Urban sprawl

Urban sprawl, or suburban sprawl, is the unrestricted growth in many urban areas of housing, commercial development, and roads over large expanses of land, with little concern for urban planning.[1] In addition to describing a particular form of urbanization, the term also relates to the social and environmental consequences associated with this development.[2] Since the advent of the industrial era, sprawl has entailed no direct disadvantages, such as the loss of protection from medieval city walls. However, its disadvantages and costs include increased travel time, transport costs, pollution, and destruction of countryside.[3] The cost of building the infrastructure needed for new developments is hardly ever recouped through property taxes, amounting to a huge subsidy for the developers and new residents at the expense of existing property taxpayers.[4] In Continental Europe, the term peri-urbanisation is often used to denote similar dynamics and phenomena, but the term urban sprawl is currently being used by the European Environment Agency. There is widespread disagreement about what constitutes sprawl and how to quantify it. For example, some commentators measure sprawl only with the average number of residential units per acre in a given area, but others associate it with decentralization (spread of population without a well-defined centre), discontinuity (leapfrog development, as defined below), segregation of uses, and so forth.

Measures for urban sprawl in Europe: upper left the Dispersion of the built-up area (DIS), upper right the weighted urban proliferation (WUP)
View of suburban development in the Phoenix metropolitan area

The term urban sprawl is highly politicized and almost always has negative connotations. It is criticized for causing environmental degradation, intensifying segregation, and undermining the vitality of existing urban areas and is attacked on aesthetic grounds. The pejorative meaning of the term means that few openly support urban sprawl as such. The term has become a rallying cry for managing urban growth.[5]

Definition

The term "urban sprawl" was first used in an article in The Times in 1955 as a negative comment on the state of London's outskirts. Definitions of sprawl vary; researchers in the field acknowledge that the term lacks precision.[6] Batty et al. defined sprawl as "uncoordinated growth: the expansion of community without concern for its consequences, in short, unplanned, incremental urban growth which is often regarded unsustainable."[7] Bhatta et al. wrote in 2010 that despite a dispute over the precise definition of sprawl there is a "general consensus that urban sprawl is characterized by [an] unplanned and uneven pattern of growth, driven by a multitude of processes and leading to inefficient resource utilization."[8]

This picture shows the metropolitan areas of the Northeast Megalopolis of the United States demonstrating urban sprawl, including far-flung suburbs and exurbs illuminated at night.

Reid Ewing has shown that sprawl has typically been characterized as urban developments exhibiting at least one of the following characteristics: low-density or single-use development, strip development, scattered development, and/or leapfrog development (areas of development interspersed with vacant land).[9] He argued that a better way to identify sprawl was to use indicators rather than characteristics because this was a more flexible and less arbitrary method.[10] He proposed using "accessibility" and "functional open space" as indicators.[10] Ewing's approach has been criticized for assuming that sprawl is defined by negative characteristics.[9]

What constitutes sprawl may be considered a matter of degree and will always be somewhat subjective under many definitions of the term.[10] Ewing has also argued that suburban development does not, per se constitute sprawl depending on the form it takes,[10] although Gordon & Richardson have argued that the term is sometimes used synonymously with suburbanization in a pejorative way.[11]

Despite its world-famous reputation for urban sprawl and car culture, paradoxically, Los Angeles is the densest major built-up urban area in the United States.

Metropolitan Los Angeles for example, despite popular notions of being a sprawling city, is the densest major urban area (over 1,000,000 population) in the US, being denser than the New York urban area and the San Francisco urban area.[12][13][14] Essentially, most of metropolitan Los Angeles is built at more uniform low to moderate density, leading to a much higher overall density for the entire region. This is in contrast to cities such as New York, San Francisco or Chicago which have extremely compact, high-density cores but are surrounded by large areas of extremely low density.

The international cases of sprawl often draw into question the definition of the term and what conditions are necessary for urban growth to be considered sprawl. Metropolitan regions such Greater Mexico City,[15] Delhi National Capital Region[16] and Beijing, are often regarded as sprawling despite being relatively dense and mixed use.

Examples

According to the National Resources Inventory (NRI), about 8,900 square kilometres (2.2 million acres) of land in the United States was developed between 1992 and 2002. Presently, the NRI classifies approximately 100,000 more square kilometres (40,000 square miles) (an area approximately the size of Kentucky) as developed than the Census Bureau classifies as urban. The difference in the NRI classification is that it includes rural development, which by definition cannot be considered to be "urban" sprawl. Currently, according to the 2000 Census, approximately 2.6 percent of the U.S. land area is urban.[17] Approximately 0.8 percent of the nation's land is in the 37 urbanized areas with more than 1,000,000 population. In 2002, these 37 urbanized areas supported around 40% of the total American population.[18]

Nonetheless, some urban areas like Detroit have expanded geographically even while losing population. But it was not just urbanized areas in the U.S. that lost population and sprawled substantially. According to data in "Cities and Automobile Dependence" by Kenworthy and Laube (1999), urbanized area population losses occurred while there was an expansion of sprawl between 1970 and 1990 in Amsterdam, the Netherlands; Brussels, Belgium; Copenhagen, Denmark; Frankfurt, Hamburg and Munich, Germany; and Zurich, Switzerland, albeit without the dismantling of infrastructure that occurred in the United States.

Characteristics

Despite the lack of a clear agreed upon description of what defines sprawl most definitions often associate the following characteristics with sprawl.

Single-use development

This refers to a situation where commercial, residential, institutional and industrial areas are separated from one another. Consequently, large tracts of land are devoted to a single use and are segregated from one another by open space, infrastructure, or other barriers. As a result, the places where people live, work, shop, and recreate are far from one another, usually to the extent that walking, transit use and bicycling are impractical, so all these activities generally require a car.[19] The degree to which different land uses are mixed together is often used as an indicator of sprawl in studies of the subject.[8]

According to this criterion, China's urbanization can be classified as "high-density sprawl", a seemingly self-contradictory term coined by New Urbanist Peter Calthorpe. He explains that despite the high-rise buildings, China's superblocks (huge residential blocks) are largely single-use and surrounded by giant arterial roads, which detach different functions of a city and create an environment unfriendly to pedestrians.[20][21]

Job sprawl and spatial mismatch
Traffic congestion in sprawling São Paulo, Brazil, which, according to Time magazine, has the world's worst traffic jams.[22]

Job sprawl is another land use symptom of urban sprawl and car-dependent communities. It is defined as low-density, geographically spread-out patterns of employment, where the majority of jobs in a given metropolitan area are located outside of the main city's central business district (CBD), and increasingly in the suburban periphery. It is often the result of urban disinvestment, the geographic freedom of employment location allowed by predominantly car-dependent commuting patterns of many American suburbs, and many companies' desire to locate in low-density areas that are often more affordable and offer potential for expansion. Spatial mismatch is related to job sprawl and economic environmental justice. Spatial mismatch is defined as the situation where poor urban, predominantly minority citizens are left without easy access to entry-level jobs, as a result of increasing job sprawl and limited transportation options to facilitate a reverse commute to the suburbs.

Job sprawl has been documented and measured in various ways. It has been shown to be a growing trend in America's metropolitan areas.[23] The Brookings Institution has published multiple articles on the topic. In 2005, author Michael Stoll defined job sprawl simply as jobs located more than 5-mile (8.0 km) radius from the CBD, and measured the concept based on year 2000 U.S. Census data.[24] Other ways of measuring the concept with more detailed rings around the CBD include a 2001 article by Edward Glaeser[25] and Elizabeth Kneebone's 2009 article, which show that sprawling urban peripheries are gaining employment while areas closer to the CBD are losing jobs.[26] These two authors used three geographic rings limited to a 35-mile (56 km) radius around the CBD: 3 miles (4.8 km) or less, 3 to 10 miles (16 km), and 10 to 35 miles (56 km). Kneebone's study showed the following nationwide breakdown for the largest metropolitan areas in 2006: 21.3% of jobs located in the inner ring, 33.6% of jobs in the 3–10 mile ring, and 45.1% in the 10–35 mile ring. This compares to the year 1998 – 23.3%, 34.2%, and 42.5% in those respective rings. The study shows CBD employment share shrinking, and job growth focused in the suburban and exurban outer metropolitan rings.

Low-density

Sprawl is often characterized as consisting of low-density development.[9] The exact definition of "low density" is arguable, but a common example is that of single family homes on large lots. Buildings usually have fewer stories and are spaced farther apart, separated by lawns, landscaping, roads or parking lots. Specific measurements of what constitutes low-density is culturally relative; for example, in the United States 2–4 houses per acre might be considered low-density while in the UK 8–12 would still be considered low-density.[9] Because more automobiles are used much more land is designated for parking. The impact of low density development in many communities is that developed or "urbanized" land is increasing at a faster rate than the population is growing.

Overall density is often lowered by "leapfrog development". This term refers to the relationship, or lack thereof, between subdivisions. Such developments are typically separated by large green belts, i.e. tracts of undeveloped land, resulting in an average density far lower even than the low density indicated by localized per-acre measurements. This is a 20th and 21st century phenomenon generated by the current custom of requiring a developer to provide subdivision infrastructure as a condition of development.[27] Usually, the developer is required to set aside a certain percentage of the developed land for public use, including roads, parks and schools. In the past, when a local government built all the streets in a given location, the town could expand without interruption and with a coherent circulation system, because it had condemnation power. Private developers generally do not have such power (although they can sometimes find local governments willing to help), and often choose to develop on the tracts that happen to be for sale at the time they want to build, rather than pay extra or wait for a more appropriate location.

Some research argues that religious ideas about how humans should live (and die) promote low-density development and may contribute to urban sprawl.[28][29]

Conversion of agricultural land to urban use

Land for sprawl is often taken from fertile agricultural lands, which are often located immediately surrounding cities; the extent of modern sprawl has consumed a large amount of the most productive agricultural land,[30] as well as forest, desert and other wilderness areas.[31] In the United States the seller may avoid tax on profit by using a tax break exempting like-kind exchanges from capital gains tax; proceeds from the sale are used to purchase agricultural land elsewhere and the transaction is treated as a "swap" or trade of like assets and no tax is due. Thus urban sprawl is subsidized by the tax code.[32] In China, land has been converted from rural to urban use in advance of demand, leading to vacant rural land intended for future development, and eventual urban sprawl.[33]

Housing subdivisions
Sprawl in Milton, Ontario. This photograph is an example of Canadian exurban development, though recently attempts are made to reduce this type of development in many major cities.

Housing subdivisions are large tracts of land consisting entirely of newly built residences. New Urbanist architectural firm Duany Plater-Zyberk & Company state that housing subdivisions "are sometimes called villages, towns, and neighbourhoods by their developers, which is misleading since those terms denote places that are not exclusively residential."[34] They are also referred to as developments.

Subdivisions often incorporate curved roads and cul-de-sacs. These subdivisions may offer only a few places to enter and exit the development, causing traffic to use high volume collector streets. All trips, no matter how short, must enter the collector road in a suburban system.[34]

Lawn

Because the advent of sprawl meant more land for lower costs, home owners had more land at their disposal, and the development of the residential lawn after the Second World War became commonplace in suburbs, notably, but not exclusively in North America.[35] The creation in the early 20th century of country clubs and golf courses completed the rise of lawn culture in the United States.[36] Lawns now take up a significant amount of land in suburban developments, contributing in no small part to sprawl.[35]

Commercial developments

In areas of sprawl, commercial use is generally segregated from other uses. In the U.S. and Canada, these often take the form of strip malls, which refer to collections of buildings sharing a common parking lot, usually built on a high-capacity roadway with commercial functions (i.e., a "strip"). Similar developments in the UK are called Retail Parks. Strip malls consisting mostly of big box stores or category killers are sometimes called "power centers" (U.S.). These developments tend to be low-density; the buildings are single-story and there is ample space for parking and access for delivery vehicles. This character is reflected in the spacious landscaping of the parking lots and walkways and clear signage of the retail establishments. Some strip malls are undergoing a transformation into Lifestyle centers; entailing investments in common areas and facilities (plazas, cafes) and shifting tenancy from daily goods to recreational shopping.

Walmart Supercenter in Luray, Virginia.

Another prominent form of retail development in areas characterized by sprawl is the shopping mall. Unlike the strip mall, this is usually composed of a single building surrounded by a parking lot that contains multiple shops, usually "anchored" by one or more department stores (Gruen and Smith 1960). The function and size is also distinct from the strip mall. The focus is almost exclusively on recreational shopping rather than daily goods. Shopping malls also tend to serve a wider (regional) public and require higher-order infrastructure such as highway access and can have floorspaces in excess of a million square feet (ca. 100,000 m²). Shopping malls are often detrimental to downtown shopping centres of nearby cities since the shopping malls act as a surrogate for the city centre (Crawford 1992). Some downtowns have responded to this challenge by building shopping centres of their own (Frieden and Sagelyn 1989).

Fast food chains are often built early in areas with low property values where the population is expected to boom and where large traffic is predicted, and set a precedent for future development. Eric Schlosser, in his book Fast Food Nation, argues that fast food chains accelerate suburban sprawl and help set its tone with their expansive parking lots, flashy signs, and plastic architecture (65). Duany Plater Zyberk & Company believe that this reinforces a destructive pattern of growth in an endless quest to move away from the sprawl that only results in creating more of it.[34]

Effects

Environmental

Urban sprawl is associated with a number of negative environmental outcomes.

One of the major environmental problems associated with sprawl is land loss, habitat loss and subsequent reduction in biodiversity. A review by Czech and colleagues[37] finds that urbanization endangers more species and is more geographically ubiquitous in the mainland United States than any other human activity. Urban sprawl is disruptive to native flora & fauna and introduces invasive plants into their environments.[38] Although the effects can be mitigated through careful maintenance of native vegetation, the process of ecological succession and public education, sprawl represents one of the primary threats to biodiversity.[38]

Regions with high birth rates and immigration are therefore faced with environmental problems due to unplanned urban growth and emerging megacities such as Kolkata.[39]

Other problems include:

  • flooding, which results from increased impervious surfaces for roads and parking (see urban runoff)[40]
  • increased temperatures from heat islands, which leads to a significantly increased risk of mortality in elderly populations.
The urban sprawl of Melbourne.

At the same time, the urban cores of these and nearly all other major cities in the United States, Western Europe, and Japan that did not annex new territory experienced the related phenomena of falling household size and, particularly in the U.S., "white flight", sustaining population losses.[41] This trend has slowed somewhat in recent years, as more people have regained an interest in urban living.

Due to the larger area consumed by sprawling suburbs compared to urban neighborhoods, more farmland and wildlife habitats are displaced per resident. As forest cover is cleared and covered with impervious surfaces (concrete and asphalt) in the suburbs, rainfall is less effectively absorbed into the groundwater aquifers.[19] This threatens both the quality and quantity of water supplies. Sprawl increases water pollution as rain water picks up gasoline, motor oil, heavy metals, and other pollutants in runoff from parking lots and roads.

The Chicago metro area, nicknamed "Chicagoland".

Gordon & Richardson have argued that the conversion of agricultural land to urban use is not a problem due to the increasing efficiency of agricultural production; they argue that aggregate agricultural production is still more than sufficient to meet global food needs despite the expansion of urban land use.[42]

Health

Sprawl leads to increased driving, which in turn leads to vehicle emissions that contribute to air pollution and its attendant negative impacts on human health. In addition, the reduced physical activity implied by increased automobile use has negative health consequences. Sprawl significantly predicts chronic medical conditions and health-related quality of life, but not mental health disorders.[43] The American Journal of Public Health and the American Journal of Health Promotion, have both stated that there is a significant connection between sprawl, obesity, and hypertension.[44]

In the years following World War II, when vehicle ownership was becoming widespread, public health officials recommended the health benefits of suburbs due to soot and industrial fumes in the city center. However, air in modern suburbs is not necessarily cleaner than air in urban neighborhoods.[45] In fact, the most polluted air is on crowded highways, where people in suburbs tend to spend more time. On average, suburban residents generate more per capita pollution and carbon emissions than their urban counterparts because of their increased driving.[19][46]

Sprawl also reduces the chance that people will take the bicycle for their commute which would be better for their health.

Safety

A heavy reliance on automobiles increases traffic throughout the city as well as automobile crashes, pedestrian injuries, and air pollution.[47] Motor vehicle crashes are the leading cause of death for Americans between the ages of five and twenty-four and is the leading accident-related cause for all age groups.[48] Residents of more sprawling areas are generally at greater risk of dying in a car crash due to increased exposure to driving.[19] Evidence indicates that pedestrians in sprawling areas are at higher risk than those in denser areas, although the relationship is less clear than for drivers and passengers in vehicles.[19]

Research covered in the Journal of Economic Issues and State and Local Government Review shows a link between sprawl and emergency medical services response and fire department response delays.[49][50][51]

Increased infrastructure/transportation costs
Road Space Requirements

Living in larger, more spread out spaces generally makes public services more expensive. Since car usage becomes endemic and public transport often becomes significantly more expensive, city planners are forced to build highway and parking infrastructure, which in turn decreases taxable land and revenue, and decreases the desirability of the area adjacent to such structures. Providing services such as water, sewers, and electricity is also more expensive per household in less dense areas, given that sprawl increases lengths of power lines and pipes, necessitating higher maintenance costs .[52]

Residents of low-density areas spend a higher proportion of their income on transportation than residents of high density areas.[53] The unplanned nature of outward urban development is commonly linked to increased dependency on cars. In 2003, a British newspaper calculated that urban sprawl would cause an economic loss of 3905 pounds per year, per person through cars alone, based on data from the RAC estimating that the average cost of operating a car in the UK at that time was £5,000 a year, while train travel (assuming a citizen commutes every day of the year, with a ticket cost of 3 pounds) would be only £1095. [54]

Major cities – per capita petrol use vs. population density[55]

Social

Urban sprawl may be partly responsible for the decline in social capital in the United States. Compact neighborhoods can foster casual social interactions among neighbors, while sprawl creates barriers. Sprawl tends to replace public spaces with private spaces such as fenced-in backyards.[56]

Critics of sprawl maintain that sprawl erodes quality of life. Duany and Plater-Zyberk believe that in traditional neighborhoods the nearness of the workplace to retail and restaurant space that provides cafes and convenience stores with daytime customers is an essential component to the successful balance of urban life. Furthermore, they state that the closeness of the workplace to homes also gives people the option of walking or riding a bicycle to work or school and that without this kind of interaction between the different components of life the urban pattern quickly falls apart.[34] James Howard Kunstler has argued that poor aesthetics in suburban environments make them "places not worth caring about", and that they lack a sense of history and identity.[57]

Urban sprawl has class and racial implications in many parts of the world; the relative homogeneity of many sprawl developments may reinforce class and racial divides through residential segregation.

Numerous studies link increased population density with increased aggression.[58] Some people believe that increased population density encourages crime and anti-social behavior. It is argued that human beings, while social animals, need significant amounts of social space or they become agitated and aggressive.[59] However, the relationship between higher densities and increased social pathology has been largely discredited.[60]

Debate
Rural neighborhoods in Morrisville, North Carolina are rapidly developing into affluent, urbanized neighborhoods and subdivisions. The two images above are on opposite sides of the same street.

According to Nancy Chin, a large number of effects of sprawl have been discussed in the academic literature in some detail; however, the most contentious issues can be reduced "to an older set of arguments, between those advocating a planning approach and those advocating the efficiency of the market."[9] Those who criticize sprawl tend to argue that sprawl creates more problems than it solves and should be more heavily regulated, while proponents argue that markets are producing the economically most efficient settlements possible in most situations, even if problems may exist.[9] However, some market-oriented commentators believe that the current patterns of sprawl are in fact the result of distortions of the free market.[9] Chin cautions that there is a lack of "reliable empirical evidence to support the arguments made either for or against sprawl." She mentions that the lack of a common definition, the need for more quantitative measures "a broader view both in time and space, and greater comparison with alternative urban forms" would be necessary to draw firmer conclusions and conduct more fruitful debates.[9]

Arguments opposing urban sprawl include concrete effects such as health and environmental issues as well as abstract consequences including neighborhood vitality. American public policy analyst Randal O'Toole of the Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank, has argued that sprawl, thanks to the automobile, gave rise to affordable suburban neighborhoods for middle class and lower class individuals, including non-whites. He notes that efforts to combat sprawl often result in subsidizing development in wealthier and whiter neighborhoods while condemning and demolishing poorer minority neighborhoods.[61]

Groups that oppose sprawl

The American Institute of Architects and the American Planning Association recommend against sprawl and instead endorses smart, mixed-use development, including buildings in close proximity to one another that cut down on automobile use, save energy, and promote walkable, healthy, well-designed neighborhoods.[62] The Sierra Club, the San Francisco Bay Area's Greenbelt Alliance, 1000 Friends of Oregon and counterpart organizations nationwide, and other environmental organizations oppose sprawl and support investment in existing communities.[63][64] NumbersUSA, a national organization advocating immigration reduction, also opposes urban sprawl,[65] and its executive director, Roy Beck, specializes in the study of this issue.[66]

Consumer preference

One of the primary debates around suburban sprawl is the extent to which sprawl is the result of consumer preference. Some, such as Peter Gordon, a professor of planning and economics at the University of Southern California's School of Urban Planning and Development, argue that most households have shown a clear preference for low-density living and that this is a fact that should not be ignored by planners.[67] Gordon and his frequent collaborator, Harry Richardson have argued that "The principle of consumer sovereignty has played a powerful role in the increase in America’s wealth and in the welfare of its citizens. Producers (including developers) have responded rapidly to households’ demands. It is a giant step backward to interfere with this effective process unless the benefits of intervention substantially exceed its cost."[68] They argue that sprawl generates enough benefits for consumers that they continue to choose it as a form of development over alternative forms, as demonstrated by the continued focus on sprawl type developments by most developers.[42] However, other academics such as Reid Ewing argue that while a large segment of people prefer suburban living that does not mean that sprawl itself is preferred by consumers, and that a large variety of suburban environments satisfy consumer demand, including areas that mitigate the worst effects of sprawl.[10] Others, for example Kenneth T. Jackson[69] have argued that since low-density housing is often (notably in the U.S.A.) subsidized in a variety of ways, consumers' professed preferences for this type of living may be over-stated.[9]

Automobile dependency
A majority of Californians live, commute, and work in the vast and extensive web of Southern California freeways.

Whether urban sprawl does increase problems of automobile dependency and whether conversely, policies of smart growth can reduce them have been fiercely contested issues over several decades. An influential study in 1989 by Peter Newman and Jeff Kenworthy compared 32 cities across North America, Australia, Europe and Asia.[55] The study has been criticised for its methodology[70] but the main finding that denser cities, particularly in Asia, have lower car use than sprawling cities, particularly in North America, has been largely accepted although the relationship is clearer at the extremes across continents than it is within countries where conditions are more similar.

Within cities, studies from across many countries (mainly in the developed world) have shown that denser urban areas with greater mixture of land use and better public transport tend to have lower car use than less dense suburban and ex-urban residential areas. This usually holds true even after controlling for socio-economic factors such as differences in household composition and income.[71][72] This does not necessarily imply that suburban sprawl causes high car use, however. One confounding factor, which has been the subject of many studies, is residential self-selection:[73] people who prefer to drive tend to move towards low density suburbs, whereas people who prefer to walk, cycle or use transit tend to move towards higher density urban areas, better served by public transport. Some studies have found that, when self-selection is controlled for, the built environment has no significant effect on travel behavior.[74] More recent studies using more sophisticated methodologies have generally refuted these findings: density, land use and public transport accessibility can influence travel behavior, although social and economic factors, particularly household income, usually exert a stronger influence.[75]

Those not opposed to low density development argue that traffic intensities tend to be less, traffic speeds faster and, as a result, ambient air pollution is lower. (See demographia's report.) Kansas City, Missouri is often cited as an example of ideal low-density development, with congestion below the mean and home prices below comparable Midwestern cities. Wendell Cox and Randal O'Toole are leading figures supporting lower density development.

Longitudinal (time-lapse) studies of commute times in major metropolitan areas in the United States have shown that commute times decreased for the period 1969 to 1995 even though the geographic size of the city increased.[76] Other studies suggest, however, that possible personal benefits from commute time savings have been at the expense of environmental costs in the form of longer average commute distances,[77] rising vehicles-miles-traveled (VMT) per worker,[78] and despite road expansions, worsening traffic congestion.[79]

Paradox of intensification

Reviewing the evidence on urban intensification, smart growth and their effects on travel behaviour Melia et al. (2011)[80] found support for the arguments of both supporters and opponents of smart growth measures to counteract urban sprawl. Planning policies that increase population densities in urban areas do tend to reduce car use, but the effect is a weak one, so doubling the population density of a particular area will not halve the frequency or distance of car use.

These findings led them to propose the paradox of intensification, which states:

Ceteris paribus, urban intensification which increases population density will reduce per capita car use, with benefits to the global environment, but will also increase concentrations of motor traffic, worsening the local environment in those locations where it occurs.

Risk of increased housing prices

There is also some concern that anti-sprawl policies will increase housing prices. Some research suggests Oregon has had the largest housing affordability loss in the nation,[81] but other research shows that Portland's price increases are comparable to other Western cities.[82]

In Australia, it is claimed by some that housing affordability has hit "crisis levels" due to "urban consolidation" policies implemented by state governments.[83] In Sydney, the ratio of the price of a house relative to income is 9:1.[84] The issue has at times been debated between the major political parties.[85]

Proposed alternatives

Many critics concede that sprawl produces some negative externalities; however there is some dispute about the most effective way to reduce these negative effects. Gordon & Richardson for example argue that the costs of building new public transit is disproportionate to the actual environmental or economic benefits, that land use restrictions will increase the cost of housing and restrict economic opportunity, that infill possibilities are too limited to make a major difference to the structure of American cities, and that the government would need to coerce most people to live in a way that they do not want to in order to substantially change the impact of sprawl.[42] They argue that the property market should be deregulated to allow different people to live as they wish, while providing a framework of market based fees (such as emission fees, congestion charging or road pricing) to mitigate many of the problems associated with sprawl such as congestion and increased pollution.[68]

Alternative development styles
Main articles: Smart growth, Compact City, Transit-oriented development, and New urbanism

Early attempts at combatting urban sprawl
The Metropolitan Green Belt first proposed by the London County Council in 1935.

Starting in the early 20th century, environmentalist opposition to urban sprawl began to coalesce, with roots in the garden city movement, as well as pressure from campaign groups such as the Campaign to Protect Rural England (CPRE).

Under Herbert Morrison's 1934 leadership of the London County Council, the first formal proposal was made by the Greater London Regional Planning Committee "to provide a reserve supply of public open spaces and of recreational areas and to establish a green belt or girdle of open space". It was again included in an advisory Greater London Plan prepared by Patrick Abercrombie in 1944.[86] The Town and Country Planning Act of 1947 expressly incorporated green belts into all further national urban developments.

New provisions for compensation in the 1947 Town and Country Planning Act allowed local authorities around the country to incorporate green belt proposals in their first development plans. The codification of Green Belt policy and its extension to areas other than London came with the historic Circular 42/55 inviting local planning authorities to consider the establishment of Green Belts. The first urban growth boundary in the U.S. was in Fayette County, Kentucky in 1958.[87]

Contemporary anti-sprawl initiatives
Many Canadian cities feature numerous pockets of high density throughout even their most distant suburbs. As a result, some Canadian suburbs have skylines that rival large American cities. Pictured is Burnaby, British Columbia.

The term 'smart growth' has been particularly used in North America. The terms 'compact city' or 'urban intensification' are often used to describe similar concepts in Europe and particularly the UK where it has influenced government policy and planning practice in recent years.

The state of Oregon enacted a law in 1973 limiting the area urban areas could occupy, through urban growth boundaries. As a result, Portland, the state's largest urban area, has become a leader in smart growth policies that seek to make urban areas more compact (they are called urban consolidation policies). After the creation of this boundary, the population density of the urbanized area increased somewhat (from 1,135 in 1970[88] to 1,290 per km² in 2000[89]). Although the growth boundary has not been tight enough to vastly increase density, the consensus is that the growth boundaries have protected great amounts of wild areas and farmland around the metro area.

Much San Francisco Bay Area has also adopted urban growth boundaries; 25 of its cities and 5 of its counties have urban growth boundaries. Many of these were adopted with the support and advocacy of Greenbelt Alliance, a non-profit land conservation and urban planning organization.

In other areas, the design principles of District Regionalism and New Urbanism have been employed to combat urban sprawl. The concept of circular flow land use management has been developed in Europe to reduce land take by urban sprawl through promoting inner-city and brownfield development.

Although cities such as Los Angeles are well known for sprawling suburbs, policies and public opinion are changing. Transit-oriented development, in which higher-density mixed-use areas are permitted or encouraged near transit stops is encouraging more compact development in certain areas-particularly those with light and heavy rail transit systems.

Bicycles are the preferred means of travel in many countries.[90] Also, bicycles are permitted in public transit. Businesses in areas of some towns in which bicycle use is high are thriving. Bicycles and transit contribute in two important ways toward the success of businesses:[91]

  • Firstly, people living the closest to these business districts on average have more money to spend locally because they spend less their cars.
  • Secondly, because such people rely more on bicycling, walking, and transit than on driving, they tend to focus more of their commerce on locally-owned neighborhood businesses that are convenient for them to reach.

Walkability is a measure of how friendly an area is to walking. Walkability has many health, environmental, and economic benefits. However, evaluating walkability is challenging because it requires the consideration of many subjective factors.[92] Factors influencing walkability include the presence or absence and quality of footpaths, sidewalks, or other pedestrian right-of-ways, traffic and road conditions, land use patterns, building accessibility, and safety, among others.[93] Walkability is an important concept in sustainable urban design.[94]

gollark: Hmm, yes, true. I mean, they do operate a giant publicly usable CDN.
gollark: But I know of one person with Nitro. Nitro is about £3/month *too*, so they must have that much in monthly revenue.
gollark: My current budget permits me to spend about £3 on them.
gollark: Discord.
gollark: They are quite expensive.

See also

Notes and references
  1. Fouberg, Erin Hogan (2012). Human geography: people, place, and culture. Murphy, Alexander B.; De Blij, Harm J. (10th ed.). Hoboken: Wiley. p. 560. ISBN 978-1118018699. OCLC 752286985.
  2. Sarkodie, Samuel Asumadu; Owusu, Phebe Asantewaa; Leirvik, Thomas (March 5, 2020). "Global effect of urban sprawl, industrialization, trade and economic development on carbon dioxide emissions". Environmental Research Letters. 15 (3): 034049. Bibcode:2020ERL....15c4049S. doi:10.1088/1748-9326/ab7640. ISSN 1748-9326.
  3. Caves, R. W. (2004). Encyclopedia of the City. Routledge. pp. 626. ISBN 9780415252256.
  4. . ISBN 978-1119564812. Missing or empty |title= (help)
  5. James, Paul; Holden, Meg; Lewin, Mary; Neilson, Lyndsay; Oakley, Christine; Truter, Art; Wilmoth, David (2013). "Managing Metropolises by Negotiating Mega-Urban Growth". In Harald Mieg; Klaus Töpfer (eds.). Institutional and Social Innovation for Sustainable Urban Development. Routledge.
  6. Audirac, Ivonne; Shermyen, Anne H.; Smith, Marc T. (December 31, 1990). "Ideal Urban Form and Visions of the Good Life Florida's Growth Management Dilemma". Journal of the American Planning Association. 56 (4): 470–482. doi:10.1080/01944369008975450.p. 475.
  7. Batty, Michael; Besussi, Elena; Chin, Nancy (November 2003). "Traffic, Urban Growth and Suburban Sprawl" (PDF). UCL Centre for Advanced Spatial Analysis Working Papers Series. 70. ISSN 1467-1298. Archived from the original (PDF) on September 26, 2015. Retrieved May 17, 2015.
  8. Bhatta, B.; Saraswati, S.; Bandyopadhyay, D. (December 2010). "Urban sprawl measurement from remote sensing data". Applied Geography. 30 (4): 731–740. doi:10.1016/j.apgeog.2010.02.002.
  9. Chin, Nancy (March 2002). "Unearthing the Roots of Urban Sprawl: A Critical Analysis of Form, Function and Methodology" (PDF). University College London Centre for Advanced Spatial Analysis Working Papers Series. 47. ISSN 1467-1298. Archived from the original (PDF) on March 4, 2016. Retrieved April 19, 2015.
  10. Ewing, Reid (1997). "Is Los Angeles-Style Sprawl Desirable?". Journal of the American Planning Association. 63 (1): 107–126. doi:10.1080/01944369708975728.
  11. Gordon, Peter; Richardson, Harry (1997). "Are Compact Cities a Desirable Planning Goal?". Journal of the American Planning Association. 63 (1): 95–106. doi:10.1080/01944369708975727.
  12. "Growth in Urban Population Outpaces Rest of Nation, Census Bureau Reports". US Census. Retrieved October 20, 2013.
  13. Barragan, Bianca (February 17, 2015). "Los Angeles is the Least Sprawling Big City in the US". Curbed. Vox Media. Retrieved January 25, 2017.
  14. Eidlin, Eric. "What Density Doesn't Tell Us About Sprawl". ACCESS. The Regents of the University of California. Retrieved January 29, 2017.
  15. Monkkonen, Paavo (2011). "Do Mexican Cities Sprawl? Housing Finance Reform and Changing Patterns of Urban Growth". Urban Geography. 32 (3): 406–423. doi:10.2747/0272-3638.32.3.406.
  16. "India Can't Afford to Get Urbanization Wrong". CityLab. Retrieved June 27, 2018.
  17. Lubowski, Ruben N.; Marlow Vesterby, Shawn Bucholtz, Alba Baez, and Michael J. Roberts (May 31, 2006). Major Uses of Land in the United States, 2002 Archived April 9, 2007, at the Wayback Machine. Economic Research Service, . Retrieved on February 7, 2008.
  18. USA Urbanized Areas: 2000 Ranked by Population. Demographia, August 25, 2002. Retrieved on February 8, 2008.
  19. Frumkin, Howard (May–June 2002). Urban Sprawl and Public Health. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Retrieved on February 7, 2008.
  20. Peter Calthorpe (July 7, 2016). "China chokes on high-density sprawl". Public Square: A CNU Journal. Congress for the New Urbanism.
  21. Peter Calthorpe (2016). "Urbanism and Global Sprawl". State of the World. Can a City Be Sustainable?. State of the World. Washington, DC: Island Press. pp. 91–108. doi:10.5822/978-1-61091-756-8_7. ISBN 978-1-61091-756-8.
  22. Andrew Downie (April 21, 2008). "The World's Worst Traffic Jams". Time. Retrieved September 4, 2014.
  23. "Residential Construction Trends in America's Metropolitan Regions". Smart Growth. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). July 27, 2016.
  24. Stoll, Michael A. (2005). Job Sprawl and the Spatial Mismatch between Blacks and Jobs. Washington D.C.: Brookings Institution, Metropolitan Policy Program. Archived from the original on July 6, 2008. Retrieved January 22, 2010.
  25. Glaeser, Edward (2001). Job Sprawl: Employment Location in U.S. Metropolitan Areas. Washington D.C.: Brookings Institution, Metropolitan Policy Program. Archived from the original on May 15, 2016. Retrieved January 22, 2010.
  26. Kneebone, Elizabeth (2009). Job Sprawl Revisited: The Changing Geography of Metropolitan Employment. Washington D.C.: Brookings Institution. Archived from the original on February 22, 2010. Retrieved January 22, 2010.
  27. DeGrove, John and Robyne Turner (1991), "Local Government in Florida: Coping with Massive and Sustained Growth" in Huckshorn, R. (ed.) Government and Politics in Florida. University of Florida Press, Gainesville.
  28. Allam, Zaheer. (2020). Theology and urban sustainability. Cham: Springer. ISBN 978-3-030-29673-5. OCLC 1120695363.
  29. Scarrow, Ryan (September 2019). "Graves or people". Nature Sustainability. 2 (9): 787. doi:10.1038/s41893-019-0383-2. ISSN 2398-9629. S2CID 202558093.
  30. Krannich, Jess M. (2006). "Modern Disaster: Agricultural Land, Urban Growth, and the Need for a Federally Organized Comprehensive Land Use Planning Model". Cornell Journal of Law and Public Policy. 16 (1): 57. Retrieved June 8, 2015.
  31. Hasse, John E.; Lathrop, Richard G. (2003). "Land resource impact indicators of urban sprawl". Applied Geography. 23 (2–3): 159–175. doi:10.1016/j.apgeog.2003.08.002.
  32. David Kocieniewski (January 6, 2013). "Major Companies Push the Limits of a Tax Break". The New York Times. Retrieved January 7, 2013. With hundreds of thousands of transactions a year, it is hard to gauge the true cost of the tax break for so-called like-kind exchanges, like those used by Cendant, General Electric and Wells Fargo.
  33. Fang, Yiping; Pal, Anirban (July 7, 2016). "Drivers of urban sprawl in urbanizing China – a political ecology analysis". Environment and Urbanization. 28 (2): 599–616. doi:10.1177/0956247816647344. ISSN 0956-2478.
  34. Duany, Andres; Plater-Zyberk, Elizabeth; Speck, Jeff (2001). Suburban Nation: The Rise of Sprawl and the Decline of the American Dream. New York: Farrar Straus & Giroux. ISBN 9780865476066.
  35. Steinberg, Ted (2006). American Green: The Obsessive Quest for the Perfect Lawn. New York: W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0393329308.
  36. Jenkins, Virginia Scott (1994). The Lawn: A History of an American Obsession. Washington: Smithsonian Books. ISBN 978-1560984061.
  37. Czech, Brian; Krausman, Paul R .; Devers, Patrick K. (2000). "Economic Associations among Causes of Species Endangerment in the United States". BioScience. 50 (7): 593. doi:10.1641/0006-3568(2000)050[0593:EAACOS]2.0.CO;2. Retrieved September 3, 2015.
  38. McKinney, Michael L. (2002). "Urbanization, Biodiversity, and Conservation". BioScience. 52 (10): 883. doi:10.1641/0006-3568(2002)052[0883:UBAC]2.0.CO;2. Retrieved September 3, 2015.
  39. Fenger, J: 1999, "Urban air quality", Atmospheric Environment, vol.33, no.29, pp 4877–4900.
  40. "Surface Runoff – The Water Cycle". Water Science School. Reston, VA: United States Geological Survey. December 15, 2016.
  41. High-Income World Central City Population Losses. Demographia. Retrieved on February 8, 2008.
  42. Gordon, Peter; Richardson, Harry (Summer 2001). "The Sprawl Debate: Let Markets Plan" (PDF). Publius: The Journal of Federalism. 31 (3): 131–149. doi:10.1093/oxfordjournals.pubjof.a004901. Retrieved June 11, 2015.
  43. Sturm, R.; Cohen, D.A. (October 2004). "Suburban sprawl and physical and mental health". Public Health. 118 (7): 488–496. doi:10.1016/j.puhe.2004.02.007. PMID 15351221.
  44. McKee, Bradford. "As Suburbs Grow, So Do Waistlines Archived August 16, 2009, at the Wayback Machine", The New York Times, September 4, 2003. Retrieved on February 7, 2008.
  45. Koen De Ridder; Filip Lefebre; Stefan Adriaensen; Ute Arnold; Wolfgang Beckroege; Christine Bronner; Ole Damsgaard; Ivo Dostal; Jiri Dufek; Jacky Hirsch; Luc Int Panis; Zdenek Kotek; Thierry Ramadier; Annette Thierry; Stijn Vermoote; Annett Wania; Christiane Weber (2008). "Simulating the impact of urban sprawl on air quality and population exposure in the German Ruhr area. Part II: Development and evaluation of an urban growth scenario". Atmospheric Environment. 42 (30): 7070–7077. Bibcode:2008AtmEn..42.7070D. doi:10.1016/j.atmosenv.2008.06.044.
  46. Fuller, R.; Crawford (2011). "Impact of past and future residential housing development patterns on energy demand and related emissions". Journal of Housing and the Built Environment. 26 (2): 165–83. doi:10.1007/s10901-011-9212-2. S2CID 153390281.
  47. De Ridder, K (2008). "Simulating the impact of urban sprawl on air quality and population exposure in the German Ruhr area. Part_II_Development_and_evaluation_of_an_urban_growth_scenario". Atmospheric Environment. 42 (30): 7070–7077. Bibcode:2008AtmEn..42.7070D. doi:10.1016/j.atmosenv.2008.06.044.
  48. U.S. Death Statistics. The Disaster Center. Retrieved on February 8, 2008.
  49. Lambert, Thomas E.; Meyer, Peter B. (2006). "Ex-Urban Sprawl as a Factor in Traffic Fatalities and EMS Response Times in the Southeastern United States" (PDF). Journal of Economic Issues. 40 (4): 941–953. doi:10.1080/00213624.2006.11506968. S2CID 155248837.
  50. Lambert, T. E.; Meyer, P. B. (2008). "Practitioner's Corner: New and Fringe Residential Development and Emergency Medical Services Response Times in the United States". State. 40 (2): 115–124. doi:10.1177/0160323x0804000205. JSTOR 25469783.
  51. Lambert, Thomas E.; Srinivasan, Arun K.; Katirai, Matin (2012). "Ex-urban Sprawl and Fire Response in the United States". Journal of Economic Issues. 46 (4): 967–988. doi:10.2753/JEI0021-3624460407. S2CID 219306354.
  52. Snyder, Ken; Bird, Lori (1998). Paying the Costs of Sprawl: Using Fair-Share Costing to Control Sprawl (PDF). Washington: U.S. Department of Energy's Center of Excellence for Sustainable Development. Archived from the original (PDF) on September 24, 2015. Retrieved May 20, 2015.
  53. McCann, Barbara. Driven to Spend Archived June 19, 2006, at the Wayback Machine. Surface Transportation Policy Project (2000). Retrieved on February 8, 2008.
  54. "Is your car worth it?", The Guardian, Guardian Media Group, February 15, 2003. Retrieved on February 8, 2008.
  55. Newman, Peter W.G.; Kenworthy, Jeffrey R. (1989). Cities and automobile dependence: a sourcebook. Aldershot, Hants., England: Gower Technical. ISBN 9780566070402.
  56. Van Pelt, Julie (ed.) (2006). Cascadia Scorecard 2006 (PDF). Cascadia Scorecard. Seattle, Washington: Sightline Institute. ISBN 978-1-886093-16-4. Retrieved February 7, 2008.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
  57. Kunstler, James Howard. Home from nowhere: remaking our everyday world for the twenty-First century. Touchstone, 1998
  58. Conklin, George H. "Article Review: The Impact of Density: The Importance of Nonlinearlity and Selection on Flight and Fight Responses".
  59. Sennett, Richard (ed.) (June 1969). Classic Essays on the Culture of Cities. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts. pp. 67–83.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
  60. Fischer, Claude S.; Baldasarre, Mark; Ofshe, R. J. (1975). "Crowding Studies and Urban Life – A Critical Review". Journal of the American Institute of Planners. 41 (6): 406–418. doi:10.1080/01944367508977691. hdl:2027/mdp.39015002638529.
  61. O'Toole, Randal (2009). Gridlock : why we're stuck in traffic and what to do about it ([Online-Ausg.] ed.). Washington, D.C.: CATO Institute. ISBN 978-1935308232.
  62. Issue Brief: Smart-Growth: Building Livable Communities. American Institute of Architects. Retrieved on February 8, 2008.
  63. Building Better. Sierra Club. Retrieved on February 8, 2008.
  64. Smart Growth. National Resources Defense Council. Retrieved on February 8, 2008.
  65. Urban Sprawl – NumbersUSA. Retrieved on February 26, 2009.
  66. Web smarts. Christian Science Monitor. October 7, 2003. Retrieved on February 26, 2009.
  67. Moore, Adrian; Henderson, Rick (June 1998). "Plan Obsolescence". Reason. Retrieved May 30, 2015.
  68. Gordon, Peter; Richardson, Harry (Fall 1998). "Prove It: The costs and benefit of sprawl" (PDF). Brookings Review. The Brookings Institution. Retrieved June 11, 2015.
  69. Jackson, Kenneth T. (1985), Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the United States, New York: Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-504983-7
  70. Mindali, O., Raveh, A. and Salomon, I., 2004. Urban density and energy consumption: a new look at old statistics. Transportation Research Part A: Policy and Practice, 38(2), pp. 143-162.
  71. Frank, L.; Pivo, G. (1994). "Impact of Mixed Use and Density on Three Modes of Travel". Transportation Research Record. 1446: 44–52.
  72. Cervero, R. and Gorham, R.. Commuting in Transit Versus Automobile Neighborhoods Journal of the American Planning Association 61, 2: 210–225, 1995
  73. Transport Reviews Volume 29 Issue 3 (2009).
  74. Bagley, M.N.; Mokhtarian, P.L. (2002). "The impact of residential neighborhood type on travel behavior: A structural equations modeling approach". Annals of Regional Science. 36 (2): 279. doi:10.1007/s001680200083. S2CID 18326670.
  75. Handy, S.; Cao, X.; Mokhtarian, P.L. (2005). "Correlation or causality between the built environment and travel behavior? Evidence from Northern California". Transportation Research Part D: Transport and Environment. 10 (6): 427–444. doi:10.1016/j.trd.2005.05.002.
  76. US Commuting Travel Times Down Over Quarter Century. PublicPurpose.com. Retrieved on February 8, 2008.
  77. Cervero, R. and Wu, K, (1997) K. Polycentrism, Commuting, and Residential Location in the San Francisco Bay. Environment and Planning A 29: 865–886
  78. Ewing, R. and Cervero, R. (2001) Travel and the Built Environment: A Synthesis. Transportation Research Record 1780, pp. 87–113
  79. Cervero, R. (1986, 2013)Suburban Gridlock. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, CUPR, Transaction Press (2013 edition)
  80. Melia, S., Barton, H. and Parkhurst, G. (In Press) The Paradox of Intensification. Transport Policy 18 (1)
  81. Housing Affordability Trends: USA States. Demographia. Retrieved on February 8, 2008.
  82. Lewyn, Michael (October 4, 2005). Sprawl, Growth Boundaries and the Rehnquist Court. Social Science Research Network. Retrieved on February 8, 2008.
  83. "Seeking solutions to the housing affordability crisis Archived August 30, 2007, at the Wayback Machine", University of South Australia, October 24, 2005. Retrieved on February 8, 2008.
  84. Saunders, Peter (2005). "After the House Price Boom: Is this the end of the Australian dream? Archived November 2, 2007, at the Wayback Machine", Policy. Retrieved on February 8, 2008.
  85. Archer, Lincoln. "Kevin Rudd says John Howard is ignoring housing", News Limited, November 5, 2007. Retrieved on February 8, 2008.
  86. "Planning Policy Guidance 2: Green belts" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on June 9, 2012.
  87. Kolakowski, K., P. L. Machemer, J. Thomas, and R. Hamlin. 2000. Urban growth boundaries: a policy brief for the Michigan Legislature. Urban and Regional Planning Program, Department of Geography, Michigan State University, Lansing, Michigan, USA. Available online at: http://www.ippsr.msu.edu/Publications/ARUrbanGrowthBound.pdf Archived February 6, 2009, at the Wayback Machine
  88. "US Urbanized Areas: 1950–1990: Data". demographia.com.
  89. "USA Urbanized Areas: 2000 Ranked by Population(465 Areas)". demographia.com.
  90. "Bicycles produced this year". Retrieved January 14, 2013.
  91. "Bicycle Oriented Development". Columbusite. April 7, 2008. Archived from the original on March 3, 2009. Retrieved December 6, 2013.
  92. S. Reid, "Fit for purpose: evaluating walkability", Engineering Sustainability, Vol. 161, No. 2, June 2008, pp.105–112.
  93. "Online TDM Encyclopedia – Pedestrian Improvements". vtpi.org.
  94. "S. Grignaffini, S. Cappellanti, A. Cefalo, "Visualizing sustainability in urban conditions", WIT Transactions on Ecology and the Environment, Vol. 1, pp. 253–262, 10 Jun 2008". Archived from the original on February 23, 2012. Retrieved February 26, 2009.

    Further reading

    • Baudrillard, Jean (1983). Simulacra and Simulation.
    • Bruegmann, Robert (2005). Sprawl: A Compact History. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-07691-1.
    • Crawford, Margaret (1992) "The World in a Shopping Mall" in Sorkin, Michael (ed.), Variations on a Theme Park, The new American city and the end of public space, Hill and Wang, New York, pp. 3–30.
    • Cervero, Robert (1986). Suburban Gridlock. Transaction.
    • Cervero, Robert (1989). America's Suburban Centers: The Land Use-Transportation Link. Unwin-Hyman.
    • Davies, Ross (1960). Retail Planning Policies in Western Europe. Routledge.
    • DeGrove, John and Robyne Turner (1991) "Local Government in Florida: Coping with Massive and Sustained Growth" in Huckshorn, R. (ed.) Government and Politics in Florida, University of Florida Press, Gainesville.
    • Frieden, Bernard J. and Sagalyn, Lynne B. (1989) Downtown Inc.: How America Rebuilds Cities, MIT Press, Cambridge, MA.
    • Freilich, Robert H.; Sitkowski, Robert J.; Mennillo, Seth D. (2010). From Sprawl to Sustainability, Smart Growth, New Urbanism, Green Development and Renewable Energy. American Bar Association Publishing. ISBN 978-1-60442-812-4.
    • Edge City: Life on the New Frontier by Garreau, Joel, Anchor Books/Doubleday New York, 1991.
    • Gielen, Tristan. Coping with compaction; the demon of sprawl. Auckland, Random House New Zealand, 2006.
    • Dolores Hayden; Jim Wark (2004). A Field Guide to Sprawl. W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0-393-73125-5.
    • Gruen, Victor and Larry Smith (1960) Shopping towns USA: the planning of shopping centers, Van Nostrand Reinhold Company, New York.
    • Hirschhorn, Joel S. (2005), Sprawl Kills – How Blandburbs Steal Your Time, Health, and Money. New York: Sterling & Ross. ISBN 0-9766372-0-0
    • Ingersoll, Richard, "Sprawltown: Looking for the City on Its Edges". Princeton Architectural Press, 2006. ISBN 9781568985664
    • Jacobs, Jane. The Death and Life of Great American Cities
    • Jameson, Fredric (1990). Postmodernism or the cultural logic of late capitalism.
    • James, Paul; Holden, Meg; Lewin, Mary; Neilson, Lyndsay; Oakley, Christine; Truter, Art; Wilmoth, David (2013). "Managing Metropolises by Negotiating Mega-Urban Growth". In Harald Mieg and Klaus Töpfer (ed.). Institutional and Social Innovation for Sustainable Urban Development. Routledge.
    • Koolhaas, Rem (2003). Junkspace, Harvard Design School Guide to Shopping. Harvard Press.
    • The Geography of Nowhere: The rise and decline of America's man-made landscape (ISBN 0-671-70774-4) by James Howard Kunstler
    • Lewinnek, Elaine. The Working Man's Reward: Chicago's Early Suburbs and the Roots of American Sprawl. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 2014.
    • David C. Seoule, ed. (2006). Urban Sprawl A comprehensive Reference Guide. Greenwood Press. ISBN 978-0-313-32038-5.
    • Gregory D. Squires, ed. (2002). Urban Sprawl: Causes, Consequences and Policy Responses. The Urban Institute Press. ISBN 978-0-87766-709-4.
    • Suarez, Ray (1999). The Old Neighborhood: What we lost in the great suburban migration: 1966-1999. Free Press. ISBN 978-0684834023.
    • Stein, Jay (1993). Growth Management: The planning challenge of the 1990s. Sage Publications.
    • Vicino, Thomas, J. Transforming Race and Class in Suburbia: Decline in Metropolitan Baltimore. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.

    Articles and reports

    Video

    This article is issued from Wikipedia. The text is licensed under Creative Commons - Attribution - Sharealike. Additional terms may apply for the media files.