Origin of the Albanians

The origin of the Albanians has long been a matter of dispute within scholarship. The Albanians first appear in the historical record in Byzantine sources of the 11th century. At this point, they were already fully Christianized. The Albanian language forms a separate branch of Indo-European, first attested in the 15th century, and is considered to have evolved from one of the Paleo-Balkan languages of antiquity.[1] Very little evidence of pre-Christian Albanian culture survives, although Albanian mythology and folklore are of Paleo-Balkanic origin and almost all of their elements are pagan.[2]

The main theories on Albanian origins all suppose a Paleo-Balkanic main origin, but they vary between attributing this origin to Illyrians, Thracians, Dacians, or another Paleo-Balkan people whose language was unattested; among those who support an Illyrian origin, there is a distinction between the theory of continuity from Illyrian times, and those proposing an in-migration of a different Illyrian population. These propositions are however not mutually exclusive. The Albanians are also one of Europe's populations with the highest number of common ancestors within their own ethnic group even though they share ancestors with other ethnic groups.[3]

Debate

Those who argue in favour of an Illyrian origin maintain that the indigenous Illyrian tribes dwelling in South Illyria went up into the mountains when Slavs occupied the lowlands,[4][5] while another version of this hypothesis states that the Albanians are the descendants of Illyrian tribes located between Dalmatia and the Danube who spilled south.[6]

Scholars who support a Dacian origin maintain on their side that Albanians moved southwards between the 3rd and 6th centuries AD from the Moesian area, in present-day Romania.[7] Others argue instead for a Thracian origin and maintain that the proto-Albanians are to be located in the area between Niš, Skopje, Sofia and Albania[8] or between the Rhodope and Balkan Mountains, from which they moved to present-day Albania before the arrival of the Slavs.[9]

Linguistic evidence

The first written mention of the Albanian language occurred on 14 July 1284 in present-day Dubrovnik, Croatia when a crime witness named Matthew testified: "I heard a voice shouting on the mountainside in the Albanian language" (Latin: Audivi unam vocem, clamantem in monte in lingua albanesca).[10]

The earliest written specimens of Albanian are Formula e pagëzimit (1462) and Arnold Ritter von Harff's lexicon (1496). The first Albanian text written with Greek letters is a fragment of the Ungjilli i Pashkëve (Passover Gospel) from the 15 or 16th century. The first printed books in Albanian are Meshari (1555) and Luca Matranga's E mbsuame e krështerë (1592).[10]

Linguistic reconstruction

The Albanian language is attested in a written form beginning only in the 15th century AD, when the Albanian ethnos was already formed. In the absence of prior data on the language, scholars have used the Latin and Slav loans into Albanian for identifying its location of origin.[11] The proto-Albanian language had likely emerged before the 1st century CE, when contacts with Romance languages began to occur intensively.[12][13] Some scholars have attempted to conjecture the unattested language, and have eventually drawn up interpretations on the assumed proto-Albanian Urheimat and society based on the reconstructed lexicon.[14]

Pastoralism

That Albanian possesses a rich and "elaborated" pastoral vocabulary which has been taken to suggest Albanian society in ancient times was pastoral, with widespread transhumance, and stock-breeding particularly of sheep and goats.[15] Joseph takes interest in the fact that some of the lexemes in question have "exact counterparts" in Romanian.[15]

They appear to have been cattle breeders given the vastness of preserved native vocabulary pertaining to cow breeding, milking and so forth, while words pertaining to dogs tend to be loaned. Many words concerning horses are preserved, but the word for horse itself is a Latin loan.[16]

Hydronyms

Hydronyms present a complicated picture; the term for "sea" (det) is native and an "Albano-Germanic" innovation referring to the concept of depth, but a large amount of maritime vocabulary is loaned. Words referring to large streams and their banks tend to be loans, but lumë ("river") is native, as is rrymë (the flow of river water). Words for smaller streams and stagnant pools of water are more often native, but the word for "pond", pellg is in fact a semantically shifted descendant of the old Greek word for "high sea", suggesting a change in location after Greek contact. Albanian has maintained since Proto-Indo-European a specific term referring to a riverside forest (gjazë), as well as its words for marshes. Curiously, Albanian has maintained native terms for "whirlpool", "water pit" and (aquatic) "deep place", leading Orel to speculate that the Albanian Urheimat likely had an excess of dangerous whirlpools and depths.[14] However, all the words relating to seamanship appear to be loans.[17]

Vegetation

Regarding forests, words for most conifers and shrubs are native, as are the terms for "alder", "elm", "oak", "beech", and "linden", while "ash", "chestnut", "birch", "maple", "poplar", and "willow" are loans.[18]

Social organization

Main article: Albanian tribes

The original kinship terminology of Indo-European was radically reshaped; changes included a shift from "mother" to "sister", and were so thorough that only three terms retained their original function, the words for "son-in-law", "mother-in-law" and "father-in-law". All the words for second-degree blood kinship, including "aunt", "uncle", "nephew", "niece", and terms for grandchildren, are ancient loans from Latin.[19]

Linguistic contacts

Overall patterns in loaning

Openness to loans has been called a "characteristic feature" of the Albanian language. The Albanian original lexical items directly inherited from Proto-Indo-European are far fewer in comparison to the loanwords, though loans are considered to be "perfectly integrated" and not distinguishable from native vocabulary on a synchronic level.[20] Although Albanian is characterized by the absorption of many loans, even, in the case of Latin, reaching deep into the core vocabulary, certain semantic fields nevertheless remained more resistant. Terms pertaining to social organization are often preserved, though not those pertaining to political organization, while those pertaining to trade are all loaned or innovated.[21]

While the words for plants and animals characteristic of mountainous regions are entirely original, the names for fish and for agricultural activities are often assumed to have been borrowed from other languages. However, considering the presence of some preserved old terms related to the sea fauna, some have proposed that this vocabulary might have been lost in the course of time after proto-Albanian tribes were pushed back into the inland during invasions.[22][23] Wilkes holds that the Slavic loans in Albanian suggest that contacts between the two populations took place when Albanians dwelt in forests 600–900 metres above sea level.[24] Rusakov notes that almost all lexemes related to seamanship in the Albanian language are loan-words, which may indicate that speakers of the proto-language did not live on the Adriatic coast or in close proximity to it.[17]

Latin and early Romance loans

Latin loans are particularly numerous and reflect different chronological layers.[15] From Latin specifically, loans are dated to the period of 167 BCE to 400 CE.[25] The Christian religious vocabulary of Albanian is mostly Latin as well including even the basic terms such "to bless", "altar" and "to receive communion", leading Joseph (2018) to argue that Albanians were Christianized under Roman Catholic influence.[26]

Some scholars believe that the Latin influence over Albanian is of Eastern Romance origin, rather than of Dalmatian origin, which would exclude Dalmatia as a place of origin.[27] Adding to this the several hundred words in Romanian that are cognate only with Albanian cognates (see Eastern Romance substratum), these scholars assume that Romanians and Albanians lived in close proximity at one time.[27] According to the historian Fine, an area where this might have happened is the Morava Valley in eastern Serbia.[27]

It has long been recognized that there are two treatments of Latin loans in Albanian, of Old Dalmatian type and Romanian type, but that would point out to two geographic layers, coastal Adriatic and inner Balkan region.[28] Romanian scholars Vatasescu and Mihaescu, using lexical analysis of the Albanian language, have concluded that Albanian was also heavily influenced by an extinct Romance language that was distinct from both Romanian and Dalmatian. Because the Latin words common to only Romanian and Albanian are significantly less than those that are common to only Albanian and Western Romance, Mihaescu argues that the Albanian language evolved in a region with much greater contact to Western Romance regions than to Romanian-speaking regions, and located this region in present-day Albania, Kosovo and Western Macedonia, spanning east to Bitola and Pristina.[29]

Greek

Greek loans have various chronological origins; the earliest ones began to enter the Albanian language at circa 600 BCE, and are of Doric provenance, tending to refer to vegetables, fruits, spices, animals and tools. Joseph argues that this stratum reflects contacts between Greeks and Proto-Albanians from the 8th century BCE onward, with the Greeks being either colonists on the Adriatic coast or Greek merchants inland in the Balkans. The second wave of Greek loans began after the split of the Roman empire in 395 and continued throughout the Byzantine, Ottoman and modern periods.[26]

An argument in favor of a northern origin for the Albanian language is the relatively small number of load-words from Ancient Greek, mostly from Doric dialect, even though Southern Illyria neighbored the Classical Greek civilization and there were a number of Greek colonies along the Illyrian coastline.[30] According to Hermann Ölberg, the modern Albanian lexicon may only include 33 words of ancient Greek origin.[17]

However, in view of the amount of Albanian-Greek isoglosses, which the scholar Vladimir Orel considers surprisingly high (in comparison with the Indo-Albanian and Armeno-Albanian ones), the author concludes that this particular proximity could be the result of intense secondary contacts of two proto-dialects.[31]

Curtis (2012) does not consider the number of surviving loanwords to be a valid argument, as many Greek loans were likely lost through replacement by later Latin and Slavic loans, just as notoriously happened to most native Albanian vocabulary.[32] Some scholars such as Çabej have challenged the argument that Greek evidence implies a "northern" origin, instead suggesting the opposite, that the specifically Northwestern/Doric affiliations and ancient dating of Greek loans imply a specifically Western Balkan Albanian presence specifically in antiquity.[33][34] Example include Ancient Greek λάχανον and its Albanian reflex lakër because it would appear to have been loaned before <χ> changed from an aspirated stop /kʰ/ to a fricative /x/, μᾱχανάν and its Albanian reflex mokër which likewise seems to reflect a stop /kʰ/ for <χ> and also must be specifically Doric or Northwestern (other Greek dialects have <e> or <η> rather than <ά>), and θωράκιον and its Albanian reflex targozë which would appear to have predated the frication of Greek <θ> (before the shift in Koine, representing /tʰ/).[32]

Slavic

The contacts began after the South Slavic invasion into the Balkans in the 6th and 7th centuries. The modern Albanian lexicon contains around 250 Slavic borrowings that are shared among all the dialects.[35] Slavic invasion probably shaped the present geographic spread of the Albanians. It is likely that Albanians took refuge in the mountainous areas of northern and central Albania, eastern Montenegro, western Macedonia and Kosovo. Long-standing contact between Slavs and Albanians might have been common in mountain passages and agriculture or fishing areas, in particular in the valleys of the White and Black branches of the Drin and around the Shkodër and Ohrid lakes. The contact with one another in these areas have caused many changes in Slavic and Albanian local dialects.[36]

Unidentified Romance language hypothesis

It has been concluded that the partial Latinization of Roman-era Albania was heavy in coastal areas, the plains and along the Via Egnatia, which passed through Albania. In these regions, Madgearu notes that the survival of Illyrian names and the depiction of people with Illyrian dress on gravestones is not enough to prove successful resistance against Romanization, and that in these regions there were many Latin inscriptions and Roman settlements. Madgearu concludes that only the northern mountain regions escaped Romanization. In some regions, Madgearu concludes that it has been shown that in some areas a Latinate population that survived until at least the seventh century passed on local placenames, which had mixed characteristics of Eastern and Western Romance, into the Albanian language.[37]

Endonym

Main article: Shqiptar

The ethnic name Albanian was used by Byzantine and Latin sources in the forms arb- and alb- since at least the 2nd century A.D,[38][lower-alpha 1] and eventually in Old Albanian texts as an endonym. It was later replaced in Albania proper by the term Shqiptar, a change most likely trigged by the Ottoman conquests of the Balkans during the 15th century.[39] However, the ancient attestation of the ethnic designation is not considered a strong evidence of an Albanian continuity in the Illyrian region, since there are many examples in history of an ethnic name shifting from one ethnos to another.[38]

There are various theories of the origin of the word shqiptar:

• A theory by Ludwig Thallóczy, Milan Šufflay and Konstantin Jireček, which is today considered obsolete, derived the name from a Drivastine family name recorded in varying forms during the 14th century: Schepuder (1368), Scapuder (1370), Schipudar, Schibudar (1372), Schipudar (1383, 1392), Schapudar (1402), etc.
• Gustav Meyer[40] derived Shqiptar from the Albanian verbs shqipoj ‘to speak clearly’ and shqiptoj ‘to speak out, pronounce’, which are in turn derived from the Latin verb excipere, denoting brethren who speak the Albanian language, similar to the ethno-linguistic dichotomies slovene-nemac and deutsch-welsch.[41] This theory is preferred by linguists, such as Oleg Trubachyov[42] and Vladimir Orel,[43] and historians like Robert Elsie.[44]
• Petar Skok suggested that the name originated from Scupi (mod. Skopje, Albanian: Shkup), the capital of the Roman province of Dardania.[45]
• Among Albanians[46] the most popular theory is that of Demetrio Camarda[47] who derived the word from the Albanian noun shqipe or shqiponjë ‘eagle’, which, according to Albanian folk etymology, denoted a bird totem dating from the times of Skanderbeg, as displayed on the Albanian flag.[45] According to Albanologist Robert Elsie the eagle depicted in the Albanian flag derives from the Byzantine banner.[48]

Primary sources

Location of the Albani at 150 AD in Roman Macedon

The first well-documented mention of Albanians as a separate ethnic entity is encountered in the Historia by Byzantine historian Michael Attaleiates, where they are mentioned as living in the Durrës region in the year 1078. Earlier references are disputed.[10]

References to "Albania"

Main articles: Names of the Albanians and Albania and Albania (name)

• In the 2nd century BC, the History of the World written by Polybius, mentions a location named Arbona (Greek: Ἄρβωνα; Latinised form: Arbo)[49][50] in which some Illyrian troops, under Queen Teuta, scattered and fled to in order to escape the Romans. Arbona was perhaps an island in Liburnia or another location within Illyria.[51]
• In the 2nd century AD, Ptolemy, the geographer and astronomer from Alexandria, drafted a map that shows the city of Albanopolis, located Northeast of Durrës) in the Roman province of Macedonia and the tribe of Albanoi,[52] which were viewed as Illyrians by later historians.[53][54][55][56][57]

• In the 6th century AD, Stephanus of Byzantium, in his important geographical dictionary entitled Ethnica (Ἐθνικά),[58] mentions a city in Illyria called Arbon (Greek: Ἀρβών), and gives an ethnic name for its inhabitants, in two singular number forms, i.e. Arbonios (Greek: Ἀρβώνιος; pl. Ἀρβώνιοι Arbonioi) and Arbonites (Greek: Ἀρβωνίτης; pl. Ἀρβωνῖται Arbonitai). He cites Polybius[58] (as he does many other times[59][60] in Ethnica).

References to the "Albanians"

• The Arbanasi people are recorded as being 'half-believers' and speaking their own language in a Bulgarian text found in a Serbian manuscript dating to 1628; the text was written by an anonymous author that according to Radoslav Grujić (1934) dated to the reign of Samuel of Bulgaria (997–1014), or possibly, according to R. Elsie, 1000–1018.[61]
• In History written in 1079–1080, Byzantine historian Michael Attaliates referred to the Albanoi as having taken part in a revolt against Constantinople in 1043 and to the Arbanitai as subjects of the duke of Dyrrhachium. It is disputed, however, whether the "Albanoi" of the events of 1043 refers to Albanians in an ethnic sense or whether "Albanoi" is a reference to folks from southern Italy under an archaic name (there was also a tribe of Italy by the name of Albani).[62] However a later reference to Albanians from the same Attaliates, regarding the participation of Albanians in a rebellion in 1078, is undisputed.[63]
• Some authors (like Alain Ducellier, 1968[64]) believe that Arvanoi are mentioned in Book IV of the Alexiad by Anna Comnena (c. 1148). Others believe that this is a wrong reading and interpretation of the Greek phrase εξ Αρβάνων (i.e. ‘from Arvana’) found in the original manuscript and in one edition (Bonn, 1839) of the Alexiad.[65]

• The earliest Serbian source mentioning "Albania" (Ar'banas') is a charter by Stefan Nemanja, dated 1198, which lists the region of Pilot (Pulatum) among the parts Nemanja conquered from Albania (ѡд Арьбанась Пилоть, "de Albania Pulatum").[66]
• In the 12th to 13th centuries, Byzantine writers used the name Arbanon (Medieval Greek: Ἄρβανον) for a principality in the region of Kruja.
• The oldest reference to Albanians in Epirus is from a Venetian document dating to 1210, which states that “the continent facing the island of Corfu is inhabited by Albanians”.[67]
• A Ragusan document dating to 1285 states: “I heard a voice crying in the mountains in the Albanian language” (Audivi unam vocem clamantem in monte in lingua albanesca).[68]

Archaeological evidence

The Koman culture theory, which is generally viewed by Albanian archaeologists as archaeological evidence of evolution from "Illyrian" ancestors to medieval Albanians, has found little support outside Albania.[69][70][24] Indeed, Anglo-American anthropologists highlight that even if regional population continuity can be proven, this does not translate into linguistic, much less ethnic continuity. Both aspects of culture can be modified or drastically changed even in the absence of large-scale population flux.[71]

Prominent in the discussions are certain brooch forms, seen to derive from Illyrian prototypes. However, a recent analysis revealed that whilst broad analogies are indeed evident to Iron Age Illyrian forms, the inspiration behind Komani fibulae is more closely linked to Late Roman fibulae, particularly those from Balkan forts in the present-day Serbia and northwestern Bulgaria.[70] This might suggest that after the general collapse of the Roman limes in the early 7th century, some late Roman population withdrew to Epirus.[70] However, assemblages also have many "barbarian" artefacts, such as Slavic bow-fibulae, Avar-styled belt mounts and Carolingian glass vessels.[72][73] By contrast, beyond the immediate Adriatic littoral, most of the west Balkans (including Dardania) appears to have been depopulated after the early 7th century from almost a century.[74] Another aspect of discontinuity is the design of the tombs: pits lined by limestone rocks, a construction used in the region since the Iron Age period. However the tombs in the 7th century, such burials are in a Christian context (placed next to churches) rather than reversion to a pagan Illyrian past.[73]

A further argument against a proto-Albanian affinity of the Koman culture is that very similar material is found in central Dalmatia, Montenegro, western Macedonia and south-eastern Bulgaria, along the Via Egnatia; and even islands such as Corfu and Sardinia. The "late Roman" character of the assemblages has led some to hypothesize that it represented Byzantine garrisons.[75] However, already by this time, literary sources give testimony of widespread Slavic settlements in the central Balkans.[72] Specifically for Albania, the study of lexicon and toponyms might suggest that speakers of proto-Albanian, Slavic and Romance co-existed but occupied specific ecologic/ economic niches.[24]

Paleo-Balkanic theories

While Albanian (shqip) ethnogenesis clearly postdates the Roman era,[76] an element of continuity from the pre-Roman provincial population is widely held to be plausible on linguistic and archaeological grounds.

The three chief candidates considered by historians are Illyrian, Dacian, or Thracian, but there were other non-Greek groups in the ancient Balkans, including the Paionians (who lived north of Macedon) and the Agrianians.

However, the ancient Indo-European languages grouped under the Paleo-Balkan designation are scarcely attested, and the linguistic evidences insufficient to draw definitive conclusions regarded the relationship between the Albanian, Thracian and Illyrian languages. Based on the available evidence, it is preferable to consider them as separate branches within the Indo-European family.[17]

There is debate on whether the Illyrian language was a centum or a satem language. It is also uncertain whether Illyrians spoke a homogeneous language or rather a collection of different but related languages that were wrongly considered the same language by ancient writers. The Venetic tribes, formerly considered Illyrian, are no longer considered categorised with Illyrians.[77][78] The same is sometimes said of the Thracian language. For example, based on the toponyms and other lexical items, Thracian and Dacian were probably different but related languages.

The debate is often politically charged, and to be conclusive, more evidence is needed. Such evidence unfortunately may not be easily forthcoming because of a lack of sources. Curtis, echoing Fine and Cabej before him, cautions that Albanians as well as "all Balkan peoples" are "almost certainly not made up of the descendants of (only) one ancestral group".[79]

Illyrian origin

See also: Illyrians

The theory that Albanians were related to the Illyrians was proposed for the first time by the Swedish[80] historian Johann Erich Thunmann in 1774.[81] The scholars who advocate an Illyrian origin are numerous.[82][83][84][85] There are two variants of the theory: one is that the Albanians are the descendants of indigenous Illyrian tribes dwelling in what is now Albania.[5][86] The other is that the Albanians are the descendants of Illyrian tribes located north of the Jireček Line and probably north or northeast of Albania.[87]

Arguments for Illyrian origin

The arguments for the Illyrian-Albanian connection have been as follows:[85][88]

• The national name Albania is derived from Albanoi,[53][55][89] an Illyrian tribe mentioned by Ptolemy about 150 AD.
• From what is known from the old Balkan populations territories (Greeks, Illyrians, Thracians, Dacians), the Albanian language is spoken in a region where Illyrian was spoken in ancient times.[90]
• There is no evidence of any major migration into Albanian territory since the records of Illyrian occupation.[90] Because descent from Illyrians makes "geographical sense" and there is no linguistic or historical evidence proving a replacement, then the burden of proof lies on the side of those who would deny a connection of Albanian with Illyrian.[91]
• The Albanian tribal society has preserved the ancient Illyrian social structure based on tribal units.[92][93]
• Many of what remain as attested words to Illyrian have an Albanian explanation and also a number of Illyrian lexical items (toponyms, hydronyms, oronyms, anthroponyms, etc.) have been linked to Albanian.[94]
• Words borrowed from Greek (e.g. Gk (NW) mākhaná "device, instrument" > mokër "millstone", Gk (NW) drápanon > drapër "sickle" etc.) date back before the Christian era[90] and are mostly of the Doric Greek dialect,[95] which means that the ancestors of the Albanians were in contact with the northwestern part of Ancient Greek civilization and probably borrowed words from Greek cities (Dyrrachium, Apollonia, etc.) in the Illyrian territory, colonies which belonged to the Doric division of Greek, or from contacts in the Epirus area.
• Words borrowed from Latin (e.g. Latin aurum > ar "gold", gaudium > gaz "joy" etc.[96]) date back before the Christian era,[88][90] while the Illyrians on the territory of modern Albania were the first from the old Balkan populations to be conquered by Romans in 229–167 BC, the Thracians were conquered in 45 AD and the Dacians in 106 AD.
• The ancient Illyrian place-names of the region have achieved their current form following Albanian phonetic rules e.g. Durrachion > Durrës (with the Albanian initial accent), Aulona > Vlorë (with rhotacism), Scodra > Shkodër, etc.[88][90][95][97]

The characteristics of the Albanian dialects Tosk and Geg[98] in the treatment of the native and loanwords from other languages, have led to the conclusion that the dialectal split occurred after Christianisation of the region (4th century AD) and at the time of the Slavic migration to the Balkans[90][99] or thereafter between the 6th to 7th century AD[100] with the historic boundary between the Geg and Tosk dialects being the Shkumbin river[101] which straddled the Jireček line.[88][102]

Arguments against Illyrian origin

The theory of an Illyrian origin of the Albanians is challenged on archaeological and linguistic grounds.[103]

• Although the Illyrian tribe of the Albanoi and the place Albanopolis could be located near Krujë, nothing proves a relation of this tribe to the Albanians, whose name appears for the first time in the 11th century in Byzantine sources.[104]
• According to Bulgarian linguist Vladimir I. Georgiev, the theory of an Illyrian origin for the Albanians is weakened by a lack of any Albanian names before the 12th century and the limited Greek influence in the Albanian language (See Jireček Line). If the Albanians had been inhabiting a homeland situated near modern Albania continuously since ancient times, the number of Greek loanwords in the Albanian language should be higher.[105][106]
• Local or personal names considered Illyrian were not passed down to Albanian without interruption (for example Scodra > Shkodra, a loan from Latin, and various other toponyms and hydronyms in modern Albania are Slavic loans, in the view of Schramm[107] including Vlorë and Vjosë).[17][108][109] As such, Klein et al (2018) argue that while Albanian cannot be considered a linguistic descendant of Illyrian or Thracian, but rather from an undocumented Balkan Indo-European language closely related to Illyrian and Messapic.[109] This is why Albanian has nonetheless in certain instances been able to explain Illyrian and Messapic words, including the Illyrian tribe Taulantioi : Albanian dallëndyshe (swallow), the Messapic word βρένδο/brendo- (stag) and the toponym Brundisium (modern Brindisi) : Old Gheg bri, Messapic ῥινός/rinos (clouds) : Old Gheg/Old Tosk re (cloud).[109] Some toponyms that follow a phonetic development consistent with sound laws of the Albanian language are located within the inner Balkans such as Nish < Naissus, Ναισσός[17] though that etymology is a matter of dispute.[110]
• According to Georgiev, although some Albanian toponyms descend from Illyrian, Illyrian toponyms from antiquity have not changed according to the usual phonetic laws applying to the evolution of Albanian. Furthermore, placenames can be a special case and the Albanian language more generally has not been proven to be of Illyrian stock.[104]
• Many linguists have tried to link Albanian with Illyrian, but without clear results.[104][111] Albanian shows traces of satemization within the Indo-European language tree, however the majority of Albanologists[112] hold that unlike most satem languages it has preserved the distinction of /kʷ/ and /gʷ/ from /k/ and /g/ before front vowels (merged in satem languages), and there is a debate whether Illyrian was centum or satem. On the other hand, Dacian[111] and Thracian[113] seem to belong to satem.
• There is a lack of clear archaeological evidence for a continuous settlement of an Albanian-speaking population since Illyrian times. For example, while Albanians scholars maintain that the Komani-Kruja burial sites support the Illyrian-Albanian continuity theory, most scholars reject this and consider that the remains indicate a population of Romanized Illyrians who spoke a Romance language.[114]

Thracian or Daco-Moesian origin

Map according to Russu's theory that Albanians represent a massive migration of the Carpi population pressed by the Slavic migrations, also assuming Romanian continuity in Dacia

Aside from an Illyrian origin, a Dacian or Thracian origin is also hypothesized. There are a number of factors taken as evidence for a Dacian or Thracian origin of Albanians. According to Vladimir Orel, for example, the territory associated with proto-Albanian almost certainly does not correspond with that of modern Albania, i.e. the Illyrian coast, but rather that of Dacia Ripensis and farther north.[115]

The Romanian historian I. I. Russu has originated the theory that Albanians represent a massive migration of the Carpi population pressed by the Slavic migrations. Due to political reasons the book was first published in 1995 and translated in German by Konrad Gündisch.[116]

Map according to the theory that Proto-Albanian and proto-Romanian contact zones were Dacia Mediterranea and Dardania in the 3rd century, while not excluding Romanian continuity in Dacia

Rival "immigrationist" view of Romanian origins where Albanian-Romanian contact occurred either in Dardania/Northeast Albania or in Western Thrace, assuming that Albanian would have been spoken in and/or near one or both of these two regions during the 6th to 9th centuries

The German historian Gottfried Schramm (1994) suggests an origin of the Albanians in the Bessoi, a non-Romanized Thracian tribe that lived in the mountain regions of Dacia Mediterranea and Dardania, located in southern Serbia, Kosovo and north-western North Macedonia, and was Christianized as early as during the 4th century.[117] Schramm argues that such an early Christianization would explain the otherwise surprising virtual absence of any traces of a pre-Christian pagan religion among the Albanians as they appear in history during the Late Middle Ages.[118] According to this theory, the Bessoi were deported en masse by the Byzantines at the beginning of the 9th century to central Albania for the purpose of fighting against the Bulgarians. In their new homeland, the ancestors of the Albanians took the geographic name Arbanon as their ethnic name and proceeded to assimilate local populations of Slavs and Romans.[117]

Cities whose names follow Albanian phonetic laws – such as Shtip (Štip), Shkupi (Skopje) and Nish (Niš) – lie in the areas, believed to historically been inhabited by Thracians, Paionians and Dardani; the latter is most often considered an Illyrian tribe by ancient historians. While there still is no clear picture of where the Illyrian-Thracian border was, Niš is mostly considered Illyrian territory.[119]

There are some close correspondences between Thracian and Albanian words.[120] However, as with Illyrian, most Dacian and Thracian words and names have not been closely linked with Albanian (v. Hamp). Also, many Dacian and Thracian placenames were made out of joined names (such as Dacian Sucidava or Thracian Bessapara; see List of Dacian cities and List of ancient Thracian cities), while the modern Albanian language does not allow this.[120]

Albanian groups in traditional clothes during folklore festivals: from Tropojë (left) and Skrapar (right)

Bulgarian linguist Vladimir I. Georgiev posits that Albanians descend from a Dacian population from Moesia, now the Morava region of eastern Serbia, and that Illyrian toponyms are found in a far smaller area than the traditional area of Illyrian settlement.[27] According to Georgiev, Latin loanwords into Albanian show East Balkan Latin (proto-Romanian) phonetics, rather than West Balkan (Dalmatian) phonetics.[103] Combined with the fact that the Romanian language contains several hundred words similar only to Albanian, Georgiev proposes the Albanian language formed between the 4th and 6th centuries in or near modern-day Romania, which was Dacian territory.[105] He suggests that Romanian is a fully Romanised Dacian language, whereas Albanian is only partly so.[105] Albanian and Eastern Romance also share grammatical features (see Balkan language union) and phonological features, such as the common phonemes or the rhotacism of "n".[30]

Apart from the linguistic theory that Albanian is more akin to East Balkan Romance (i.e. Dacian substrate) than West Balkan Romance (i.e. Illyrian/Dalmatian substrate), Georgiev also notes that marine words in Albanian are borrowed from other languages, suggesting that Albanians were not originally a coastal people.[105] According to Georgiev the scarcity of Greek loan words also supports a Dacian theory – if Albanians originated in the region of Illyria there would surely be a heavy Greek influence.[105] According to historian John Van Antwerp Fine, who does define "Albanians" in his glossary as "an Indo-European people, probably descended from the ancient Illyrians",[121] nevertheless states that "these are serious (non-chauvinistic) arguments that cannot be summarily dismissed."[105]

Hamp, on the other hand, seems to agree with Georgiev in relation to Albania with Dacian but disagrees on the chronological order of events. Hamp argues that Albanians could have arrived in Albania through present-day Kosovo sometime in the late Roman period. Also, contrary to Georgiev, he indicates there are words that follow Dalmatian phonetic rules in Albanian, giving as an example the word drejt 'straight' < d(i)rectus matching developments in Old Dalmatian traita < tract.[30]

There are no records that indicate a major migration of Dacians into present-day Albania, but two Dacian cities existed: Thermidava[122][123][124] close to Scodra and Quemedava[124] in Dardania. Also, the Thracian settlement of Dardapara existed in Dardania. Phrygian tribes such as the Bryges were present in Albania near Durrës since before the Roman conquest (v. Hamp).[120] An argument against a Thracian origin (which does not apply to Dacian) is that most Thracian territory was on the Greek half of the Jireček Line, aside from varied Thracian populations stretching from Thrace into Albania, passing through Paionia and Dardania and up into Moesia; it is considered that most Thracians were Hellenized in Thrace (v. Hoddinott) and Macedonia.

The Dacian theory could also be consistent with the known patterns of barbarian incursions. Although there is no documentation of an Albanian migration, "during the fourth to sixth centuries the Rumanian region was heavily affected by large-scale invasion of Goths and Slavs, and the Morava valley (in Serbia) was a possible main invasion route and the site of the earliest known Slavic sites. Thus this would have been a region from which an indigenous population would naturally have fled".[105]

Pre-Indo-European linguistic substratum

Pre-Indo-European (PIE) sites are found throughout the territory of Albania. Such PIE sites existed in Maliq, Vashtëm, Burimas, Barç, Dërsnik in Korçë District, Kamnik in Kolonja, Kolsh in Kukës District, Rashtan in Librazhd and Nezir in Mat District.[125] As in other parts of Europe, these PIE people joined the migratory Indo-European tribes that entered the Balkans and contributed to the formation of the historical Paleo-Balkan tribes to which Albanians trace their origin. [..] At any rate, in this case, as in other similar cases, one should take into account that the previous populations during the process of assimilation by the immigrating IE tribes have played an important part in the formation of the various ethnic groups generated by their long symbiosis. Consequently, the IE languages developed in the Balkan Peninsula, in addition to their natural evolution, have also undergone a certain impact by the idioms of the assimilated Pre-IE peoples.[126] In terms of linguistics, the pre-Indo-European substrate language spoken in the southern Balkans has probably influenced pre-Proto-Albanian, the ancestor idiom of Albanian.[127] The extent of this linguistic impact cannot be determined with precision due to the uncertain position of Albanian among Paleo-Balkan languages and their scarce attestation.[128] Some loanwords, however, have been proposed such as shegë ("pomegranate") or lëpjetë ("orach", compare with Pre-Greek lápathon, λάπαθον, "monk's rhubarb").[129][127] Albanian is also the only language in the Balkans which has retained elements of the vigesimal numeral system - njëzet ("twenty"), dyzet ("forty") - which was prevalent in the Pre-Indo-European languages of Europe as the Basque language which broadly uses vigesimal numeration, highlights.[125]

This pre-Indo-European substratum has also been identified as one of the contributing cultures to the customs of Albanians.[130]

Genetic studies

Further information: Genetic history of Europe

Various genetic studies have been done on the European population, some of them including current Albanian population, Albanian-speaking populations outside Albania, and the Balkan region as a whole.

Y-DNA

The three haplogroups most strongly associated with Albanian people are E-V13, R1b and J-M172. E-V13 and J2-M12 (the parent clade of J-M172) are considered by Cruciani et al to both indicate a particular "range expansion in the Bronze Age of southeastern Europe", having experienced considerable in situ population growth[3] after having being introduced in an earlier period with the spread of the Neolithic[131] into Europe. R1b, meanwhile, has been associated with the spread of Indo-European languages in Europe.[132] Within the Balkans, all three have a local peak in Kosovo, and are overall more common among Albanians, Greeks and Vlachs than South Slavs (albeit with some representation among Macedonians and Bulgarians). R1b has much higher frequencies in areas of Europe further to the West, while E1b1b and J2 are widespread at lower frequencies throughout Europe, and also have very large frequencies among Greeks, Italians, Macedonians and Bulgarians.

• Haplogroups in the modern Albanian population is dominated by E-V13, the most common European sub-clade of E1b1b1a (E-M78).[3] E-M78 most likely originated in northeastern Africa, while its subclade E-V13 originated in western Asia, and first expanded into Europe some 5300 years ago.[3] The current distribution of this lineage might be the result of several demographic expansions from the Balkans, such as that associated with the Balkan Bronze Age, and more recently, during the Roman era with the so-called "rise of Illyrican soldiery".[133][134][135][136][137] The peak of the haplogroup in Kosovo, however, has been attributed to genetic drift.[134]

• Haplogroup R1b is common all over Europe but especially common on the western Atlantic coast of Europe, and is also found in the Middle East, the Caucasus and some parts of Africa. In Europe including the Balkans, it tends to be less common in Slavic speaking areas, where R1a is often more common. It shows similar frequencies among Albanians and Greeks at around 20% of the male population, but is much less common elsewhere in the Balkans.[134]

• Y haplogroup J in the modern Balkans is mainly represented by the sub-clade J2b (also known as J-M12 or J-M102). Like E-V13, J2b is spread throughout Europe with a seeming centre and origin in the Balkans.[133][134][136] Its relatives within the J2 clade are also found in high frequencies elsewhere in Southern Europe, especially Greece and Italy, where it is more diverse. J2b itself is fairly rare outside of ethnic Albanian territory (where it hovers around 14-16%), but can also be found at significant frequencies among Romanians (8.9%)[138] and Greeks (8.7%).[133] A skeleton dated 1631-1521BC found in a tumulus in Veliki Vanik, Croatia was tested positive for J2b2a-L283.[139]

• Y haplogroup I is represented by I1 more common in northern Europe and I2 where several of its sub-clades are found in significant amounts in the South Slavic population. The specific I sub-clade which has attracted most discussion in Balkan studies currently referred to as I2a1b, defined by SNP M423[140][141] This clade has higher frequencies to the north of the Albanophone area, in Dalmatia and Bosnia.[134] The expansion of I2a-Din took place during Late Antiquity and Early Middle Ages and today is common in Slavic speaking peoples.[142]

• Haplogroup R1a is common in Central and Eastern Europe, especially in Slavic nations [143], (and is also common in Central Asia and the Indian subcontinent). In the Balkans, it is strongly associated with Slavic areas.[134]

A study by Battaglia et al. in 2008[133] found the following haplogroup distributions among Albanians in Albania itself:

N

E-M78* E1b1b1a*

E-M78 V13 E1b1b1a2

G P15* G2a*

I-M253* I1*

I M423 I2a1*

I M223 I2b1

J M267* J1*

J M67* J2a1b*

J M92 J2a1b1

J M241 J2b2

R M17* R1a1*

R M269 R1b1b2

55

1.8% (1/55)

23.6% (13/55)

1.8% (1/55)

3.6% (2/55)

14.5% (8/55)

3.6% (2/55)

3.6% (2/55)

3.6% (2/55)

1.8% (1/55)

14.5% (8/55)

9.1% (5/55)

18.2% (10/55)

The same study by Battaglia et al. (2008) also found the following distributions among Albanians in Macedonia:

N

E-M78* E1b1b1a*

E-M78 V13 E1b1b1a2

E-M123 E1b1b1c

G P15* G2a*

I M253* I1*

I P37.2* I2a*

I M423 I2a1*

I M26 I2a2

J M267* J1*

J M67* J2a1b*

J M241 J2b2

R M17* R1a1*

R M269 R1b1b2

64

1.6% (1/64)

34.4% (22/64)

3.1% (2/64)

1.6% (1/64)

4.7% (3/64)

1.6% (1/64)

9.4% (6/64)

1.6% (1/64)

6.3% (4/64)

1.6% (1/64)

14.1% (9/64)

1.6% (1/64)

18.8% (12/64)

The same study by Battaglia et al. (2008) also found the following distributions among Albanians in Albania itself and Albanians in Macedonia:

N

E-M78* E1b1b1a*

E-M78 V13 E1b1b1a2

E-M123 E1b1b1c

G P15* G2a*

I M253* I1*

I P37.2* I2a*

I M423 I2a1*

I M26 I2a2

I M223 I2b1

J M267* J1*

J M67* J2a1b*

J M92 J2a1b1

J M241 J2b2

R M17* R1a1*

R M269 R1b1b2

55+ 64= 119

1.68% (2/119)

29.4% (35/119)

1.68% (2/119)

1.68% (2/119)

4.2% (5/119)

0.84% (1/119)

11.76% (14/119)

0.84% (1/119)

1.68% (2/119)

5.04% (6/119)

2.52% (3/119)

0.84% (1/119)

14.3% (17/119)

5.04% (6/119)

18.5% (22/119)

A study by Peričić et al. in 2005[134] found the following Y-Dna haplogroup frequencies in Albanians from Kosovo with E-V13 subclade of haplogroup E1b1b representing 43.85% of the total (note that Albanians from other regions have slightly lower percentages of E-V13, but similar J2b and R1b):

N	E-M78* E3b1	E-M78* α* E3b1-α	E-M81* E3b2	E-M123* E3b3	J-M241* J2e1	I-M253* I1a	I-P37* I1b*(xM26)	R-M173* R1b	R SRY-1532* R1a	R P*(xQ,R1)
114	1.75% (2/114)	43.85% (50/114)	0.90% (1/114)	0.90% (1/114)	16.70% (19/114)	5.25% (6/114)	2.70% (3/114)	21.10% (24/114)	4.40% (5/114)	1.75% (2/114)

The same study by Peričić et al. in 2005[134] found the following Y-Dna haplogroup frequencies in Albanians from Kosovo with E-V13 subclade of haplogroup E1b1b representing 43.85% of the total (note that Albanians from other regions have slightly lower percentages of E-V13, but similar J2b and R1b):

N	E3b1-M78	R1b-M173	J2e-M102	R1a-M17	I1b* (xM26)-P37	I-M253* I1a
114	45.60% (52/114)	21.10% (24/114)	16.70% (19/114)	4.40% (5/114)	2.70% (3/114)	5.25% (6/114)

Comparison of haplogroups among Albanian subgroups

Population	Language family [Table 1]	n [Table 2]	R1b [Table 3]	n	R1a	n	I	n	E1b1b	n	E1b1a	n	J	n	G	n	N	n	T	n	L	n	H
Albanians	IE (Albanian)					106	23.58% (25/106)[141]	19 44	E-M78a 31.58% (6/19) Cruciani2004[144] E-M78 25% (11/44)[131]			56	J-M102 14.29% (8/56) J-M67 3.57% (2/56) J-M92 1.79% (1/56) J-M172 J2 19.64% (11/56) J-M267 J1 =3.57% (2/56) 23.21%(13/56)[131]
Albanians	IE (Albanian)	51	R1b M173 17.65% (9/51)[136]	51	R1a M17 9.8% (5/51)[136]	106	I1b* (xM26) P37 16.98% (18/106)[141]	63	E3b1 M78 26.98% (17/63)[131] Cruciani2004[144]			56	J2e M102 14.29% (8/56)[131]
Kosovo Albanians (Pristina)	IE (Albanian)	114	21.10% (24/114)[145]	114	4.42% (5/114)[145]	114	(I1a) 5.31% (6/114) I1b*(xM26) 2.65% (3/114) 7.96% (9/114)[145]	114	(E3b1) 1.75% (2/114) (E3b1-α) 43.85% (50/114) (E3b2) 0.90% (1/114) (E3b3) 0.90% (1/114) 47.40% (54/114)[145]			114	(J2e1) 16.70% (19/114)[145]
Albanians (Tirana)	IE (Albanian)	30	18.3[146]	30	8.3[146]	30	11.7[146]	30	28.3[146]	30	0.0[146]	30	20.0[146]	30	3.3[146]
Albanians	IE (Albanian)	55	(R1b1b2) 18.2% (10/55)[147]	55	(R1a1*) 9.1% (5/55)[147]	55	(I1*) 3.6% (2/55) (I2a1*) 14.5% (8/55) (I2b1) 3.6% (2/55) 21.7% (12/55)[147]	55	(E-M78) 1.8% (1/55) (E-V13) 23.6% (13/55) 25.4% (14/55)[147]	55	0.0[147]	55	(J1*) 3.6% (2/55) (J2a1b*) 3.6% (2/55) (J2a1b1) 1.8% (1/55) (J2b2) 14.5% (8/55) 23.5% (13/55)[147]	55	(G2a*) 1.8% (1/55)[147]	55	0.0[147]	55	0.0[147]	55	0.0[147]
Albanians (North Macedonia)	IE (Albanian)	64	(R1b1b2) 18.8% (12/64)[147]	64	(R1a1*) 1.6% (1/64)[147]	64	(I1*) 4.7% (3/64) (I2a*) 1.6% (1/64) (I2a1*) 9.4% (6/64) (I2a2) 1.6% (1/64) 17.3% (11/64)[147]	64	(E-M78) 1.6% (1/64) (E-V13) 34.4% (22/64) (E-M123) 3.1% (2/64) 39.1% (25/64)[147]	64	0.0[147]	64	(J1*) 6.3% (4/64) (J2a1b*) 1.6% (1/64) (J2b2) 14.1% (9/64) 22% (14/64)[147]	64	(G2a*) 1.6% (1/64)[147]	64	0.0[147]	64	0.0[147]	64	0.0[147]
Albanians (Tirana) and Albanians (North Macedonia)	IE (Albanian)	55+ 64= 119	R1b1b2 18.50% (22/119)[147]	55+ 64= 119	R1a1* 5.05% (6/119)[147]	55+ 64= 119	I1* 4.2% (5/119) (I2a* 0.85% (1/119) I2a1* 11.8% (14/119) I2a2 0.85% (1/119) I2a 13.5% (16/119) (I2b1 1.7% (2/119) 19.33% (23/119)[147]	55+ 64= 119	E-M78 1.7 (2/119) E-V13 29.4% (35/119) E-M123 1.7 (2/119) 32.8% (39/119)[147]	55+ 64= 119	0.0[147]	55+ 64= 119	J1* 5.05% (6/119) J2a1b* 2.55% (3/119) J2a1b1 0.85% (1/119) J2a 3.4% (4/119) J2b2 14.3% (17/119) 22.70% (27/119)[147]	55+ 64= 119	G2a* 1.7% (2/119)[147]	55+ 64= 119	0.0[147]	55+ 64= 119	0.0[147]	55+ 64= 119	0.0[147]
Population	Language family [Table 1]	n [Table 2]	R1b [Table 3]	n	R1a	n	I	n	E1b1b	n	E1b1a	n	J	n	G	n	N	n	T	n	L	n	H

Comparison of haplogroups among Albanian subgroups

Population	Language [Table 1]	n	R1b	R1a	I	E1b1b	J	G	N	T	Others	Reference
Albanians	IE (Albanian)	51	R1b M173 17.65% (9/51)	R1a M17 9.8% (5/51)	I1b* (xM26) P37 16.98% (18/106)	E3b1 M78 26.98% (17/63)	J2e M102 14.29% (8/56)	2.0% (9/51)	0.0	0.0		Pericic2005[145]
Albanians (Pristina)	IE (Albanian)	114	R1b 21.10% (24/114)	R1a 4.42% (5/114)	I1a 5.31% (6/114) I1b*(xM26) 2.65% (3/114) 7.96% (9/114)	E3b1 1.75% (2/114) E3b1-α 43.85% (50/114) E3b2 0.90% (1/114) E3b3 0.90% (1/114) 47.40 (54/114)	J2e1 16.7% (19/114)	0	0	0	P*(xQ,R1) 1.77 (2/114)	Pericic2005[145]
Albanians (Tirana)	IE (Albanian)	30	13.3	13.3	16.7	23.3	20.0	3.3				Bosch2006[146]
Albanians (Tirana)	IE (Albanian)	55	R1b1b2 18.2 (10/55)	R1a1* 9.1 (5/55)	I1* 3.6 (2/55) I2a1* 14.5 (8/55) I2b1 3.6 (2/55) 21.8% (12/55)	E-M78 1.8% (1/55) E-V13 23.6% (13/55) 25.4% (14/55)	J1* 3.6 (2/55) (J2a1b* 3.6 (2/55) J2a1b1 1.8 (1/55) J2a 5.4% (3/55)) J2b2 14.5 (8/55) 23.5% (13/55)	G2a* 1.8 (1/55)	0.0	0.0		Battaglia2008[147]
Albanians (Macedonia)	IE (Albanian)	64	R1b1b2 18.8% (12/64)	R1a1* 1.6% (1/64)	I1* 4.7 (3/64) (I2a* 1.6 (1/64) I2a1* 9.4 (6/64) I2a2 1.6 (1/64) I2a 12.6% (8/64)) 17.2% (11/64)	E-M78 1.6 (1/64) E-V13 34.4% (22/64) E-M123 3.1 (2/64) 39.1% (25/64)	J1* 6.3 (4/64) J2a1b* 1.6 (1/64) J2b2 14.1 (9/64) 22% (14/64)	G2a* 1.6% (1/64)	0.0	0.0		Battaglia2008[147]
Albanians (Tirana) AND Albanians (Macedonia)	IE (Albanian)	55+ 64= 119	R1b1b2 18.50% (22/119)	R1a1* 5.05% (6/119)	I1* 4.2% (5/119) (I2a* 0.85% (1/119) I2a1* 11.8% (14/119) I2a2 0.85% (1/119) I2a 13.5% (16/119) I2b1 1.7 (2/119) 19.33% (23/119)	E-M78 1.7 (2/119) E-V13 29.4% (35/119) E-M123 1.7 (2/119) 32.8% (39/119)	J1* 5.05% (6/119) J2a1b* 2.55% (3/119) J2a1b1 0.85% (1/119) J2a 3.4% (4/119) J2b2 14.3% (17/119) 22.70% (27/119)	G2a* 1.7% (2/119)	0.0	0.0		Battaglia2008[147]
Albanians	IE (Albanian)	223	18.39% (41/223)	4.04% (9/223)	13% (29/223)	35.43% (79/223)	23.77% (53/223)	2.69% (6/223)	0	0.9% (2/223)	1.79% (4/223)	Sarno2015[148]

Table notes:

1. IE=Indo-European
2. First column gives the amount of total Sample Size studied
3. Second column gives the Percentage of the particular haplogroup among the Sample Size

A study on the Y chromosome haplotypes DYS19 STR and YAP and on mitochondrial DNA found no significant difference between Albanians and most other Europeans.[149]

Apart from the main ancestors among prehistoric Balkan populations, there is an additional admixture from Slavic, Greek, Vlach, Italo-Roman, Celtic and Germanic elements. [150]

Larger samples collected by volunteer-led projects, show the Albanians belong largely to Y-chromosomes J2b2-L283, R1b-Z2103/BY611 and EV-13 from Ancient Balkan populations.[151][152] Ancient graves found in Croatia dating back to the Bronze Age were found to also belong to the Y-chromosomes J2b2-L283 and R1b-Z2103, the latter of which was assigned to Vučedol culture. [153]The findings are believed possibly to be from Proto-Illyrian migrations to the Balkans.[154] The findings further demonstrate that Indo-European migrations occurred to the Balkans already during the Bronze Age, with intermittent genetic contact with steppe populations occurring up to 2,000 years earlier than the migrations from the steppe that ultimately replaced much of the population of Northern Europe. [155]

In a 2013 study which compared one Albanian sample to other European samples, the authors concluded that it didn't differ significantly to other European populations, especially groups such as Greeks, Italians and Macedonians.[156][157][133][134]

mtDna

Another study of old Balkan populations and their genetic affinities with current European populations was done in 2004, based on mitochondrial DNA on the skeletal remains of some old Thracian populations from SE of Romania, dating from the Bronze and Iron Age.[158] This study was during excavations of some human fossil bones of 20 individuals dating about 3200–4100 years, from the Bronze Age, belonging to some cultures such as Tei, Monteoru and Noua were found in graves from some necropoles SE of Romania, namely in Zimnicea, Smeeni, Candesti, Cioinagi-Balintesti, Gradistea-Coslogeni and Sultana-Malu Rosu; and the human fossil bones and teeth of 27 individuals from the early Iron Age, dating from the 10th to 7th centuries BC from the Hallstatt Era (the Babadag culture), were found extremely SE of Romania near the Black Sea coast, in some settlements from Dobruja, namely: Jurilovca, Satu Nou, Babadag, Niculitel and Enisala-Palanca.[158] After comparing this material with the present-day European population, the authors concluded:

Computing the frequency of common point mutations of the present-day European population with the Thracian population has resulted that the Italian (7.9%), the Albanian (6.3%) and the Greek (5.8%) have shown a bias of closer [mtDna] genetic kinship with the Thracian individuals than the Romanian and Bulgarian individuals (only 4.2%).[158]

Autosomal DNA

Analysis of autosomal DNA, which analyses all genetic components has revealed that few rigid genetic discontinuities exist in European populations, apart from certain outliers such as Saami, Sardinians, Basques, Finns and Kosovar Albanians. They found that Albanians, on the one hand, have a high amount of identity by descent sharing, suggesting that Albanian-speakers derived from a relatively small population that expanded recently and rapidly in the last 1,500 years. On the other hand, they are not wholly isolated or endogamous because Greek and Macedonian samples shared much higher numbers of common ancestors with Albanian speakers than with other neighbors, possibly a result of historical migrations, or else perhaps smaller effects of the Slavic expansion in these populations. At the same time the sampled Italians shared nearly as much IBD with Albanian speakers as with each other.[156]

Obsolete theories

Italian theory

Laonikos Chalkokondyles (c. 1423–1490), the Byzantine historian, considered the Albanians to be an extension of the Italians.[159] The theory has its origin in the first mention of the Albanians, disputed whether it refers to Albanians in an ethnic sense,[62] made by Attaliates (11th century): "...For when subsequent commanders made base and shameful plans and decisions, not only was the island lost to Byzantium, but also the greater part of the army. Unfortunately, the people who had once been our allies and who possessed the same rights as citizens and the same religion, i.e. the Albanians and the Latins, who live in the Italian regions of our Empire beyond Western Rome, quite suddenly became enemies when Michael Dokeianos insanely directed his command against their leaders..."[160]

Caucasian theory

One of the earliest theories on the origins of the Albanians, now considered obsolete, incorrectly identified the proto-Albanians with an area of the eastern Caucasus, separately referred to by classical geographers as Caucasian Albania, located in what roughly corresponds to modern-day southern Dagestan, northern Azerbaijan and bordering Caucasian Iberia to its west. This theory conflated the two Albanias supposing that the ancestors of the Balkan Albanians (Shqiptarët) had migrated westward in the late classical or early medieval period. The Caucasian theory was first proposed by Renaissance humanists who were familiar with the works of classical geographers, and later developed by early 19th-century French consul and writer François Pouqueville. It was soon rendered obsolete in the 19th century when linguists proved Albanian as being an Indo-European, rather than Caucasian language.[161]

Pelasgian theory

In terms of historical theories, an outdated theory [162][163] is the 19th century theory that Albanians specifically descend from the Pelasgians, a broad term used by classical authors to denote the autochthonous, pre-Indo-European inhabitants of Greece and the southern Balkans in general. However, there is no evidence about the possible language, customs and existence of the Pelasgians as a distinct and homogeneous people and thus any particular connection to this population is unfounded.[127] This theory was developed by the Austrian linguist Johann Georg von Hahn in his work Albanesische Studien in 1854. According to Hahn, the Pelasgians were the original proto-Albanians and the language spoken by the Pelasgians, Illyrians, Epirotes and ancient Macedonians were closely related. In Hahn's theory the term Pelasgians was mostly used as a synonym for Illyrians. This theory quickly attracted support in Albanian circles, as it established a claim of predecence over other Balkan nations, particularly the Greeks. In addition to establishing "historic right" to territory this theory also established that the ancient Greek civilization and its achievements had an "Albanian" origin.[164] The theory gained staunch support among early 20th-century Albanian publicists.[165] This theory is rejected by scholars today.[166] In contemporary times with the Arvanite revival of the Pelasgian theory, it has also been recently borrowed by other Albanian speaking populations within and from Albania in Greece to counter the negative image of their communities.[167]

See also

• Albanian language
• Albanian nationalism
• Albanian-Romanian linguistic relationship
• List of Romanian words of possible Dacian origin with correspondence in Albanian
• Ethnogenesis
• Historiography and nationalism
• Origin of the Romanians
• Paleo-Balkan languages
• Prehistoric Balkans

Footnotes

1. As the tribe of the Albanoi (Ἀλβανοί) in Ptolemy’s Geography. The name Arbōn (Ἄρβων) had been used by Polybius in 2nd century BC to designate a city in Illyria.

Sources

Citations

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3. Cruciani, F; La Fratta, R; Trombetta, B; Santolamazza, P; Sellitto, D; Colomb, EB; Dugoujon, JM; Crivellaro, F; et al. (2007). "Tracing Past Human Male Movements in Northern/Eastern Africa and Western Eurasia: New Clues from Y-Chromosomal Haplogroups E-M78 and J-M12". Molecular Biology and Evolution. 24 (6): 1300–1311. doi:10.1093/molbev/msm049. PMID 17351267. Also see Supplementary Data Archived 2012-12-05 at Archive.today.
4. Hammond, Nicholas (1976). Migrations and invasions in Greece and adjacent areas. Noyes Press. p. 163. ISBN 978-0-8155-5047-1. Illyrian has survived. Geography has played a large part in that survival; for the mountains of Montenegro and northern Albania have supplied the almost impenetrable home base of the Illyrian-speaking peoples. They were probably the first occupants, apart from nomadic hunters, of the Accursed Mountains and their fellow peaks, and they maintained their independence when migrants such as the Slavs occupied the more fertile lowlands and the highland basins. Their language may lack the cultural qualities of Greek, but it has equaled it in its power to survive and it too is adapting itself under the name of Albanian to the conditions of the modern world.
5. Thunman, Hahn, Kretschmer, Ribezzo, La Piana, Sufflay, Erdeljanovic and Stadtmüller view referenced in (Hamp 1963, p. 104)
6. Jireček view referenced in (Hamp 1963, p. 104)
7. Sextil Pușcariu, Vasile Pârvan, Theodor Capidan referenced in (Hamp 1963, p. 104)
8. Weigand, as referenced in (Hamp 1963, p. 104)
9. Baric, as referenced in (Hamp 1963, p. 104)
10. Rusakov 2017, p. 554.
11. Wilkes 1995, p. 278.
12. Orel 2000, p. XII.
13. Rusakov 2017, p. 559.
14. Orel 2002, pp. 264–265. sfn error: no target: CITEREFOrel2002 (help)
15. Klein, Joseph & Fritz 2018, p. 1791–1792.
16. Orel: p267-268
17. Rusakov 2017, p. 556.
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19. Orel 2012, p. 262. sfn error: no target: CITEREFOrel2012 (help)
20. Klein, Joseph & Fritz 2018, p. 1791.
21. Orel 2000, p. 263.
22. Dečev, Dimităr D. (1952). Charakteristik der thrakischen Sprache [Characteristic of the Thracian language] (in German). Sofija Akademia. p. 113.
23. Çabej 1961, pp. 248–249. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFÇabej1961 (help)
24. Wilkes 1995, pp. 278–279.
25. Klein, Joseph & Fritz 2018, p. 1732.
26. Klein, Joseph & Fritz 2018, p. 1792.
27. Fine 1991, pp. 10–12.
28. Hamp 1963, p. 105.
29. Madgearu, Alexandru; Gordon, Martin (2008). The Wars of the Balkan Peninsula: Their Medieval Origins. Scarecrow Press. pp. 146–147. ISBN 978-0-8108-5846-6.
30. Hamp 1963.
31. Orel 2000, p. 258.
32. Curtis 2012, p. 16.
33. Çabej, Eqrem (1961). "Die älteren Wohnsitze der Albaner auf der Balkanhalbinsel im Lichte der Sprache und der Ortsnamen". Atti Dil VII Congresso Internazionale di Scienze Onomastiche. 7: 241–251.
34. Çabej, Eqrem (1964). "Einige Grundprobleme der alteren albanischen Sprachgeschichte". Studia Albanica. 1: 69–89.
35. Rusakov 2017, p. 557.
36. Curtis 2012, pp. 25–26.
37. Madgearu & Gordon 2008, pp. 146-147. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFMadgearuGordon2008 (help)
38. Rusakov 2017, p. 555.
39. Rusakov 2017, p. 154f.
40. Gustav Meyer, Etymologisches Wörterbuch der albanesischen Sprache (Strasbourg: Trübner, 1891), 411.
41. Mirdita, Zef (1969). Iliri i etnogeneza Albanaca. Iz istorije Albanaca. Zbornik predavanja. Priručnik za nastavnike. Beograd: Zavod za izdavanje udžbenika Socijalističke Republike Srbije. pp. 13–14.
42. Oleg Trubachyov, Slavjanskoe jazykoznanie: Meždunarodnyj s”ezd slavistov, vol. 11 (Moscow: Nauka, 1993), 6.
43. Orel, Vladimir (1998). Albanian Etymological Dictionary. Leiden: Brill. p. 434.
44. Elsie, Robert (2001). A Dictionary of Albanian Religion, Mythology and Folk Culture. C. Hurst. p. 79. ISBN 978-1-85065-570-1.
45. "ALBANCI". Enciklopedija Jugoslavije 2nd ed. Supplement. Zagreb: JLZ. 1984. p. 1.
46. "The World Factbook — Central Intelligence Agency".
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48. Elsie, Robert (2001). A Dictionary of Albanian Religion, Mythology and Folk Culture. C. Hurst. p. 78. ISBN 978-1-85065-570-1. This form of the eagle, deriving no doubt from the banner of the Byzantine Empire
49. Polybius. "2.11.15". Histories. Of the Illyrian troops engaged in blockading Issa, those that belonged to Pharos were left unharmed, as a favour to Demetrius; while all the rest scattered and fled to Arbona.
50. Polybius. "2.11.5". Histories (in Greek). εἰς τὸν Ἄρβωνα σκεδασθέντες.
51. Strabo (1903). "2.5 Note 97". In H. C. Hamilton; W. Falconer (eds.). Geography. London: George Bell & Sons. The Libyrnides are the islands of Arbo, Pago, Isola Longa, Coronata, &c., which border the coasts of ancient Liburnia, now Murlaka
52. Ptolemy (1843). "III.13(12).23". Geography (in Greek). Lipsiae, Sumptibus et typis Caroli Tauchnitii.
53. Giacalone Ramat, Anna; Ramat, Paolo, eds. (1998). The Indo-European languages. Rootledge. p. 481. ISBN 978-0-415-06449-1.
54. "Illyria". The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece & Rome. 4. Oxford University Press. 2010. p. 65. ISBN 9780195170726.
55. Vasiliev, Alexander A. (1958) [1952]. History of the Byzantine Empire, 324–1453. 2 (2nd ed.). University of Wisconsin Press. p. 613. ISBN 978-0-299-80926-3.
56. Cole, Jeffrey E., ed. (2011). "Albanians". Ethnic Groups of Europe: An Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO, LLC. p. 9. ISBN 9781598843026.
57. Waldman, Carl; Mason, Catherine (2006). "Illyrians". Encyclopedia of European Peoples. Facts On File. p. 414. ISBN 978-0816049646.
58. Stephanus of Byzantium (1849). "Ἀρβών". Ethnika kat' epitomen (in Greek). Berolini : G. Reimeri. πόλις Ἰλλυρίας. Πολύβιος δευτέρᾳ. τὸ ἐθνικὸν Ἀρβώνιος καὶ Ἀρβωνίτης, ὡς Ἀντρώνιος καὶ Ἀσκαλωνίτης.
59. Wilson, Nigel, ed. (2013). Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece. Routledge. p. 597. ISBN 9781136787997. Polybius' own attitude to Rome has been variously interpreted, pro-Roman, … frequently cited in reference works such as Stephanus' Ethnica and the Suda.
60. Richardson, J.S. (2004). Hispaniae: Spain and the Development of Roman Imperialism, 218-82 BC. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521521345. In four places, the lexicographer Stephanus of Byzantium refers to towns and ... Artemidorus as source, and in three of the four examples cites Polybius.
61. "1000 - 1018 — Anonymous: Fragment on the Origins of Nations". Texts and Documents of Albanian History. Robert Elsie. Archived from the original on 2014-01-26.CS1 maint: unfit url (link) [Extract from:Radoslav Grujic (1934). "Legenda iz vremena Cara Samuila o poreklu naroda". Glasnik skopskog naucnog drustva, Skopje, 13. p. 198–200. Translated from the Old Church Slavonic by Robert Elsie. First published in R. Elsie (2003). Early Albania, a Reader of Historical Texts, 11th - 17th Centuries. Wiesbaden. p. 3.]
62. Madgearu & Gordon 2008, p. 25 harvnb error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFMadgearuGordon2008 (help) "It was supposed that those Albanoi from 1042 were Normans from Sicily, called by an archaic name (the Albanoi were an independent tribe from Southern Italy)."
63. Madgearu & Gordon 2008, p. 25 harvnb error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFMadgearuGordon2008 (help) "The following instance is indisputable. It comes from the same Attaliates, who wrote that the Albanians (Arbanitai) were involved in the 1078 rebellion of..."
64. Alain Ducellier, “L’Arbanon et les Albanais au xi^e siècle”, Travaux et Mémoires 3 (1968): 353–68.
65. E. Vranoussi, “Οἱ ὅροι «Ἀλβανοὶ» καὶ «Ἀρβανῖται» καὶ ἡ πρώτη μνεία τοῦ ὁμωνύμου λαοῦ τῆς Βαλκανικῆς εἰς τὰς πηγὰς τοῦ ΙΑ᾽αἰῶνος” [= “The terms 'Albanoi' and 'Arvanitai' and the first mention of the homonymous people of the Balkans to the source of the IA”], Βυζαντινά Σύμμεικτα 2 (1970): 207–54, esp. pp. 239–40. In Greek.
66. Ludwig Thallóczy, Konstantin Jireček, & Milan Šufflay, Acta et diplomata res Albaniae mediae aetatis illustrantia [= Diplomatic and Other Documents on Medieval Albania], vol. 1 (Vienna: 1913), 113 (1198).
67. Konstantinos Giakoumis, “Fourteenth-century Albanian migration and the ‘relative autochthony’ of the Albanians in Epeiros. The case of Gjirokastër.”, Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 27, no. 1 (2003): 176. “The presence of Albanians in the Epeirote lands from the beginning of the thirteenth century is also attested by two documentary sources: the first is a Venetian document of 1210, which states that the continent facing the island of Corfu is inhabited by Albanians.”
68. Konstantin Jireček, Die Romanen in den Städten Dalmatiens während des Mittelalters, vol. 1 (Vienna: Akademie der Wissenschaften Wien, 1904), 42-44.
69. Bowden 2004.
70. Curta 2013.
71. Jones 2002, pp. 43, 63.
72. Filipovski 2010.
73. Curta 2006, pp. 103–104.
74. Wilkes 2013, p. 756.
75. Curta 2012.
76. William Bowden. "The Construction of Identities in Post-Roman Albania" in Theory & practice in late antique archaeology. Brill, 2003.
77. Wilkes 1992, p. 183. "We may begin with the Venetic peoples, Veneti, Carni, Histri and Liburni, whose language set them apart from the rest of the Illyrians."
78. Wilkes 1992, p. 81. "In Roman Pannonia the Latobici and Varciani who dwelt east of the Venetic Catari in the upper Sava valley were Celtic but the Colapiani of the Colapis (Kulpa) valley were Illyrians..."
79. Curtis 2012, p. 18.
80. "1774 — Johann Thunmann: On the History and Language of the Albanians and Vlachs". Texts and Documents of Albanian History. Robert Elsie. Archived from the original on 2010-06-17.CS1 maint: unfit url (link) [from:Johann Thunmann (1774). "Legenda iz vremena Cara Samuila o poreklu naroda". Über die Geschichte und Sprache der Albaner und der Wlachen. Leipzig. Translated from the German by Robert Elsie.]
81. Thunmann, Johannes E. (1774). Untersuchungen uber die Geschichte der Oslichen Europaischen Volger. Leipzig: Teil.
82. Fortson, Benjamin W. (2004). Indo-European language and culture: an introduction (5th ed.). Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN 978-1-4051-0316-9.
83. Stipčević, Alexander. Iliri (2nd edition). Zagreb, 1989 (also published in Italian as "Gli Illiri")
84. Hammond, Nicholas (1992). "The Relations of Illyrian Albania with the Greeks and the Romans". In Winnifrith, Tom (ed.). Perspectives on Albania. New York: St. Martin’s Press.
85. Mallory, J.P.; Adams, D.Q., eds. (1997). Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-1-884964-98-5.
86. Matasović, Ranko (2012). A Grammatical Sketch of Albanian for students of Indo-European. Page 3: "The most probable predecessor of Albanian was Illyrian"
87. Jireček as referenced in (Hamp 1963)
88. Demiraj, Shaban. Prejardhja e shqiptarëve në dritën e dëshmive të gjuhës shqipe.(Origin of Albanians through the testimonies of the Albanian language) Shkenca (Tirane) 1999
89. Jelavich, Barbara (1983). History of the Balkans: Eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Cambridge University Press. p. 25. ISBN 978-0-521-27458-6.
90. Mallory, J.P.; Adams, D.Q., eds. (1997). Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture. Taylor & Francis. pp. 9, 11. ISBN 978-1-884964-98-5. The Greek and Latin loans have undergone most of the far-reaching phonological changes which have so altered the shape of inherited words while Slavic and Turkish words do not show those changes. Thus Albanian must have acquired much of its present form by the time Slavs entered into Balkans in the fifth and sixth centuries AD [...] borrowed words from Greek and Latin date back to before Christian era [...] Even very common words such as mik "friend" (<Lat. amicus) or këndoj "sing" (<Lat. cantare) come from Latin and attest to a widespread intermingling of pre-Albanian and Balkan Latin speakers during the Roman period, roughly from the second century BC to the fifth century AD.
91. Katicic, Radoslav. 1976. The Ancient Languages of the Balkans. Berlin: Mouton. Page 188.
92. Michael L. Galaty (2002). "Modeling the Formation and Evolution of an Illyrian Tribal System: Ethnographic and Archaeological Analogs". In William A. Parkinson (ed.). The Archaeology of Tribal Societies. Berghahn Books. pp. 109–121. ISBN 1789201713.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
93. Villar, Francisco (1996). Los indoeuropeos y los orígenes de Europa (in Spanish). Madrid: Gredos. p. 316. ISBN 84-249-1787-1.
94. Hamp 1963 "Jokl's Illyrian-Albanian correspondences (Albaner §3a) are probably the best known. Certain of these require comment: …"
95. Çabej 1961. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFÇabej1961 (help)
96. Çabej, Eqrem. Karakteristikat e huazimeve latine të gjuhës shqipe. [The characteristics of Latin Loans in Albanian language] SF 1974/2 (In German RL 1962/1) (13-51)
97. Cimochowski, W. "Des recherches sur la toponomastique de l’Albanie," Ling. Posn. 8.133-45 (1960). On Durrës
98. Brown, Keith; Ogilvie, Sarah (2008). Concise Encyclopedia of Languages of the World. Elsevier. p. 23. ISBN 978-0-08-087774-7. In Tosk /a/ before a nasal has become a central vowel (shwa), and intervocalic /n/ has become /r/. These two sound changes have affected only the pre-Slav stratum of the Albanian lexicon, that is the native words and loanwords from Greek and Latin
99. Fortson, Benjamin W. (2004). Indo-European language and culture: an introduction (5th ed.). Blackwell. p. 448. ISBN 978-1-4051-0316-9. The dialectal split into Geg and Tosk happened sometime after the region become Christianized in the fourth century AD; Christian Latin loanwords show Tosk rhotacism, such as Tosk murgu "monk" (Geg mungu) from Lat. monachus.
100. Ammon, Ulrich; Dittmar, Norbert; Mattheier, Klaus J.; Trudgill, Peter (2006). Sociolinguistics: An International Handbook of the Science of Language and Society. Walter de Gruyter. p. 1876. ISBN 9783110184181.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link) "Following the Slavic invasions of the Balkans (sixth and seventh centuries CE) Common Albanian split into two major dialect complexes that can be identified today by a bundle of isoglosses running through the middle of Albania along and just to the south of the river Shkumbini south of Elbasan, then along the course of the Black Drin (Drin i Zi, Crni Drim) through the middle of Struga on the north shore of Lake Ohrid in Macedonia. The two major dialect groups are known as Tosk (south of the bundle) and Gheg north of the bundle).
101. Brown, Keith; Ogilvie, Sarah (2008). Concise Encyclopedia of Languages of the World. Elsevier. p. 23. ISBN 978-0-08-087774-7. The river Shkumbin in central Albania historically forms the boundary between those two dialects, with the population on the north speaking varieties of Geg and the population on the south varieties of Tosk.
102. Hamp 1963 "The isogloss is clear in all dialects I have studied, which embrace nearly all types possible. It must be relatively old, that is, dating back into the post-Roman first millennium. As a guess, it seems possible that this isogloss reflects a spread of the speech area, after the settlement of the Albanians in roughly their present location, so that the speech area straddled the Jireček Line."
103. Fine 1991, p. 10.
104. Madgearu & Gordon 2008, p. 146. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFMadgearuGordon2008 (help)
105. Fine 1991, p. 11.
106. Turnock, David. The Making of Eastern Europe, from the Earliest Times to 1815. Taylor and Francis, 1988. p.137
107. G. Schramm, Eroberer und Eingesessene, Stuttgart 1981, S. 405f. bzw. 391f. Cited in Matzinger 2016 harvnb error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFMatzinger2016 (help)
108. Matzinger, Joachim (2016). Die albanische Autochthoniehypothese aus der Sicht der Sprachwissenschaft (PDF) (Report) (in German). pp. 8–11, 14, 17. Retrieved 19 December 2018 – via www.albanologie.uni-muenchen.de.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
109. Klein, Joseph & Fritz 2018, p. 1790: "None of the ancient personal names ascribed to Illyrian are continued in Albanian without interruption (e.g. ... from Latin Scodra).... Albanian cannot be regarded as an offspring of Illyrian or even Thracian but must be considereed to be a modern continuation of some other undocumented Indo-European Balkan idiom. However, Albanian is closely related to Illyrian and also Messapic... which is why Albanian in some instances may shed light on the explanation of Messapic as well as Illyrian words..."
110. Matzinger, Joachim (2016). Die albanische Autochthoniehypothese aus der Sicht der Sprachwissenschaft (PDF) (Report) (in German). p. 13. Retrieved 19 December 2018 – via www.albanologie.uni-muenchen.de. serbokroat. Nîš, alban. Nish:... letzten Endes einem regionalen Idiom zuzuschreiben ist, das nicht mit dem Albanischen identisch ist...zumindest prima facie plausibel erscheint.
111. Boardman, John; et al., eds. (2002). The Cambridge Ancient History. p. 848. ISBN 0-521-22496-9.
112. Matasović, Ranko (2012). "A Grammatical Sketch of Albanian for students of Indo-European". Page 13:"It has been claimed that the difference between the three PIE series of gutturals is preserved in Albanian before front vowels. This thesis, sometimes referred to as Pedersen’s law, is often contested, but still supported by the majority of Albanologists (e. g. Hamp, Huld, and Ölberg). In examining this view, one should bear in mind that it seems certain that there were at least two palatalizations in Albanian: the first palatalization, whereby labiovelars were palatalized to s and z before front vowels and *y, and the second palatalization, whereby all the remaining velars (*k and *g) were palatalized to q and gj, in the same environment. PIE palatalized velars are affected by neither palatalization (they yield Alb. th, d, dh, cf. Alb. thom ‘I say’ < *k’ensmi, cf. OInd. śa m s- ‘praise’, L c e nse o ‘reckon’). It may be that th yielded f before a consonant, if Alb. ënfle ‘sleep’ is from *nthle < *n-k’loye- (cf. G klínō ‘recline’). "
113. "Illyrian". MultiTree: A Digital Library of Language Relationships. Retrieved 2019-11-29.
114. Wilkes 1992, p. 278. "...likely identification seems to be with a Romanized population of Illyrian origin driven out by Slav settlements further north, the 'Romanoi' mentioned..."
115. Orel, Vladimir (1988). Albanian Etymological Dictionary. Brill. p. X.
116. I.I. Russu, Obârșia tracică a românilor și albanezilor. Clarificări comparativ-istorice șietnologice. Der thrakische Ursprung der Rumänen und Albanesen. Komparativ-historische und ethnologische Klärungen. Cluj-Napoca: Dacia 1995
117. Madgearu & Gordon 2008, p. 151. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFMadgearuGordon2008 (help)
118. Schramm, Gottfried, Anfänge des albanischen Christentums: Die frühe Bekehrung der Bessen und ihre langen Folgen (1994).
119. Hamp 1963 "...we still do not know exactly where the Illyrian-Thracian line was, and NaissoV (Nis) is regarded by many as Illyrian territory."
120. Malcolm, Noel. "Kosovo, a short history". London: Macmillan, 1998, p. 22-40.
121. Fine 1991, p. 304 (glossary): "Albanians: An Indo-European people, probably descended from the ancient Illyrians, living now in Albania as well as in Greece and Yugoslavia."
122. Bernard William Henderson (1969). Five Roman emperors: Vespasian, Titus, Domitian, Nerva, Trajan, A.D. 69-117. p. 278. At Thermidava he was warmly greeted by folk quite obviously Dacians
123. Ptolemy (1991). Edward Luther Stevenson (ed.). The Geography. Translated by Edward Luther Stevenson. Dover Publications. p. 36. ISBN 9780486268965.
124. Illyés, Elemér (1988). Ethnic continuity in the Carpatho-Danubian area. New York: Columbia University Press. p. 223. ISBN 0880331461.
125. Demiraj 2006, pp. 42–43 Therefore we are going to limit the discussion of this issue to the western areas of the Balkan peninsula, where the Albanian people have been living since many centuries ago. These areas, too, thanks to their geographical position, should have been inhabited since long before the immigration of the I.E. tribes, who are usually called Illyrians. The ancient presence of Pre-I.E. people(s) in this areas has been proved inter alia, by the archaeological discoveries at Maliq, Vashtëmi, Burimas, Podgorie, Barç and Dërsnik of Coritza district, as well as at Kamnik of Cologna district, at Blaz and Nezir of Mati district, at Kolsh of Kukës district, at Rashtan of Librazhd etc.
126. Demiraj 2008, p. 38 Given the fact that Albanian is an Indo-European language, the direct forefathers of Albanians should be sought in those Indo-European peoples, which came in the Balkan peninsula in the period of settlement of the Indo-European tribes, and naturally were superimposed on pre-existing, older Indo-European people or pro-Indo-European ones.
127. Demiraj 2006, pp. 42–43.
128. Demiraj 2006, pp. 44–45.
129. Orel 1998, pp. 225, 409.
130. Trnavci, Gene (2010). Mortimer Sellers (ed.). The interaction of customary law with the modern rule of law in Albania and Kosova. Springer. p. 205. ISBN 9048137497.
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145. Pericić M, Lauc LB, Klarić IM, Rootsi S, Janićijevic B, Rudan I, et al. (October 2005). "High-resolution phylogenetic analysis of southeastern Europe traces major episodes of paternal gene flow among Slavic populations". Molecular Biology and Evolution. 22 (10): 1964–75. doi:10.1093/molbev/msi185. PMID 15944443.
146. Bosch E, Calafell F, González-Neira A, Flaiz C, Mateu E, Scheil HG, Huckenbeck W, Efremovska L, et al. (2006). "Paternal and maternal lineages in the Balkans show a homogeneous landscape over linguistic barriers, except for the isolated Aromuns". Annals of Human Genetics. 70 (Pt 4): 459–87. doi:10.1111/j.1469-1809.2005.00251.x. PMID 16759179.
147. Battaglia V, Fornarino S, Al-Zahery N, Olivieri A, Pala M, Myres NM, et al. (June 2009). "Y-chromosomal evidence of the cultural diffusion of agriculture in Southeast Europe". European Journal of Human Genetics. 17 (6): 820–30. doi:10.1038/ejhg.2008.249. PMC 2947100. PMID 19107149.
148. Sarno S, Tofanelli S, De Fanti S, Quagliariello A, Bortolini E, Ferri G, et al. (April 2016). "Shared language, diverging genetic histories: high-resolution analysis of Y-chromosome variability in Calabrian and Sicilian Arbereshe". European Journal of Human Genetics. 24 (4): 600–6. doi:10.1038/ejhg.2015.138. PMC 4929864. PMID 26130483.
149. Belledi, M; Poloni, ES; Casalotti, R; Conterio, F; Mikerezi, I; Tagliavini, J; Excoffier, L (2000). "Maternal and paternal lineages in Albania and the genetic structure of Indo-European populations". Eur J Hum Genet. 8: 480–6. doi:10.1038/sj.ejhg.5200443. PMID 10909846.
150. Fine 1991, pp. 11–12. "... the Albanians did not have a single ancestor in one or the other of these pre-Slavic peoples; the present-day Albanians, like all Balkan peoples, are an ethnic mixture and in addition to this main ancestor there is an admixture of Slavic, Greek, Vlach, and Romano-Italian ancestry. In addition to these three Indo-European peoples, each living its own zone of the pre-Slavic Balkans, other peoples had an impact as well. Large numbers of Celts had passed through earlier, leaving their contribution to the gene pool as well as a wide variety of cultural (particularly artistic) influences. Large numbers of Roman veterans were settled in the Balkans... Different Germanic peoples (Ostrogoths, Visigoths, and Gepids) raided and settled (both on their own and as Roman federate troops) in the Balkans in large numbers over three centuries (third to sixth)"
151. - Rrenjet: Prejardhja gjenetike e shqiptareve - Statistics - Projekti Rrënjët është nje vend ku shqiptarët që kanë kryer teste gjenetike mund të regjistrojnë rezultatet e tyre, për të pasur mundësi t’i krahasojnë me rezultatet në databazën tonë, si dhe me rezultate të tjera publike nga popullsi të lashta dhe bashkëkohore. Ky projekt drejtohet dhe mirëmbahet nga vullnetarë. Ky projekt nuk është kompani testimi.
152. Gjenetika - Statistics - This site, and the Albanian DNA Project, was created and maintained by volunteers. The purpose of this page is to reveal the mosaic of human groups that have created over the centuries and that today constitute the Albanian ethnogenesis through the genetic testing of male lines. The aim is not to promote or emphasize racial purity, as such a thing does not exist but to better understand the historical contexts and human movements in the region where we live. When each of us does DNA testing, the result not only serves the individual to better understand his or her ancient origins and regions within Albania from which his or her ancestors may have descended, but also serves to shed light on different groupings. human beings that today make up the Albanian community. DNA testing is a tool to better understand our history based more and more on science and less on word of mouth
153. The Genomic History of South Eastern Europe
154. Haplogroup J2b2-L283 (Y-DNA) The oldest J2b2-L283 sample recovered among ancient DNA samples is a Late Bronze Age (1700-1500 BCE) individual from southern Croatia (Mathieson et al. 2017). His genome possessed about 30% of Steppe admixture and 15% of Eastern Hunter-Gatherer, which suggest a recent arrival from the Steppe. He was accompanied by a woman with similar admixtures, and both possessed typical Pontic-Caspian Steppe mtDNA (I1a1 and W3a). The timing, location and admixtures of these samples fit with the Illyrian colonisation of the Dinaric Alps, which is thought to have taken place between 1600 and 1100 BCE. The Illyrians may have been late Steppe migrants from the Volga region that were forced out of the Steppe by the invasion of the northern R1a tribes who established the Srubna culture (from 2000 BCE). Through a founding effect, J2b2-L283 lineages might have considerably increased their original frequency after reaching Illyria. Both J2b1 and J2b2-L283 are also found at high frequency in Greece and in regions that used to be part of the ancient Greek world (Ionia, Magna Graecia). However they are almost absent from Crete (where J2a1 lineages are dominant). J2b was also not found among Neolithic Anatolian or European farmers, and is absent from central Anatolia. This suggests that J2b was not associated with the Neolithic Greeks nor with the Minoan civilisation, but may well have come to Greece with the Mycenaeans, who also appear to have been pushed out of the Steppe by the advance of the Srubna culture. As a result, both the Illyrians and the Mycenaeans (and possibly the Albanians) would be descended from Middle to Late Bronze Age Steppe migrants to the Southeast Europe, in a migration that was particularly rich in J2b lineages from the Middle Volga region. That would explain why it has been so hard to identify R1a or R1b lineages that could be of Illyrian or Mycenaean origin. The only variety of R1b that is found at reasonably high frequencies in Southeast Europe, and particularly in Greece, is R1b-Z2103, the branch found in the eastern Yamna culture, including the Volga-Ural region.
155. The Genomic History Of South Eastern Europe Farming was first introduced to Europe in the mid-seventh millennium bc, and was associated with migrants from Anatolia who settled in the southeast before spreading throughout Europe. Here, to understand the dynamics of this process, we analysed genome-wide ancient DNA data from 225 individuals who lived in southeastern Europe and surrounding regions between 12000 and 500 bc. We document a west-east cline of ancestry in indigenous hunter-gatherers and, in eastern Europe, the early stages in the formation of Bronze Age steppe ancestry. We show that the first farmers of northern and western Europe dispersed through southeastern Europe with limited hunter-gatherer admixture, but that some early groups in the southeast mixed extensively with hunter-gatherers without the sex-biased admixture that prevailed later in the north and west. We also show that southeastern Europe continued to be a nexus between east and west after the arrival of farmers, with intermittent genetic contact with steppe populations occurring up to 2,000 years earlier than the migrations from the steppe that ultimately replaced much of the population of northern Europe.
156. Ralph, Peter; Coop, Graham (2013). "The Geography of Recent Genetic Ancestry across Europe". PLOS Biology. 11 (5). e1001555. doi:10.1371/journal.pbio.1001555. ISSN 1545-7885. PMC 3646727. PMID 23667324.
157. Michele Belledi, Estella S. Poloni, Rosa Casalotti, Franco Conterio, Ilia Mikerezi, James Tagliavini and Laurent Excoffier. "Maternal and paternal lineages in Albania and the genetic structure of Indo-European populations". European Journal of Human Genetics, July 2000, Volume 8, Number 7, pp. 480-486. "Mitochondrial DNA HV1 sequences and Y chromosome haplotypes (DYS19 STR and YAP) were characterized in an Albanian sample and compared with those of several other Indo-European populations from the European continent. No significant difference was observed between Albanians and most other Europeans, despite the fact that Albanians are clearly different from all other Indo-Europeans linguistically. We observe a general lack of genetic structure among Indo-European populations for both maternal and paternal polymorphisms, as well as low levels of correlation between linguistics and genetics, even though slightly more significant for the Y chromosome than for mtDNA. Altogether, our results show that the linguistic structure of continental Indo-European populations is not reflected in the variability of the mitochondrial and Y chromosome markers. This discrepancy could be due to very recent differentiation of Indo-European populations in Europe and/or substantial amounts of gene flow among these populations."
158. Cardos G., Stoian V., Miritoiu N., Comsa A., Kroll A., Voss S., Rodewald A. (2004 Romanian Society of Legal Medicine) Paleo-mtDNA analysis and population genetic aspects of old Thracian populations from South-East of Romania Archived 2009-02-12 at the Wayback Machine
159. The Albanians, Henry Skene, Journal of the Ethnological Society of London (1848–1856)
160. Michaelis Attaliotae: Historia, Bonn 1853, p. 8, 18, 297. Translated by Robert Elsie. First published in R. Elsie: Early Albania, a Reader of Historical Texts, 11th – 17th Centuries, Wiesbaden 2003, p. 4–5.
161. Schwandner-Sievers & Fischer 2002, p. 74.
162. Peter Mackridge. "Aspects of language and identity in the Greek peninsula since the eighteenth century". Newsletter of the Society Farsarotul, Vol, XXI & XXII, Issues 1 & 2. Retrieved 2 February 2014. the “Pelasgian theory” was formulated, according to which the Greek and Albanian languages were claimed to have a common origin in Pelasgian, the Albanians themselves are Pelasgians... Needless to say, there is absolutely no scientific evidence to support any of theses theories.
163. Bayraktar, Uğur Bahadır (December 2011). "Mythifying the Albanians : A Historiographical Discussion on Vasa Efendi's "Albania and the Albanians"". Balkanologie. 13 (1–2). Retrieved 2 February 2014.
164. Schwandner-Sievers & Fischer 2002, p. 77.
165. Schwandner-Sievers & Fischer 2002, p. 77–79.
166. Schwandner-Sievers & Fischer 2002, p. 78–79.
167. De Rapper, Gilles (2009). "Pelasgic Encounters in the Greek–Albanian Borderland: Border Dynamics and Reversion to Ancient Past in Southern Albania." Anthropological Journal of European Cultures. 18. (1): 60-61. “In 2002, another important book was translated from Greek: Aristides Kollias’ Arvanites and the Origin of Greeks, first published in Athens in 1983 and re-edited several times since then (Kollias 1983; Kolia 2002). In this book, which is considered a cornerstone of the rehabilitation of Arvanites in post- dictatorial Greece, the author presents the Albanian speaking population of Greece, known as Arvanites, as the most authentic Greeks because their language is closer to ancient Pelasgic, who were the first inhabitants of Greece. According to him, ancient Greek was formed on the basis of Pelasgic, so that man Greek words have an Albanian etymology. In the Greek context, the book initiated a ‘counterdiscourse’ (Gefou-Madianou 1999: 122) aiming at giving Arvanitic communities of southern Greece a positive role in Greek history. This was achieved by using nineteenth-century ideas on Pelasgians and by melting together Greeks and Albanians in one historical genealogy (Baltsiotis and Embirikos 2007: 130–431, 445). In the Albanian context of the 1990s and 2000s, the book is read as proving the anteriority of Albanians not only in Albania but also in Greece; it serves mainly the rehabilitation of Albanians as an antique and autochthonous population in the Balkans. These ideas legitimise the presence of Albanians in Greece and give them a decisive role in the development of ancient Greek civilisation and, later on, the creation of the modern Greek state, in contrast to the general negative image of Albanians in contemporary Greek society. They also reverse the unequal relation between the migrants and the host country, making the former the heirs of an autochthonous and civilised population from whom the latter owes everything that makes their superiority in the present day.”

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