also to have been revived in the mid-20th century in parts of the Muslim world.[6][7][8]

Part of a series on
Sunni Islam
Sunni schools of law

Others
 Islam portal
Part of a series on
Islam
  •  Islam portal

Whereas some analysts describe Zahirism as a distinct school of Islam,[9] others have characterized it as a fifth school of thought (madhhab) of Sunni Islam,[10][11][12] and still retains a measure of influence and is recognized by contemporary Islamic scholars. In particular, members of the Ahl-i Hadith movement have identified themselves with the Ẓāhirī school of thought.[13]

History

Emergence

While those outside the school of thought often point to Dawud al-Zahiri (815–883/4 CE) as the "founder" of the school, followers of the school themselves tend to look to earlier figures such as Sufyan al-Thawri and Ishaq Ibn Rahwayh as the forerunners of Ẓāhirī principles. Umm al-Qura University professor Abdul Aziz al-Harbi has argued that the first generation of Muslims followed the school's methods and therefore it can be called "the school of the first generation."[14]

The Ẓāhirī school was initially called the Dawudi school after Dawud al-Ẓāhirī himself and attracted many adherents, although they felt free to criticize his views, in line with the school's rejection of taqlid.[15] By the end of the 10th century, members of the madhhab were appointed as qadis in Baghdad, Shiraz, Isfahan, Firuzabad, Ramla, Damascus, Fustat, and Bukhara.[15][16]

Westward expansion

Parallel to the school's development in the east, Ẓāhirī ideas were introduced to North Africa by theologians of the Maliki school who were engaged in lively debates with the Hanafi school, and to the Iberian Peninsula by one of Dawud al-Ẓāhirī's direct students.[15] Unlike Abbasid lands, where the Ẓāhirī school developed in parallel and in opposition to other madhhabs (chiefly Hanafi, Shafi‘i, and Hanbali), in the West it only had to contend with its Maliki counterpart, which enjoyed official support of the Umayyad rulers.[15] An increasing number of Ẓāhirī scholars appeared starting from the late 9th century CE in different parts of the Iberian peninsula, though none of their works have survived.[15]

It was not until the rise of the Almohads that the Ẓāhirī school enjoyed official state sponsorship. While not all of the Almohad political leaders were Ẓāhirīs, a large plurality of them were not only adherents but were well-versed theologians in their own right.[17] Additionally, all Almohad leaders – both the religiously learned and the laymen – were extremely hostile toward the Malikis, giving the Ẓāhirīs and in a few cases the Shafi‘is free rein to author works and run the judiciary. In the late 12th century, any religious material written by non-Ẓāhirīs was at first banned and later burned in the empire under the Almohad reforms.[18][19]

Decline

The Ẓāhirī school enjoyed its widest expansion and prestige in the fourth Islamic century, especially through the works of Ibn al-Mughallis, but in the fifth century it lost ground to the Hanbalite school.[20] Even after the Zahiri school became extinct in Baghdad, it continued to have some followers in Shiraz.[21] Ẓāhirism maintained its prestige in Syria until 788 A.H. and had an even longer and deeper impact in Egypt.[20] In the 14th century C.E., the Zahiri Revolt marked both a brief rekindling of interest in the school's ideas as well as affirmation of its status as a non-mainstream ideology. Al-Muhalla, a Medieval manual on Ẓāhirī jurisprudence, served in part as inspiration for the revolt and as a primary source of the school's positions.[22] However, soon afterwards the school ceased to function and in the 14th century Ibn Khaldun considered it to be extinct.[23][24] With the Reconquista and the loss of Iberia to Christian rule, most works of Ẓāhirī law and legal theory were lost as well, with the school only being carried on by individual scholars, once again on the periphery.

Wael Hallaq has argued that the rejection of qiyas (analogical reasoning) in Ẓāhirī methodology led to exclusion of the school from the Sunni juridical consensus and ultimately its extinction in the pre-modern era.[25] Christopher Melchert suggests that the association of the Ẓāhirī school with Mu'tazilite theology, its difficulty in attracting the right patronage, and its reliance on outmoded methods of teaching have all contributed to its decline.[26]

Modern history

In the modern era, the Ẓāhirī school has been described as "somewhat influential", though "not formally operating today".[27] While the school does not comprise a majority of any part of the Muslim world, there are communities of Ẓāhirīs in existence, usually due to the presence of Ẓāhirī scholars of Islamic law. In particular, adherents of the modern-day Ahl al-Hadith movement have self-consciously emulated the ideas of the Ẓāhirī school and identified themselves with it.[6][7] Modernist revival of the general critique by Ibn Hazm – the school's most prominent representative – of Islamic legal theory among Muslim academics has seen several key moments in recent Arab intellectual history, including Ahmad Shakir's republishing of Al-Muhalla, Muhammad Abu Zahra's biography of Ibn Hazm, and the republishing of archived epistles on Ẓāhirī legal theory by Sa'id al-Afghani in 1960 and Ihsan Abbas between 1980 and 1983.[28] In 2004 the Amman Message recognized the Ẓāhirī school as legitimate, although it did not include it among Sunni madhhabs,[29] and the school also received recognition from Sudan's former Islamist Prime Minister, Sadiq al-Mahdi.[8] The literalist school of thought represented by the Ẓāhirī madhhab remains prominent among many scholars and laymen associated with the Salafi movement,[27] and traces of it can be found in the modern-day Wahhabi movement.[30]

Principles

Of the utmost importance to the school is an underlying principle attributed to the founder Dawud that the validity of religious issues is only upheld by certainty, and that speculation cannot lead to the truth.[31] Most Ẓāhirī principles return to this overarching maxim. Japanese Islamic scholar Kojiro Nakamura defines the Ẓāhirī schools as resting on two presumptions. The first is that if it were possible to draw more general conclusions from the strict reading of the sources of Islamic law, then God certainly would have expressed these conclusions already; thus, all that is necessary lies in the text. The second is that for man to seek the motive behind the commandments of God is not only a fruitless endeavor but a presumptuous one.[32] Thus in the Ẓāhirī view, Islam as an entire religious system is tied to the literal letter of the law, no more and no less.

The Ẓāhirī school of thought generally recognizes three sources of Islamic law within the principles of Islamic jurisprudence. The first is the Qur'an, considered by Muslims to be the verbatim word of God (Arabic: الله Allah); the second consists of the prophetic as given in historically verifiable reports, which consist of the sayings and actions of the Islamic prophet Muhammad; the third is absolute consensus of the Muslim community.

Certain followers of the Ẓāhirī school include religious inference as a fourth source of Islamic law.[33]

The school differs from the more prolific schools of Islamic thought in that it restricts valid consensus in jurisprudence to the consensus of the first generation of Muslims who lived alongside Muhammad only.[34][35] While Abu Hanifa and Ahmad ibn Hanbal agreed with them in this,[36][37] most followers of the Hanafi and Hanbali schools generally do not, nor do the other two Sunni schools.

Additionally, the Ẓāhirī school does not accept analogical reasoning as a source of Islamic law,[38] nor do they accept the practice of juristic discretion, pointing to a verse in the Qur'an which declares that nothing has been neglected in the Muslim scriptures.[39] While al-Shafi‘i and followers of his school agree with the Ẓāhirīs in rejecting the latter,[40] all other Sunni schools accept the former, though at varying levels.[41]

Distinct rulings
  • Some followers of the Ẓāhirī school differ with the majority in that they consider the Virgin Mary to have been a female prophet.[42]
  • Riba, or interest, on hand-to-hand exchanges of gold, silver, dates, salt, wheat and barley are prohibited per the prophet Muhammad's injunction, but analogical reasoning is not used to extend that injunction to other agricultural produce as is the case with other schools.[43] The Ẓāhirīs are joined in this by early scholars such as Tawus ibn Kaysan and Qatadah.
  • Admission in an Islamic court of law is seen as indivisible by Ẓāhirīs, meaning that a party cannot accept some aspects of the opposing party's testimony and not other parts. The Ẓāhirīs are opposed by the Hanafi and Maliki schools, though a majority of Hanbalites share the Ẓāhirī position.[44]

Reception

Like its founder Dawud, the Ẓāhirī school has been controversial since its inception.[45] Due to their some so-called rejection of intellectual principles considered staples of other strains within Sunni Islam, adherents to the school have been described as displaying non-conformist attitudes.[46]

Views on the Ẓāhirī within Sunni Islam

The Ẓāhirī school has often been criticized by other schools within Sunni Islam. While this is true of all schools, relations between the Hanafis, Shafi‘is and Malikis have warmed to each other over the centuries; this has not always been the case with the Ẓāhirīs.

Not surprisingly given the conflict over al-Andalus, Maliki scholars have often expressed negative feelings regarding the Ẓāhirī school. Abu Bakr ibn al-Arabi, whose father was a Ẓāhirī, nevertheless considered Ẓāhirī law to be absurd.[43] Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, himself a former Ẓāhirī, excluded Dawud al-Ẓāhirī along with Ahmad ibn Hanbal from his book on Sunni Islam's greatest jurists,[47] though Ignác Goldziher has suggested that Ibn Abdul-Barr remained Ẓāhirī privately and outwardly manifested Maliki ideas due to prevailing pressures at the time. At least with al-Ballūṭī, one example of a Ẓāhirī jurist applying Maliki law due to official enforcement is known. Ẓāhirīs such as Ibn Hazm were challenged and attacked by Maliki jurists after their deaths.[43]

Followers of the Shafi‘i school within Sunni Islam have historically been involved in intellectual conflict with Ẓāhirīs.[48] This may be due to Al-Shafi'i being a major proponent of the principle of Qiyas; rejected by the Zahiris.[49] [50] [51] [52] name="siyar">Al-Dhahabi, Siyar a`lam al-nubala., v.13, Entry 55, pp. 97–108</ref>

Hanbali scholar Ibn al-Qayyim, while himself a critic of the Ẓāhirī outlook, defended the school's legitimacy in Islam, stating rhetorically that their only sin was "following the book of their Lord and example of their Prophet."[53]

The position adopted by the most exacting of scholars is that those who deny analogy are not considered scholars of the Umma or conveyers of the Shari‘a, because they oppose out of mere obstinacy and exchange calumnies about things established by an overwhelming preponderance of the evidence, conveyed by whole groups from whole groups back to their prophetic origin (tawatur). For most of the Shari‘a proceeds from ijtihad, and the unequivocal statements from the Qur’an and hadith do not deal [n: in specific particulars by name] with even a tenth of the Shari‘a [n: as most of Islamic life is covered by general principles given by Allah to guide Muslims in every culture and time, and by analogy (qiyas) from established rulings], so these [Dhahiris] are considered like unlearned, common people.”

— Dhia' ul-Dīn 'Abd al-Malik ibn Yūsuf al-Juwaynī al-Shafi'ī, Dhahabi, Siyar A‘lam al-Nubala’ [Beirut: Mu’assasa al-Risala], 13.105 (1984)

Zahirism and Sufism

The relationship between Ẓāhirism and Sufism has been complicated. Throughout the school's history, its adherents have always included both Sufis as well as harsh critics of Sufism. Many practitioners of Sufism, which often emphasizes detachment from the material world, have been attracted to the Ẓāhirī combination of strict ritualism and lack of emphasis on dogmatics.[54][55]

Zahiris

Discerning who exactly is an adherent to the Ẓāhirī school of thought can be difficult. Harbi has claimed that most Muslim scholars who practiced independent reasoning and based their judgment only on the Qur'an and Sunnah, or Muslim prophetic tradition, were Ẓāhirīs.[14] Followers of other schools of thought may have adopted certain viewpoints of the Ẓāhirīs, holding Ẓāhirī leanings without actually adopting the Ẓāhirī school; often, these individuals were erroneously referred to as Ẓāhirīs despite contrary evidence.[56]

Additionally, historians would often refer to any individual who praised the Ẓāhirīs as being from them. Sufi mystic Ibn Arabi has most often been referred to as a Ẓāhirī because of a commentary on one of Ibn Hazm's works, despite having stated twice that he isn't a follower of the Ẓāhirī school or any other school of thought.[57] Similarly, Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari would include Ẓāhirī opinions when comparing differing views of Sunni Muslims, yet he founded a distinct school of his own.[58] The case of Muslim figures who have mixed between different schools have proven to be more problematic. Muhammad Nasiruddin al-Albani, for example, referred to himself as a Ẓāhirī when pressed on the matter,[59] though he is generally acknowledged not to have adhered to any specific school. When Ibn Hazm listed the most important leaders of the school, he listed known Ẓāhirīs Abdullah bin Qasim, al-Balluti, Ibn al-Mughallis, al-Dibaji and Ruwaym, but then also mentioned Abu Bakr al-Khallal,[60] who despite his Ẓāhirī leanings is almost universally recognized as a Hanbalite.[61]

Imam Bukhari

Scott Lucas states "The most controversial aspect of al-Bukhari's legal principles is his disapproval of qiyas" as well as "A modern study of personal status laws in the Arab world by Jamal J. Nasir contains one sentence that explicitly mentions that the Ẓāhirīs and al-Bukhari rejected qiyas..."[62][63]

Lucas also points out that the legal methodology of Bukhari is very similar to that of Ibn Hazm.[64][65]

Followers of the Ẓāhirī school
  • Abd Allah al-Qaysi (died 885), responsible for spreading the school in Spain.
  • Muhammad bin Dawud al-Zahiri (died 909), son of the school's namesake.
  • Ibn Abi Asim (died 909), early scholar of hadith.
  • Ruwaym (died 915), spiritual pioneer from the second generation of Sufism.
  • Niftawayh (died 935), student of the school's namesake and teacher of his son.
  • Ibn al-Mughallis (died 936), credited with popularizing the school across the Muslim world.
  • Al-Masudi (died 956), early Muslim historian and geographer.
  • Mundhir bin Sa'īd al-Ballūṭī (died 966), early judge in Spain for the Caliphate of Córdoba.
  • Al-Qassab (died 970), Muslim warrior-scholar.
  • Ibn Khafif (died 982), early mystic from the third generation of Sufism.
  • Ibn Hazm (died 1064), Andalusian polymath, author of numerous works.
  • Al-Humaydī (died 1095), hadith scholar, historian and biographer in Spain and then Iraq.
  • Ibn al-Qaisarani (died 1113), responsible for canonizing the six hadith books of Sunni Islam.
  • Ibn Tumart (died 1130), founder of the Almohad Empire
  • Abd al-Mu'min (died 1163), first Almohad Caliph.
  • Abu Yaqub Yusuf (died 1184), second Almohad Caliph, memorized Sahih al-Bukhari and Sahih Muslim.
  • Ibn Maḍāʾ (died 1196), Andalusian judge and linguist, and an early champion of language education reform.
  • Abu Yusuf Yaqub al-Mansur (died 1199), third Almohad Caliph, authored his own collection of hadith.
  • Muhammad al-Nasir (died 1213), fourth Almohad Caliph.
  • Idris I al-Ma'mun (died 1232), renegade who issued a challenge for the Almohad throne.
  • Ibn Dihya al-Kalby (died 1235), hadith scholar from Spain and then Egypt.
  • Abu al-Abbas al-Nabati (died 1239), Andalusian botanist, pharmacist and theologian.
  • Abu Bakr Ibn Sayyid al-Nās (died 1261), Andalusian-Tunisian scholar of hadith.
  • Fatḥ al-Din Ibn Sayyid al-Nās (died 1334), Andalusian-Egyptian biographer of the prophet Muhammad.
  • Abu Hayyan Al Gharnati (died 1344), Andalusian linguist and Qur'anic exegete.
  • Al-Maqrizi (died 1442), Egyptian historian, especially of the Fatimid Caliphate.

Contemporary followers of the school
gollark: Everything but regular ASCII dashes is HERESY!
gollark: ¯
gollark: And map one side of it to weird symbols.
gollark: Just duct-tape two keyboards back to back.
gollark: Linüx‽

See also

References
  1. Hallaq, Wael (2005). The Origins and Evolution of Islamic Law. Cambridge University Press. p. 124. ISBN 978-0-521-00580-7.
  2. Mallat, Chibli (2007). Introduction to Middle Eastern Law. Oxford University Press. p. 113. ISBN 978-0-19-923049-5.
  3. Gleave, Robert (2012). Islam and Literalism: Literal Meaning and Interpretation in Islamic Legal Theory. Edinburgh University Press. p. 150. ISBN 978-0-7486-3113-1.
  4. Melchert, Christopher (1997). The Formation of the Sunni Schools of Law: 9th-10th Centuries C.E. Brill. pp. 178–197. Retrieved 2016-01-03.
  5. "Ẓāhirīyah ISLAMIC LAW". Encyclopaedia Britannica. Retrieved 19 April 2020.
  6. Daniel W. Brown, Rethinking Tradition in Modern Islamic Thought: Vol. 5 of Cambridge Middle East Studies, pp. 28 and 32. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. ISBN 9780521653947
  7. M. Mahmood, The Code of Muslim Family Laws, p. 37. Pakistan Law Times Publications, 2006. 6th ed.
  8. Hassan Ahmed Ibrahim, "An Overview of al-Sadiq al-Madhi's Islamic Discourse." Taken from The Blackwell Companion to Contemporary Islamic Thought, p. 172. Ed. Ibrahim Abu-Rabi'. Hoboken: Wiley-Blackwell, 2008. ISBN 9781405178488
  9. Wiederhold, Lutz. "Legal–Religious Elite, Temporal Authority, and the Caliphate in Mamluk Society: Conclusions Drawn from the Examination of a “Zahiri Revolt” in Damascus in 1386." International Journal of Middle East Studies 31.2 (1999): 203-235.
  10. Kamali, Mohammad Hashim (2015). The Middle Path of Moderation in Islam: The Qur'anic Principle of Wasatiyyah. Oxford University Press. p. 63. ISBN 978-0-19-025145-1.
  11. Picard, Michel; Madinier, Rémy (2011). The Politics of Religion in Indonesia: Syncretism, Orthodoxy, and Religious Contention in Java and Bali. Taylor & Francis. p. 100. ISBN 978-1-136-72639-2.
  12. Hourani, Albert; Ruthven, Malise (2002). A History of the Arab Peoples. Harvard University Press. p. 190. ISBN 978-0-674-01017-8.
  13. Brown, Daniel W. (1999). Rethinking Tradition in Modern Islamic Thought. Cambridge University Press. p. 32. ISBN 978-0-521-65394-7. Ahl-i-Hadith [...] consciously identified themselves with Zahiri doctrine.
  14. Falih al-Dhibyani, Al-zahiriyya hiya al-madhhab al-awwal, wa al-mutakallimun 'anha yahrifun bima la ya'rifun Archived 2013-07-03 at the Wayback Machine. Interview with Okaz. 15 July 2006, Iss. #1824. Photography by Salih Ba Habri.
  15. Camilla Adang (2006). Gudrun Krämer; Sabine Schmidtke (eds.). This Day I have Perfected Your Religion For You: A Zahiri Conception of Religious Authority. Speaking for Islam: Religious Authorities in Muslim Societies. Leiden: Brill. pp. 16–18. – via Brill (subscription required)
  16. Christopher Melchert, The Formation of the Sunni Schools of Law: 9th-10th Centuries C.E., p. 190. Leiden: Brill Publishers, 1997.
  17. Adang, "The Spread of Zahirism in al-Andalus in the Post-Caliphal Period: The evidence from the biographical dictionaries," pp. 297–346. Taken from Ideas, Images and Methods of Portrayal: Insights into Classical Arabic Literature and Islam. Ed. Sebastian Gunther, Leiden: 2005.
  18. Kees Versteegh, The Arabic Linguistic Tradition, p. 142. Part of Landmarks in Linguistic Thought series, vol. 3. New York City: Routledge, 1997. ISBN 9780415157575
  19. Shawqi Daif, Introduction to Ibn Mada's Refutation of the Grammarians, p. 6. Cairo, 1947.
  20. Mohammad Sharif Khan and Mohammad Anwar Saleem, Muslim Philosophy And Philosophers, pg. 34. New Delhi: Ashish Publishing House, 1994.
  21. Hossein Nasr and Morteza Motahhari, "The Religious Sciences." Taken from The Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. 4: From the Arab Invasion to the Saljuqs. p. 476. Ed. Richard N. Frye. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999.
  22. Carl Brockelmann, Geschichte der Arabischen Litteratur. Zweite den Supplementbänden angepasste Auflage. Vol. 1, p. 400. Leiden: Brill Publishers, 1937–1949.
  23. Berkey, Jonathan (2003). The Formation of Islam: Religion and Society in the Near East, 600-1800. Cambridge University Press. p. 216. ISBN 978-0-521-58813-3.
  24. "Zahiri", The Oxford Dictionary of Islam (2003), ed. John Esposito
  25. Christopher Melchert (1997). The Formation of the Sunni Schools of Law: 9th-10th Centuries C.E.. Brill. p. 187. We may guess at some of the reasons for the demise of the original Zahiri school. [...] This is roughly the explanation of Wael B. Hallaq: that the juridical theory of Sunnism recognized qiyas and therefore excluded Zahirism.
  26. Christopher Melchert (1997). The Formation of the Sunni Schools of Law: 9th-10th Centuries C.E. Brill. pp. 188–189.
  27. Rane, Halim (2010). Islam and Contemporary Civilization: Evolving Ideas, Transforming Relations. Melbourne University Publishing, Academic Monographs. p. 84.
  28. Adam Sabra, "Ibn Hazm's Literalism: A Critique of Islamic Legal Theory." Taken from: Ibn Ḥazm of Cordoba: The Life and Works of a Controversial Thinker, pg. 98. Volume 103 of Handbook of Oriental Studies, Section 1: The Near and Middle East. Eds. Camilla Adang, Maribel Fierro, and Sabine Schmidtke. Leiden: Brill Publishers, 2012. ISBN 9789004234246
  29. The Three Points of The Amman Message V.1
  30. Nachmani, Amikam (2009). Europe and Its Muslim Minorities. Sussex Academic Press. p. 44. Retrieved 10 May 2015.
  31. Devin J. Stewart, "Muhammad b. Dawud al-Zahiri's Manual of Jurisprudence." Taken from Studies in Islamic Law and Society Volume 15: Studies in Islamic Legal Theory. Edited by Bernard G. Weiss. p. 111. Leiden: 2002. Brill Publishers.
  32. Kojiro Nakamura, "Ibn Mada's Criticism of Arab Grammarians." Orient, v. 10, pp. 89–113. 1974
  33. Osman, Amr (18 July 2014). The Ẓāhirī Madhhab (3rd/9th-10th/16th Century): A Textualist Theory of Islamic Law. Brill. pp. 37–40. ISBN 978-90-04-27965-0.
  34. Hassan, Abu. "Ijma in Brief". Retrieved 14 July 2012.
  35. Chiragh Ali, The Proposed Political, Legal and Social Reforms. Taken from Modernist Islam 1840-1940: A Sourcebook, pg. 281. Edited by Charles Kurzman. New York City: Oxford University Press, 2002.
  36. Muhammad Muslehuddin, "Philosophy of Islamic Law and Orientalists," Kazi Publications, 1985, p. 81
  37. Dr. Mohammad Omar Farooq, "The Doctrine of Ijma: Is there a consensus?," June 2006
  38. Adang, Zahiri Conception, p. 15.
  39. Hassan, Abu. "Questions on Qiyas". Retrieved 14 July 2012.
  40. al-Shafi‘i, Kitab al-Umm, vol. 7, pp. 309–320. Cairo Dar al-fikr, 1990.
  41. Hisham M. Ramadan (2006), Understanding Islamic Law: From Classical to Contemporary, Rowman Altamira, ISBN 978-0759109919, pp. 26–28
  42. Beyond The Exotic: Women's Histories In Islamic Societies, p. 402. Ed. Amira El-Azhary Sonbol. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2005. ISBN 9780815630555
  43. Adang, Zahiri Conceptions, p. 44.
  44. Subhi Mahmasani, Falsafat al-tashri fi al-Islam, p. 175. Trns. Farhat Jacob Ziadeh. Leiden: Brill Archive, 1961.
  45. Dr. Mohammad Omar Farooq, The Riba-Interest Equivalence Archived 2012-03-12 at the Wayback Machine, June 2006
  46. Yasir Suleiman, The Arabic Grammatical Tradition: a Study in taʻlīl, p. 150. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1999. ISBN 9780748606979
  47. Adang, Zahiri Conceptions, p. 20.
  48. Louis Massignon, The Passion of al-Hallaj: Mystic and Martyr of Islam. Trans. Herbert W. Mason. p. 16. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994.
  49. Schacht, Joseph (1959) [1950]. The Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence. Oxford University Press. p. 1.
  50. Snouck Hurgronje, C. Verspreide Geschriften. v.ii. 1923-7, p. 286–315
  51. Étude sur la théorie du droit musulman (Paris : Marchal et Billard, 1892–1898.)
  52. Margoliouth, D.S., The Early Development of Mohammedanism, 1914, p. 65ff
  53. Ibn Qayyim Al-Jawziyya, Ighadah al-Lahfan fi Masayid al-Shaytan, v.1, p. 570
  54. Carl W. Ernst, Words of Ecstasy in Sufism, pg. 163. Albany: SUNY Press, 1983.
  55. Ignác Goldziher, The Zahiris, p. 165. Leiden: Brill Publishers, 1971.
  56. Zaharism by Omar A. Farrukh, Ph.D, Member of the Arab Academy, Damascus (Syria)
  57. Mohammed Rustom, Review of Michel Chodkiewicz's An Ocean without Shore
  58. Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari, History of the Prophets and Kings. Vol. 1, p. 66. Trans. Franz Rosenthal. New York City: SUNY Press, 1989.
  59. Muhammad Nasiruddin al-Albani, "Shareet al-Khobar," tape #4, 1989: Khobar, Saudi Arabia.
  60. Samir Kaddouri, "Refutations of Ibn Hazm by Maliki Authors from al-Andalus and North Africa." Taken from Ibn Hazm of Cordoba: The Life and Works of a Controversial Thinker, p. 541. Eds. Camilla Adang, Maribel Fierro and Sabine Schmidtke. Leiden: Brill Publishers, 2013. ISBN 9789004243101
  61. Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari, History of the Prophets and Kings, vol. 1: From the Creation to the Flood, p. 72. Trns. Franz Rosenthal. New York City: SUNY Press, 1989. ISBN 9781438417837
  62. Lucas, Scott C. (2006). "The Legal Principles of Muhammad B. Ismāʿīl Al-Bukhārī and Their Relationship to Classical Salafi Islam". Islamic Law and Society. 13 (3): 292.
  63. Lucas, Scott C. (2006). "The Legal Principles of Muhammad B. Ismāʿīl Al-Bukhārī and Their Relationship to Classical Salafi Islam". Islamic Law and Society. 13 (3): 303.
  64. Lucas, Scott C. (2006). "The Legal Principles of Muhammad B. Ismāʿīl Al-Bukhārī and Their Relationship to Classical Salafi Islam". Islamic Law and Society. 13 (3): 290.
  65. Lucas, Scott C. (2006). "The Legal Principles of Muhammad B. Ismāʿīl Al-Bukhārī and Their Relationship to Classical Salafi Islam". Islamic Law and Society. 13 (3): 312.
  66. Ashour, Omar (2009). The De-Radicalization of Jihadists: Transforming Armed Islamist Movements. Routledge. p. 82. ISBN 978-1-134-01229-9.
  67. Muhammad Nasiruddin al-Albani, "Shareet al-Khobar," tape #4, 1989: Khobar, Saudi Arabia
This article is issued from Wikipedia. The text is licensed under Creative Commons - Attribution - Sharealike. Additional terms may apply for the media files.