North–South divide in Taiwan
In Taiwan, the North–South divide refers to the uneven distribution of resources in regard to political, wealth, medical, economic development, education and other aspects across the country over past decades that has drawn the social and cultural differences between northern and southern today.[5][6] The core spiritual tenet is derived from Southern Taiwanese's long-standing mindset, as they believe they had been treated and regarded as socially inferior by the Taiwanese central government.[7][8][9][10][5][11] The anger from the south quickly echoed throughout central Taiwan and eastern Taiwan, as they also thought they're not fairly treated by the central government, compared to the northern part of Taiwan.[7][9][10][5][11][8] It was known from history that the Taiwanese central government's policy support for local industrial development as well as public infrastructure is the critical determinant of a local city's future prospects for the resident population.[11]:51[12][13][14][15][16][17][18][19]
According to literature reviews, the benefits of Taiwan's economic development have been largely reaped by the northern part of Taiwan, especially the capital city-Taipei City. The rest of the benefits reaped by regions other than northern Taiwan were not proportional to what they'd sowed. This kind of uneven distribution was particularly noticeable given the mass heavy industrial output by southern Taiwan and their received final budget from the central government.[20] Due to budget shortages, local governments other than those in the northern part of Taiwan generally had no money to run their own businesses to monetize but instead accumulated debts or anticipated extra care from the central government led by Kuomintang (KMT).[21][22]:185[23][24]
The population of the northern part of Taiwan has soared by nearly 4 million over the past few decades. In the meantime, the population of the central part of Taiwan has increased by 1.14 million, and that of the southern part of Taiwan has increased by 0.86 million. The growth tendency is focused on Taipei, and falls off with increasing distance. It's believed this is because of the central government's overall national development plan and national industrial policy.[25] Over the past seven decades, the KMT has been in power for more than sixty years (1945–2000; 2008–2016) and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has been in power for over ten years(2000–2008; 2016–present). The gap between northern parts of Taiwan and the southern part of Taiwan in education, income, economy, culture, medicine and other areas is on account of the KMT party's North-South bias policy.[11][26][9]:85–86[10][5][27]:257[28][29][30][31][32][33][34]
The North–South divide in Taiwan explains a series of controversies caused in today's Taiwan, which have involved disagreements between migrant populations from China before and after 1949 on national identity, the long-term blatant racial discrimination by KMT government against the aboriginal inhabitants who lived in Taiwan before 1949, policies imposed after 1949 that devalued aboriginals' life and achievements, the deprecation of aboriginals by the 1949 migrant population, and the KMT-led central government's uneven government resources distribution, industrial policies and budget laws in favor of the regions that absorbed a relatively high portion of those new migrants, and the ensuing social economic disparity. Consequently, the most deprived areas in today's Taiwan are hit hardest by globalization together with pollution and child assault.[11]:v[34][30][31][32][33]
History origin/Historical evolution
The map that extends from central Taipei has limited and controlled the Taiwanese's independent thinking. The round head and thin tail of the shape of Taiwan island seem to imply the predisposition of the KMT government which has determined the central government's unfair policies and resultant uneven development between the north and the south since the end of the period of Taiwan under Japanese rule . This sad story of the left-behind peripheral areas of Taiwan utterly established the gravely authoritarian characteristics of Taipei City. Of course, it made southern Taiwanese feel neglected, inferior and deprived like second-class citizen.
— Iron Bull (鐵牛) in 1994, [11]
Depending on the research, the "North-South divide" is composed of two theories and backed by two forces., i.e. the North-South bias theory derived from civilians' mindset of feeling neglected and the theorem of the North-South difference originating from the KMT politicians who intended to distinguish those who retreated to Taiwan with KMT since 1949, from the voters.[11]
KMT fled to Taiwan at the end stage of the Chinese Civil War in 1949 and re-located in Taipei. In the following decades, KMT invested most of the resources taken from the mainland as well as collected taxes in public infrastructure, education institutes, scientific research centers, government institutions, high value-added industrial zones for Taipei and its satellite cities and suburbs in addition to KMT's north–south bias policy. At this point, northern Taiwan started to grow rapidly at a speed never seen before. The government expenditure lavished on Taipei was in sharp contrast to that allocated to southern Taiwan. The gap between the two sides in all kinds of infrastructures has widened significantly since then. Besides, KMT's economic policy of establishing industries of commercial activity, trade, new generation high-value-added technology industries together in northern Taiwan while arranging southern Taiwan to develop light industry, heavy industry, and labor-intensive industry amplified the north–south divide, and southern Taiwan encountered difficulties when Taiwan had no choice to transform its economic structure towards higher-value-added industries in order to compensate the rising unemployment rate caused by the tide of globalization that forces those labor-intensive and low value-added industries to move to low wage countries like China and Southeast Asia.[26]
Consequently, during the time KMT has been in power, the number of registered companies in the North continued to rise, ripen and strengthen. In contrast, southern Taiwan kept experiencing speedy deterioration.[26] This is the reason why northern Taiwan today is the center of Taiwan's economy and the leading high-tech concentrated area featuring dynamic businesses, tertiary sectors in addition to quaternary sector, information services, and quinary sectors.[26] On the other hand, southern Taiwan is still home to Taiwan's primary sector and secondary sector.[26]
Taipei
North-South bias was used to describe southern Taiwanese people's feelings. The far-off reason is that Taipei started to grab leaders' attention by producing a large amount of profitable tea and camphor in Qing dynasty. In 1874, Japanese invaded Taiwan for the first time. Subsequently, leaders began to consider Taipei very important and established many government institutions. Subsequent to Treaty of Shimonoseki, the Japanese government located the ruling base in Taipei given Taipei had plenty of government institutions to take over, and its location that was closer to Japan than that of any other major city in Taiwan, making it easier to serve the Japanese; Taipei was the easiest place to conquer in Taiwan followed by the rest in northern Taiwan,[11]:36 unlike other regions of Taiwan that required Japanese soldiers to exert a great deal of forces for half a year to conquer, which some scholars from the south speculate led to the difference between the north and the south in culture and the way of thinking - they think northern Taiwan was more often than not occupied and ruled by an external races who then spread their own languages and cultures to northern Taiwanese.[35] Some locals feel Taiwanese people's self-image has been distorted by various political authorities when looking back on the history of Taiwan.[36] Some scholars from southern Taiwan thus consider the real inclinations of northern Taiwanese has been inhibited and believe themselves are the de facto pure Taiwanese.[35][36] Generally speaking, Chinese immigration to northern Taiwan disposed local people with fewer things to identify with in their own environment.[36]
During Japanese rule, the Japanese intentionally made use of the most recent ideas and methods to build Taipei, and Taipei was thus getting to be a city on the cutting edge of modern technology, leading Taiwan's politics and economy.[11] But even so, the job vacancies in Taiwan were fairly distributed in that time rather than gathering only in northern Taiwan under KMT's rule. Constant even distribution of jobs during Japanese rule effectively balanced residents' moving trends, local business opportunities, local consumer market magnitude, and people's costs in looking for jobs.[37]
A concomitant cause is that about two million mainlanders moved with the KMT to Taiwan after the defeat of the KMT in the battle. Most of them settled in northern Taiwan, particularly Taipei City. (People migrating from China to Taiwan after 1949 were called Mainlanders. By the time, mainlanders accounted for 15-20% of the total number of people living in Taiwan.[38] Most of them decided to settle in the urban areas of Taiwan.) As of 1995, one in four mainlanders on average lives in Taipei city. Over 40% of Taipei city citizens are mainlanders. Taipei is the destination for most mainlanders, making it the city eith the highest proportion of mainlanders compared to any other cities or counties in Taiwan.[39][40][35][35]And since 1967, Taipei was promoted to a Special Municipality, and huge financial advantages came along with the promotion compared to other places in Taiwan.[41] Noticeably, two of the reasons that led to KMT to promote Taipei City was that Taipei City mayors had always been elected by those not affiliated with KMT. The other key reason was that the central government would be able to bypass the provincial government to directly gain the taxes collected by Taipei.[11]:58[29][11][30][31][32][33]
Economy and finance
We're heading to Taipei to fight for our life because everything is out there!
— Lim Giong, 《Marching Forward》—1990
Taipei had not only enjoyed the highest city status across Taiwan on par with Taiwan Provincial Government by that time but also acquired a huge budgetary expansion since it was promoted to a Special municipality in 1967. Afterwards, it became the wealthiest administrative region in Taiwan. The promotion reversed its long-running financial difficulties. At the end of the fiscal years after the promotion, the budget that was received from the central government minus the costs of city affairs turned out to be positive. Because of《Act Governing the Allocation of Government Revenues and Expenditures》, Taipei City's government could reserve much more collected taxes to use on itself without the need to submit to the central government. Taipei thus shifted to the administrative region with the best financial reports. In the meantime, other administrative regions still suffered financial problems every year and struggled to fund local construction and execute policies that would facilitate local prosperity.[11]:58–59。
Taipei depends on its advantages of hosting both the central government and the provincial government in addition to the rapid rise of the annual budget, Taipei began to be able to fund a variety of projects to enhance economic/future prosperity.[11]:58–59
In the following years, Taiwan reaped the fruits of its export-oriented economy. The central government started to use the gained revenue to directly fund a lot of infrastructures ranging from environmental remediation, illegal buildings removal, green constructions of park, urban park, national park, garden, and grassland, and construction of new roads, expressways, state-run television corporations, trading centers, national libraries, museums, Mass Rapid Transit, headquarters for nationally-owned enterprises in charge of electricity, water supply, petroleum, expansions of roads in downtown Taipei and throughout northern Taiwan, government support for start-ups of new sectors, river straightening of Keelung River with new pedestrian pathways, urban renewal and redevelopment zones that were built alongside the straightened Keelung River which excipetided the advent of Neihu Science Park[note 1], planned central business district such as Xinyi Special District, industrial parks including but not limited to Nankang Software Park and so on.[11] The business boost effect accompanied by the rise of Taipei radiated to the nearby New Taipei City, Taoyuan City, Hsinchu City, Hsinchu County, and the northern Miaoli County.[46][11]
Statistics since 1980 found that nearly half of the total government expenditure was spent on northern Taiwan's economic development, transportation, etc. Such long-term statistics reflected the fact that the central government's extensive bias made the gap between the north and south pivots even wider. Plenty of fruits of decades of Taiwan's economic development and labor achievements have been inversely proportionally reaped by northern Taiwan alone.[11][47][11]:24[47][11] The government has spent hundreds of billions of New Taiwan dollars building an MRT network of more than 100 km connecting more than 100 stations in Taipei and New Taipei City, with the airport line going into Taoyuan.[48] This is the other special municipality, namely, Kaohsiung City couldn't even compare to.[48][note 2]
Taipei, the core of northern Taiwan, finally became the center of politics, economy, finance, culture,[note 3] media, education, research in Taiwan.[11]:24[50] As Hsinchu becomes the hi-tech center of Taiwan.[51]
Northern Taiwan has literally presided over Taiwan's politic that exercises control over governmental resources since 1949.[52]
See things from Taipei's perspective
Whenever there's a stance about Taiwan shared by northern Taiwanese, it tends to be seen by southern Taiwanese as divorced from context and therefore is not easily understood or accepted in the south.[36]
Taipei and Kaohsiung were the only two special municipalities in Taiwan anterior to 2010. (See 2002 Taiwanese local elections) During the first few years in the neighborhood of 1990 since Lee Teng-hui, a non-mainlander, succeeded Chiang Ching-kuo who was a mainlander, to lead KMT, he faced power struggle among KMT because there was an enormous identity crisis in KMT between the indigenous Taiwanese [note 4] and the mainlander Taiwanese[note 5].[11] Mainlanders in KMT believed they were nationals of Republic of China.[note 6] The indigenous Taiwanese (the islanders) in KMT thought themselves Taiwanese.[note 7][note 8] Lee Teng-Hui who inclined to the "Taiwanese side" decided to perform a series of political reform to seek support outside of the KMT instead of support inside KMT by furthering the democracy in Taiwan.[11][55][56] In the wake of the political reform, citizens in Taipei and Kaohsiung owned the right to vote for their city mayors since 1994. During the campaigns of the special municipalities mayoral elections, national-wide news media concentrated in Taipei time and time again compared Taipei with Kaohsiung and concluded that "after considerate assessment of various aspects of the city development, we found that there was one thing that Taipei lost to Kaohsiung, namely, the 'severity of pollution'. "[11] In the following special municipalities mayoral elections, Taipei based national-wide media stopped comparing Taipei with Kaohsiung, rather, they began comparing Taipei with international cities like New York and Tokyo.[11] When reporting Kaohsiung, national-wide media counted in detail "the distance required for Kaohsiung to catch up Taipei" at all times.[11]
>National-wide media, who consistently overlook affairs in Kaohsiung, suddenly set out to pick on everything/everyone about Kaohsiung whenever the election is around the corner.
> A Ramen store newly opened in Taipei, celebrities stumbled on streets in Taipei, and so forth are broadcast live to all of us.
>Eminent hosts in northern Taiwan discern southern Taiwan as dreadful and see Taiwanese Minnan as crappy.
>Do you know how long our adored and worshiped City Kaohsiung has been freezes-ed out??
National-wide media are concentrated in northern Taipei who develop a preference to report local Taipei affairs on air, which leads to a phenomenon that "any small voice in northern Taiwan can be heard but immense public opinion in southern Taiwan are under-reported." For instance, these national-wide media are more interested in Taipei City Mayor's administrative assistant who they find attractive and give her regular appearance on TV. The national wide media's coverage on northern Taiwan was 84 times greater than that of affairs in southern Taiwan, suggested by the literature.[62][63] At the same time, many critical issues in southern Taiwan that southern Taiwanese truly care are ignored by these mainstream national-wide media, which is senseless to a professor in the department of journalism in NCCU.[63]
"The continuation of Shen Ao Fossil fuel power station in northern Taiwan gained tremendous attention from the national-wide media which even led to the subsequent national referendum that eventually vetoed and thus deterred the government's plan to re-build the power station in New Taipei City. Nevertheless, the government had also planned to re-build an even larger-scaled Fossil fuel power station Talin Power Plant in Xiaogang district, Kaohsiung. We had come out and organized a big crowd of demonstrators protesting against the rebuild plan in Kaohsiung but nobody cared about our voice. We didn't see media give us a proportional appearance on the TV and newspapers. ", said a founder of a NGO in Kaohsiung.[64]
The reconstruction of Talin Power Plant is set to complete in 2020 on schedule.[65]
Much of electricity generated from southern Taiwan by the state-owned enterprise are transported to northern Taiwan via high-voltage wire in the sky and the hazardous wastes produced during electricity generation process are either left or disposed of in southern Taiwan.[66][11]
Construction of Lungmen Nuclear Power Plant cost the central government hundreds of billions of New Taiwan Dollars paid from the tax collected from Taiwanese people including those living in southern Taiwan. Nevertheless, the construction was suspended due to the waves of objections(Taiwan anti-nuclear parade) chiefly from northern Taiwan.[sources 1]
Taipei's point of view
Taipei will continue to provide any kind of necessary assistance to the international journalists who want to cover Taiwan and issues related to Taiwan, and will also grant foreign journalists to have access to himself.
Taipei's point of view might refer to the point of view from Taiwanese Central Government.[11] Nonetheless, when southern Taiwanese see a viewpoint as Taipei's point of view, they're more likely meaning that they think the viewpoint overlooks the requirement of southern Taiwan, fails to appreciate the public opinion from the majority of southern Taiwanese and only takes into account of common sense in northern Taiwan, which is not in southern Taiwan's interest time after time.[11]
A professor at National University of Kaohsiung appealed to the politicians in Taipei for stop taking Taipei's point of view to make judgement!, citing "nation of Celestial Dragons is not equal to Taiwan as a whole". "When all opportunities, technologies, markets, knowledge, and every factor in favor of economies of scale is preserved in Taipei, where is the moral high ground for those Taipei residents to criticize other regions for failing to be qualified, the insufficient infrastructure, low-class? Why our central government inclines towards investing all the resources in Taipei where is already overloaded with everything, reflecting on its social burden such as super-high real estate price?", they added.[91]
Kaohsiung
Period | Region | Share ratio | ||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1945-1994[note 11] | Northern Taiwan |
| ||||||||||
1945-1994 | Central Taiwan |
| ||||||||||
1945-1994 | Southern Taiwan |
| ||||||||||
1945-1994 | Eastern Taiwan(Taitung in particular.) |
|
Immigrants who came to Taiwan from southeastern parts of China earlier than 1949 approximately in 1620 A.D [53][93] were concentrated in southern Taiwan.[36] They're commonly called as islanders.[53] The motive that pushed those southern eastern Chinese to emigrate overseas was because southern eastern China was too crowded and featured a mountainous terrain disadvantageous for farming.[36][94][95]
They're regarded as the first wave of Chinese immigration.[36][96] These immigrants left for Taiwan on their own initiative and soon found their local spouses upon arrivals and immersed themselves in the customs of plains-dwelling aborigines—such as their religious practices—and quickly identified Taiwan as their new homeland.[36] "The resultant southern communities are quite rooted in the soil.", a professor in Kaohsiung expressed.[36]
Period | Region | Share ratio | |||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1994 afterwards | Northern Taiwan |
| |||||||||||||
1994 afterward | Central Taiwan |
| |||||||||||||
1994 afterwards | Southern Taiwan |
| |||||||||||||
1994 afterward | Eastern Taiwan (Taitung in particular.) | 0 |
Economy
Since the inceptions of Kaohsiung shipyard of China Shipbuilding Corporation, integrated steel mill of China Steel Corporation, Oil refinery and industrial park (Kaohsiung refinery of CPC Corporation), introduced by KMT's Ten Major Construction Projects in response to 1973 oil crisis, heavy industrial production in Kaohsiung had further ramped up strikingly, accompanied by a cascade of pollutions thenceforth.[11]
Kaohsiung/formosa incident
Ding-Peng Liung (Professor of business administration in NSYSU), 《Space》1995/11
Studies suggest that Kaohsiung, which is home to most of the heavy industry that fueled Taiwan's economic miracle, was also at the forefront of Taiwanese political liberalization activities from the 1970s onwards.[note 12] Such activity includes the Kaohsiung Incident, which pushed Taiwan towards democracy, which, studies also suggest, led to the Kuomintang government's decision to reduce southern Taiwan's economic development aid, as it regarded the protests in southern Taiwan as posing a great threat to its authoritarian rule. The KMT didn't admit to nor did it respond to such revelations.[97][98][28] This expounds on why most Taiwanese are bound for the south and leaving northern Taiwan leads to traffic jams on the south-bound expressways when holidays or vacations are around the corner. This is because those citizens are not born and raised in northern Taiwan. They would like to go back to their hometown to reunite with their family during vacations.[97][98][99][28][100][101][102][103] As time comes to end the vacations or holidays, the traffic jams ensnare north-bound passengers.[28]
The entrepreneur in Kaohsiung worried about the wealth divide between the north and the south in Taiwan continued to expand, adding, “It would be hard for Kaohsiung to catch up with Taipei in 300 years.”[104]
Democracy in Taiwan virtually downright materialized since 2000 as the first non-KMT president was elected and the power was peacefully handed over.[54]
City mayoral election in 2018
Southern Taiwan was the traditional stronghold behind DPP that had helped it keep winning at the grassroots level all the way to the pinnacle of power.[48][107] Nevertheless, people are leaving southern Taiwan, their populations are aging, real-income growth is slow and the areas lack the strength to push for industrial transformation.[48] Gradually, the DPP's slogans, “green rule, quality guaranteed”, "Five plus two innovative industries plan" were deflated by the northward drift.[48][108] It's this key change that empowered Han Kuo-yu[note 13] to plant the sad sensation that swept across the majority of Kaohsiung citizens in just a few months before the city mayoral election in late 2018.[48] Despite DPP paid relatively more attention to southern Taiwan, DPP didn't realize job opportunities and wages are the keys to reverse the ongoing northward drift.[48][109] What southern Taiwanese especially Kaohsiung residents truly care is having a good job; their travel options and whether there is an opera near their home are trivial in comparison.[48]
Since Han Guo-Yu elected as the mayor of Kaohsiung City, KMT somehow realized their wrongdoings over the past decades. Now, leaders in KMT start to learn and speak Taiwanese Minnan, which KMT previously banned and disliked,[110][56] in front of southern Taiwanese and vowed to reverse the north–south divide in Taiwan. Han Guo-Yu even confessed to the north–south divide in Taiwan which puts southern Taiwanese at a distinct disadvantage. They also promise southern Taiwanese to immediately improve their economic hardship by using their election manefesto aiming to connect the economy in southern Taiwan with that of southern China on the basis of 1992 Consensus once they are in power. The implication is KMT's counterpart DPP no longer holds copyright on speaking up for southern Taiwanese and closing the gap between northern and southern Taiwan.[111][112][113][114]
Ethnic divisions between islanders and mainlanders
Charles Kao (Taiwanese), formerly a professor of economics in University of Wisconsin–River Falls, 《Global Views Monthly》 [note 15] [11]
Deep divisions within Taiwan between ethnics mainlanders, Holo, and Hakka groups factor into the north–south divide in Taiwan.[36][115][56][53]
Many of the mainlanders will presumably want to return to mainland China whenever it is freed from the Chinese Communist Party's control.[116] Mainlanders in Taiwan are mainly concentrated in northern Taiwan.[11] Mainlanders in Taiwan had enjoyed preferential treatment from the authoritarian KMT ruling, making them stand out from the rest.[11] Mainlanders are, in theory, more often than not great believers in Sun Yat-sen as opposed to Karl Marx.[117][118] Many of them become homesick towards mainland China at this moment in time.[117]
Islanders are perceived by mainlanders as non-pure "Chinese" as they think islanders were governed and thus influenced by Japanese whilst islanders regard mainlanders as non-pure "Taiwanese" as they think that mainlanders don't treat Taiwan as their home but mainland China in addition to KMT's colonialism-like ruling style that seizes resources from southern Taiwan to fuel the development of northern Taiwan.[11][36]
"If you say I'm coming from the Republic of China, foreigners mistaken you as from China. But if you say I'm coming from Taiwan, foreigners mistaken you as from Thailand.", said a mainlander.[117] "If you don't speak Taiwanese Minnan fluently in Taiwan, you will be thought as mainlanders.", they added.[117] "Mainlanders want to be understood, too. Mainlanders were in a difficult situation in 1949 given the fact that they fled from their home in mainland China due to the Chinese civil wars. During wartime, everyone’s life changes a lot.", said Ping Lu who is a first-generation mainlander Taiwanese.[117] In Taiwan, mainland-born Chinese (and their locally born children) are commonly called mainlanders.[119] "Mainlanders in Taiwan should have realized they're a minority but they don't because the authoritarian-government-controlled nationwide media intentionally filtered out such information and concealed the population statistics in order to let mainlanders mistaken that they're not minority. Mainlanders were not prepared to learn to be like an islander.", she added.[120]
Theory of the polarity between the north and the south
The "theory of the polarity between the north and the south" was derived from the islander-mainlander conflict inside the KMT.[11]
The New Kuomintang Alliance representative of mainlanders in KMT was formed to battle against the successor of Chian Chin-Guo, namely Lee Den-Hui who had been designated to calm the islander-mainlander disagreement inside KMT.[11]
Tianlongguo
Tianlongguo (天龍國, "Celestial Dragon Country", also Tianlong) is a pejorative term referring to Taipei residents' apparent nobility or aloofness. The term is based off the Celestial Dragon characters in the Japanese manga One Piece.[121][122]
KMT's weighthy strategy to attract islanders
Inequitable taxation system
"When one comes, one does not lay eggs, but with chicken shit." is a catchphrase of Taiwanese Minnan frequently employed by southern Taiwanese to depict the central taxation system they find discriminatory.[11]
Ministry of transportation of Taiwan's research published in 1997 reviewed aspects regarding the distributions of trade union, professional association, news media, and location theory and then concluded that northern Taiwan had a comparative advantage in running business than other parts of Taiwan, making northern Taiwan attractive to investors who planned to find a place to set offices and start-ups.[123]
Higher education and economic structure transformation
The transformation of the economic structure has impacted Blue-collar worker-constituted Kaohsiung, where the unemployment rate peaked last year at 3.67%. Unemployment in addition to poor economic prospects led to migration. Over the past five years, the average population growth rate in Kaohsiung has been less than 1%, adding to the concerns for Kaohsiung's future.
— CommonWealth Magazine (天下雜誌), —1998/7
The general public in southern Taiwan keeps talking about the north–south divide in the aftermath of Taiwan's sector pattern transformation from labor-intensive sectors to high-tech sectors, which nowadays is focused in northern Taiwan owing to the central government's policies decades ago.[11]
The aftermath has stretched long because it's still too difficult for people in southern Taiwan to find an adequate job within a decent range from their hometown.[11] The occurrence of the central government's north-south bias policy has been fueled by the accumulation of relative deprivation in the minds of southern Taiwanese [11]:87–88 because they've found it truly matched their real-life experience.[124]
Higher education and emerging sectors
In the first three decades since KMT's takeover of Taiwan, the most competitive sectors among the global value chain in Taiwan were low-skilled, labor-intensive sectors. KMT then issued the export-oriented economic policy as well as Ten Major Construction Projects in response and built several processing export zones in Taichung and Kaohsiung together with major heavy industrial zones around Kaohsiung, respectively, which somewhat balanced the job demand distribution around Taiwan. [note 16].[37][127][128]
During the end of the 1970s, Taiwan encountered a series of tough situations such as when the U.S. decided to suspend diplomatic relations with Taiwan in 1979 and establish formal diplomatic relations with China instead,[note 17][130][131] 1979 oil crisis, Chiang Kai-shek's decision to quit the membership at the United Nation[132][note 18].[133][134][135][136][137][138][139][140][141][142] The accompanying shocks thereof started to take effect in the early 1980s. Moreover, KMT's authoritarian ruling style was subject to scrutiny through Kaohsiung-based campaigns including the Kaohsiung Incident launched by DPP members calling for the central government to commit itself to political reform and democracy, and the increasing of Taiwanese average wages. Taiwan's advantages of low-wage, low-skill-demand sectors continued to lose competitiveness compared to other developing nations, gradually resulting in bankruptcy.[37][98][28][97]
Against such a background, KMT dealt with by revising the economic policy to transform Taiwan's economic structure from labor-intensive sectors to capital-intensive sectors.[143]
Effects
As time goes by, under the effect of globalization, those process-export sectors originally settled in Taiwan started leaving for mainland China and south-east Asian countries.[37][7][22] Since 1991, KMT softened its stance on China and relaxed the rules on visits to and investment in China, opening the floodgate that furthered the gigantic outflow of capital from Taiwan.[144][145]
In the meantime, the tide of globalization not only hit central and southern Taiwan's economy but also shook the economy of northern Taiwan. Nevertheless, because of KMT's preferential policy support by introducing newly emerging higher-value-added sectors, such as semiconductors, and providing the targeted emerging sectors with tax cuts, technical support, and other measures, the economy of northern Taipei soon recovered from the chaos and grew faster than ever, thereby rendering the region a beneficiary of globalization.[37][7][22]
People have had to leave their hometown in southern Taiwan to seek better job opportunities in metropolitans in northern Taiwan.[146] In later days, such episodes have been widely called as northern drifters (beipiao).[146]
Northern drifters (beipiao)
A native of Pingtung, posted on November 2018 at Kaohsiung board, PTT
Beipiao (北漂),[148] literally Northern drifters refers to the group of people who were born and raised in southern Taiwan but have had left their beloved family for northern Taiwan to work as they've grown up. Most of the time, those northern drifters were having such a good time in their hometown and were reluctant to leave. However, owing to the Taiwanese central government's long-term bias policy, they've been left with no option but to leave their hometown of Counties in southern Taiwan to seek better job opportunities in northern Taiwan, provoking a long-run tendency of massive population outflow from southern Taiwan, which heavily weighed in the Kaohsiung City Mayor Election, 2019.[146][149][150][148][48][151]
Statistics suggest that the “northern drifter” phenomenon has affected all of Taiwan, not just Kaohsiung City.[148] However, Kaohsiung and Pingtung have been hit hardest because they cost most to travel to and live in northern Taiwan.[11][152] According to government data, New Taipei City, as of end of 2018, has at least a population of 700,000 “northern drifters” from Yunlin County.[148] As to Miaoli, the population decreased from 561,000 in 2008 to 533,000 in 2017, with nearly 28,000 having relocated to Taipei.[148] Pingtung County lost the highest amount of adults at ages 18–65 from 2007 till 2017 compared to other counties in Taiwan, followed by Chiayi County and Taitung County.[152] Kaohsiung's share of the number of commuters in Taiwan has shrunk from 22% in 2007 to 14% in 2018 while the commuters of northern Taiwan kept the momentum for growth.[152][153]
Taipei along with northern Taiwan house nearly all specialty hubs in Taiwan ranging from the highest political institutions, major public infrastructure, other public services, fiscal power to headquarters for international companies and virtually all of the nation's resources, continuing serving as massive talent magnets offering better opportunities and resources that draw people from across the nation.[148][48]
Implication
Beipiao or northern drifters are already popular buzzphrases across Taiwan,[48] exposing the unhappiness of many residents in the nation's south.[48]
Failing to quickly reverse the northward drift led to landslide loss of support for DPP in Taiwan's election in late 2018.[48][154][107] In that, DPP even lost its territory heart- Kaohsiung City, casting big shadows on DPP's future elections.[155][48][154][107]
Chinese Officials in Beijing considered the election result as "Taiwanese seek unification with the People’s Republic of China" as KMT who generally takes a softer stance on cross-strait relations than the DPP gained hugely from the election.[156][157][158] Although Tsai Ing-Wen called "a vote for the KMT a vote against democracy", the series of defeats DPP suffered in the island's south indicated that southern Taiwanese didn't really think about that, rather, they are indications for the dissatisfaction with the perceived lack of attention paid to grounded issues.[107]
Separated families
During meals, I miss my children so much and think if my son/daughter's performance at work is good. I would like to know whether or not he/she has eaten dinner tonight like I have.
— A mother whose son/daughter has unwillingly left her to work in northern Taiwan., [159]
The adverse outcomes of the KMT-led central government's bias policy have caused hundreds of thousands of young adults to take leave of their hometowns and family and travel to northern Taiwan to seek work. And because the south is generally not as wealthy as the north, the prices paid for a family reunion in hometowns have emerged to be a burden for them, which in turn reduces their chances to see each other. They have been forced to live apart as an aftermath of the long-term bias policies, generating an accumulation of nostalgia as well as homesickness in their minds.[160][161][162][163]
Although sophisticated internet technologies have made communication easier than ever, those young workers often lie to their loved ones in the prevention of causing worries to the people they care for. Nevertheless, their loved ones actually know their kids just pretend to be strong on the computer screen. Only seeing is believing.[163][160]
Sentiment of relative deprivation
Starting from the age of 1980, new emerging sectors featuring higher-value-added were assigned by the central government to be developed in northern Taiwan.[164] Consequently, more and more Taiwanese have had to travel to northern Taiwan to seek jobs.[164] Before 1980, people in central and southern Taiwan just needed to seek opportunities in the regional hubs of central and southern Taiwan but since this convention broke up meaning they now have had to spend much more time, fee, reserves on leaving for northern Taipei in order to keep the responsibility of being an adult.[164]
It has been a long time that southern Taiwanese don't feel they have been treated fairly by the "Taipei-based" central government.[36] To date, many southern Taiwanese feel their interests have been sacrificed for the interests of northern Taiwan by the authorities that based themselves in Taipei.[36]
"The year Taiwan attained provincial status marked a turning point in Taiwan's history, triggering a shift of its center of political, economic and cultural activities from Tainan to Taipei.", said former Tainan City mayor of Hsu Tain-tsai.[36] Furthermore, he argued "it's southern Taiwan that truly represents real side of Taiwan".[36] Because of central government's long-term bias, the Taipei-based Presidential Office, formerly the grand office of the Japanese governor-general, has been perceived by many people in the south as a symbol of the new colonial power. [36]
For those in Taiwan especially southern Taiwan embracing local-oriented cultural and historical views often feel that "Taiwan de facto remains under colonial rule after the KMT took control of Taiwan after the 1945 Japanese withdrawal."[36]
It's exhausting to grasp every opportunity to return to Kaohsiung having family reunion during the vacation. Because before we see our loved ones, we have to come up against long queue for tickets and endless south-bound traffic jams. These hardships and pains are not something those big governors living in the palace in Taipei can ever understand. If southern Taiwan had developed an environment that features better working conditions and study atmosphere, I must have stayed in southern Taiwan and wouldn't have to confront all these bitterness..... Do people even know the fact that over three-fourths of universities in Taiwan are based in the teeny flat land north of Hsinchu?[note 19] Not to mention all the major companies, better working remunerations are treasured and collected in Taipei. Every time, when it comes to holidays, the north-south bound traffic becomes a mess. The whole of these entire messes are the consequences of the unfair distribution of the resources in the north against southern Taiwan. That's why we see many migratory birds on the streets just before and after the vacations in Taiwan.[11]:90
— 何文豪 [Ho Wen-Hao], 1994
Differences
An artist in Taiwan depicted a map to display the differences between northern Taiwan and southern Taiwan in social-economic welfare and spoken languages, in which northern Taiwan was regarded as "liberal hipster" and "engineer" while most parts of southern and central Taiwan were judged as "old farmer", people speak Taiwanese Mandarin in northern Taiwan while Taiwanese Minnan is widely spoken in southern Taiwan, northern Taiwan is recognized as "international city" while southern Taiwan is viewed as "wannabes" and "mountain and deer".[165] However, from southern Taiwanese perspective, they thought residents in northern Taiwan were "working for money" while themselves were living "true life".[165]
Political alignment
Traditionally, southwestern voters have favored pan-green parties such as the Democratic Progressive Party while northern voters prefer pan-blue ones such as Kuomintang.[30][105][106][11]:v[34][30][31][32][33][56] "Most outlets in Taiwan are either aligning themselves with the pan-Green camp that traditionally supports Taiwan’s independence or the pan-Blue camp that traditionally advocates Taiwan’s unification with China", said a Swedish reporter in Taipei. [57]
The data of historical elections show a divide between urban versus rural voters, and northern versus southern Taiwanese.[166][167] For instance, voters from municipalities in northern Taipei were more inclined to support same-sex marriage legalization.[167] Among the top ten cities in favor of same-sex marriage were the far northern cities of Taipei, New Taipei, Hsinchu, and Keelung.[167]
Landform
Northern Taiwan accounts for just about 20% of the total area of Taiwan but hosts virtually half of Taiwanese population, intimating Taiwanese people are exorbitantly gathering in northern Taiwan,[168][169] leading to problems of population over-swollen and slow growth of regions other than northern Taiwan.[170][171]
An article published in a demographic & land economics journal by National Chengchi University suggested that the rising housing prices in northern Taiwan were simply a result of the central government's bias towards northern Taiwan because it implemented an array of projects that created a lot of position vacancies in the north areas the treatment of which is in a sharp contrast to central and southern Taiwan.[172][173] This has led people to pursue real estate in an area the land supply of which is limited owing to geographic reasons, as there is more mountain, high land, and Table (landform) than plain in the northern part of Taiwan.[174][172]:52
Average living space per person
Per Article 40 of Housing Actin Taiwan:
All houses in Taiwan must meet the following Basic Housing Standards:[175][176]
People per household | Average living space for a person |
---|---|
一 Person | 13.07square meter (m2) |
二 Persons | 8.71 m2 |
三 Persons | 7.26 m2 |
4 Persons | 7.53 m2 |
5 Persons | 7.38 m2 |
Six persons and above | 6.88 m2 |
Nonetheless, in northern Taiwan has a bunch of houses with average total area less than 18 m2 in the official data. Given the population size in northern Taiwan, the figure suggests that many householders in northern Taiwan divide their house or floor in a building into pieces of smaller rooms for rent.[177][178][179]:310
Total | Taiwan | New Taipei City | Taipei City | Taoyuan City | Taichung City | Tainan City | Kaohsiung City | Yilan | Hsinchu County | Miaoli County | Changhua County | Nantou County | Yunlin County | Chiayi County | Pingtung County | Taitung County | Hualien County | Penghu County | Keelung County | Hsinchu County | Chiayi City | Kinmen County | Lianjian County | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Average living space per person (Unit: Pyeong) | ||||||||||||||||||||||||
1998 | ... | 10.55 | 8.10 | 8.50 | 11.56 | 12.20 | 11.63 | 11.16 | 10.21 | 12.29 | 11.29 | 11.47 | 12.10 | 12.09 | 12.47 | 12.28 | 10.17 | 10.72 | 10.43 | 7.86 | 12.08 | 11.85 | 13.76 | ... |
1999 | ... | 10.91 | 8.56 | 8.55 | 12.03 | 12.36 | 12.61 | 11.24 | 12.70 | 12.16 | 12.83 | 12.36 | 11.88 | 11.96 | 11.42 | 13.16 | 10.82 | 11.16 | 9.70 | 8.84 | 10.86 | 12.25 | 14.62 | ... |
2000 | ... | 11.17 | 9.19 | 8.73 | 11.89 | 12.34 | 12.23 | 12.04 | 11.20 | 12.75 | 12.12 | 12.37 | 12.40 | 13.73 | 12.09 | 12.72 | 12.38 | 11.92 | 10.74 | 9.27 | 11.04 | 12.40 | 15.14 | 10.70 |
2001 | ... | 11.45 | 9.05 | 8.62 | 12.55 | 12.64 | 12.46 | 11.96 | 12.16 | 14.47 | 13.59 | 12.60 | 13.54 | 13.92 | 11.77 | 13.73 | 11.59 | 12.43 | 12.45 | 9.35 | 12.48 | 14.17 | 16.58 | 10.69 |
2002 | ... | 11.42 | 8.55 | 9.13 | 12.44 | 12.58 | 12.45 | 12.01 | 12.78 | 13.88 | 13.54 | 12.39 | 13.21 | 13.32 | 12.14 | 14.60 | 12.40 | 12.43 | 11.93 | 8.90 | 12.52 | 13.46 | 18.29 | 11.39 |
2003 | ... | 11.86 | 9.04 | 9.14 | 13.20 | 13.07 | 13.35 | 12.45 | 11.74 | 14.84 | 13.49 | 13.41 | 14.27 | 13.67 | 13.23 | 14.64 | 12.73 | 12.28 | 12.61 | 8.73 | 12.58 | 14.06 | 15.87 | 11.55 |
2004 | ... | 12.12 | 8.99 | 9.70 | 12.92 | 13.54 | 12.47 | 13.13 | 11.85 | 14.53 | 14.63 | 14.05 | 16.06 | 13.67 | 12.66 | 14.71 | 12.76 | 14.44 | 12.43 | 9.57 | 12.49 | 13.53 | 18.44 | 11.84 |
2005 | ... | 12.34 | 9.26 | 9.70 | 12.44 | 13.82 | 13.32 | 13.81 | 13.39 | 14.72 | 15.36 | 13.56 | 14.97 | 14.69 | 13.47 | 13.32 | 13.61 | 14.31 | 12.30 | 8.99 | 13.79 | 14.49 | 18.12 | 12.36 |
2006 | ... | 12.56 | 9.72 | 9.21 | 13.35 | 13.75 | 13.58 | 13.94 | 13.89 | 14.08 | 15.64 | 14.04 | 15.34 | 15.01 | 12.60 | 14.59 | 13.13 | 14.84 | 12.97 | 9.98 | 13.82 | 15.05 | 17.98 | 12.05 |
2007 | ... | 12.82 | 9.24 | 9.21 | 13.38 | 14.61 | 14.47 | 13.99 | 13.91 | 14.42 | 15.59 | 15.68 | 15.49 | 15.00 | 14.03 | 15.37 | 15.56 | 15.89 | 13.32 | 9.33 | 14.79 | 16.08 | 17.70 | 10.19 |
2008 | ... | 12.90 | 9.43 | 9.58 | 13.13 | 14.24 | 14.54 | 14.62 | 14.35 | 14.78 | 16.35 | 14.43 | 16.39 | 14.78 | 15.25 | 15.14 | 13.35 | 13.62 | 13.95 | 10.62 | 13.67 | 15.31 | 18.69 | 11.87 |
2009 | ... | 13.16 | 9.27 | 9.61 | 14.32 | 14.91 | 15.10 | 14.55 | 15.30 | 14.77 | 16.66 | 15.09 | 16.80 | 14.94 | 15.54 | 15.04 | 15.55 | 14.20 | 12.92 | 9.89 | 13.84 | 17.74 | 20.34 | 11.86 |
2010 | ... | 13.25 | 9.43 | 9.79 | 14.38 | 14.74 | 14.90 | 14.12 | 15.34 | 15.42 | 15.96 | 15.50 | 16.07 | 15.62 | 15.57 | 15.83 | 16.47 | 15.42 | 12.89 | 10.18 | 15.30 | 16.48 | 19.51 | 12.37 |
2011 | ... | 13.38 | 9.69 | 9.53 | 14.10 | 15.00 | 14.46 | 15.09 | 14.06 | 16.16 | 16.36 | 15.49 | 16.41 | 15.74 | 16.42 | 16.71 | 15.86 | 16.71 | 12.77 | 10.03 | 15.29 | 15.10 | 21.99 | 13.27 |
2012 | ... | 13.49 | 9.60 | 9.64 | 14.63 | 15.45 | 14.79 | 14.85 | 14.94 | 15.54 | 16.95 | 15.77 | 17.19 | 14.67 | 17.47 | 16.03 | 15.51 | 15.37 | 13.03 | 11.10 | 15.48 | 16.18 | 19.94 | 13.21 |
2013 | ... | 13.54 | 9.72 | 9.87 | 14.12 | 15.49 | 14.16 | 15.10 | 14.38 | 16.89 | 18.29 | 15.43 | 17.40 | 16.46 | 16.15 | 16.06 | 17.21 | 15.15 | 13.86 | 11.68 | 13.93 | 15.53 | 20.23 | 13.76 |
2014 | ... | 14.01 | 10.12 | 10.20 | 14.07 | 16.18 | 15.45 | 15.85 | 14.96 | 17.52 | 17.02 | 15.91 | 17.51 | 16.93 | 16.74 | 17.15 | 17.86 | 16.22 | 15.27 | 11.41 | 14.71 | 15.86 | 20.08 | 14.16 |
2015 | ... | 14.19 | 10.13 | 10.20 | 14.77 | 16.40 | 15.36 | 15.97 | 16.45 | 16.91 | 17.88 | 16.44 | 18.13 | 16.76 | 15.27 | 17.12 | 16.10 | 16.94 | 16.31 | 11.33 | 15.10 | 16.19 | 21.57 | 15.25 |
2016 | ... | 14.44 | 10.44 | 10.49 | 15.03 | 17.06 | 15.39 | 15.38 | 17.52 | 16.37 | 17.47 | 16.97 | 17.35 | 19.03 | 15.91 | 17.21 | 18.50 | 17.40 | 15.50 | 10.87 | 15.60 | 18.36 | 23.12 | 14.81 |
2017 | ... | 14.67 | 10.48 | 10.31 | 15.31 | 16.76 | 16.02 | 16.10 | 18.10 | 17.07 | 18.62 | 16.39 | 19.73 | 17.45 | 17.00 | 18.13 | 17.67 | 18.90 | 17.17 | 12.36 | 15.63 | 18.33 | 19.41 |
- Definition: Average living space in a floor per person. (Nominal)
- Formula:Area of a floor per house /Average people per household
- Northern Taiwanese generally lives in either condominium or apartment; thereupon, 【real living space per northern Taiwanese per floor】ought to be the value extracted from the table above minus 【the share of average public infrastructure in condominium and apartment (30%-35% more than less)】.[181][182]
- In southern Taiwan, most people live in the private-owned terraced house; therefore the 【real living space per southern Taiwanese】ought to be the value extracted from the table above to be multiplied by the number of the floors of their private-owned terraced houses, without the requirement to take into account the so-called public infrastructure share.
- 【Real living space per southern Taiwanese】= Average living space in a floor per house (Nominal) X average number of the levels of terraced houses in southern Taiwan/Average people per household in southern Taiwan = Average living space in a floor per person (Nominal) X average number of the levels of terraced houses in southern Taiwan
Productivity
Northern Taiwan has higher economic output than the south. In 2016, all northern cities and counties had an above-median per capita GDP.
Rank | cities | NTD | US$ | PPP | Region |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 | Taipei | 990,292 | 30,699 | 65,539 | Northern Taiwan |
2 | Hsinchu City | 853,089 | 26,446 | 56,459 | Northern Taiwan |
- | Taipei-Keelung metropolitan area | 830,788 | 25,754 | 54,982 | Northern Taiwan |
- | Taipei-Keelung-Taoyuan metropolitan area (Northern Taiwan) | 807,860 | 25,044 | 53,465 | Northern Taiwan |
3 | Lianjiang County | 776,615 | 24,075 | 51,397 | Outlying islands |
4 | New Taipei | 733,776 | 22,747 | 48,562 | Northern Taiwan |
5 | Taoyuan | 731,518 | 22,677 | 48,413 | Northern Taiwan |
- | Taiwan | 727,098 | 22,540 | 48,120 | |
6 | Taichung | 724,905 | 22,472 | 47,975 | Central Taiwan |
7 | Hsinchu County | 724,840 | 22,470 | 47,971 | Northern Taiwan |
8 | Penghu County | 709,066 | 21,981 | 46,927 | Outlying islands |
9 | Chiayi City | 709,033 | 21,980 | 46,925 | Southern Taiwan |
10 | Keelung | 706,808 | 21,911 | 46,777 | Northern Taiwan |
11 | Yilan County | 700,034 | 21,701 | 46,329 | Northern Taiwan |
12 | Hualien County | 693,292 | 21,492 | 45,883 | Eastern Taiwan |
13 | Kaohsiung | 684,260 | 21,212 | 45,285 | Southern Taiwan |
14 | Kinmen County | 668,582 | 20,726 | 44,248 | Outlying islands |
15 | Miaoli County | 657,292 | 20,376 | 43,500 | Central Taiwan |
16 | Tainan | 643,743 | 19,956 | 42,604 | Southern Taiwan |
- | Central Taiwan excluding Yunlin County [note 20] | 642,485 | 19,922 | 41,836 | |
- | Southern Taiwan | 638,208 | 19,789 | 41,556 | |
- | Central Taiwan | 635,518 | 19,706 | 41,382 | |
17 | Taitung County | 623,485 | 19,328 | 41,263 | Eastern Taiwan |
18 | Changhua County | 618,969 | 19,188 | 40,964 | Central Taiwan |
19 | Yunlin County | 607,776 | 18,841 | 40,223 | Central Taiwan |
20 | Pingtung County | 592,066 | 18,354 | 39,184 | Southern Taiwan |
21 | Nantou County | 569,453 | 17,653 | 37,687 | Central Taiwan |
22 | Chiayi County | 562,743 | 17,445 | 37,243 | Southern Taiwan |
Regional economic structure
Sort | Name (Chinese) | Name (English) | Value (USD) | Location |
1 | 華碩電腦 | ASUS | US$1.619 billion | Taipei City, Northern Taiwan. |
2 | 趨勢科技 | Trend Micro | US$1.495 billion | Taipei City, Northern Taiwan. |
3 | 旺旺控股 | Want Want | US$0.897 billion | Taipei City, Northern Taiwan. |
4 | 中信金 | CTBC | US$0.603 billion | Taipei City, Northern Taiwan. |
5 | 研華公司 | Advantech |
US$0.5 billion | Taoyuan City, Northern Taiwan. |
6 | 國泰金 | Cathay United Bank | US$0.461 billion | Taipei City, Northern Taiwan. |
7 | 巨大機械 | GIANT | US$0.449 billion | Taichung City, Central Taiwan. |
8 | 美食達人 | 85℃ | US$0.418 billion | New Taipei City, Northern Taiwan. |
9 | 宏碁 | Acer | US$0.406 billion | New Taipei City, Northern Taiwan. |
10 | 聯發科技 | MediaTek | US$0.355 billion | Hsinchu City, Northern Taiwan. |
11 | 美利達工業 | Merida Bikes | US$0.328 billion | Taichung City, Central Taiwan. |
12 | 聯強國際 | SYNNEX | US$0.306 billion | Taipei City, Northern Taiwan. |
13 | 正新輪胎 | Maxxis | US$0.299 billion | Changhua County, Central Taiwan. |
14 | 宏達電 | HTC | US$0.267 billion | New Taipei City, Northern Taiwan. |
15 | 台達電子 | Delta Electronics | US$0.266 billion | Taoyuan City, Northern Taiwan. |
16 | 中租控股 | Chailease Holding | US$0.262 billion | Taipei City, Northern Taiwan. |
17 | 統一企業 | Uni-President | US$0.223 billion | Tainan City, Southern Taiwan. |
18 | 喬山健康科技 | Johnson Health Tech | US$0.139 billion | Taichung City, Central Taiwan. |
19 | 創見資訊 | Transcend | US$0.137 billion | Taipei City, Northern Taiwan. |
20 | 微星科技 | MSI | US$0.097 billion | New Taipei City, Northern Taiwan. |
Population
Population growth in the north has been significantly higher than that in the south, intimating the greater the place is closer to the north, the better the economic outlook the place would enjoy.
In the aftermath of the economic transformation from lower-end products in the supply chain to the middle of that, Taiwanese continues to bear the fruit and the pain of it.[189]
As people in Taiwan continued to migrate to northern Taiwan, the number of seats in the Legislative Yuan in Taiwan representative of northern Taiwanese kept rising. Many worry about this can deepen the unequal pace of development between more urbanized northern Taiwan and the rural south.[190]
Due to the fact that Taiwanese are concentrated in northern Taiwan in addition to limited land supply as a result of northern Taiwan's geography featuring a place full of mountain not suitable for buildings, the housing demand in northern Taiwan remains very high that leads to high housing price that in turn become dilemma and nightmare for northern Taiwanese. Residents in northern Taiwan, therefore, cut their expenditure for household in order to afford a house, prompting lower-than-expected birth rate, slow consumption expansion, and fears of property bubbles besides dissatisfaction of the status quo.[191][192][193][194][195] Meanwhile, southern Taiwanese generally hold back their birth planning in life to adapt to their relatively socialeconomically inferior status beside their unhappiness against the regime.[196][197][198][199][200][48]
Experts have described this phenomenon as a crisis.[201]
Life expectancy
Region | 2018 | 2017 |
---|---|---|
Taipei City | 83.63 | 83.57 |
Taipei-New Taipei-Keelung | 81.65 | 81.54 |
Taoyuan-Hsinchu-Miaoli | 80.4 | 80.26 |
Taichung-Changhua-Nantou | 79.77 | 79.5 |
Yunlin-Chiayi-Tainan | 79.34 | 79.16 |
Kaohsiung-Pingtung-Taitung | 77.39 | 77.17 |
Residents in the northern part of Taiwan generally live longer than those in the south. Hsinchu and Taipei areas enjoyed highest life expectancy over the average of 80 years old.[203]
Tainan and Kaohsiung, two major cities in southern Taiwan, had average life expectancy below 80 years old while other major cities in central Taiwan and northern Taiwan such as Taichung, Taoyuan, New Taipei, Taipei, Hsinchu all had the average life expectancy above 80.[203] This is believed to be the one of the outcomes of disparity in such factors as access to medical resource, quality of life, personal fitness and others.[203][204][205][206][207][208]
According to the scholars' statistics, there are 12 medical schools in Taiwan as of 2019 and over one-half of them are located in northern Taipei,[209] intimating that medical services and education available in Taiwan are inordinately concentrated in northern Taiwan.[209] Graduating 400 physicians per year, only 32 of them opted in serving in Kaohsiung in 2018 which exposed a severe undue medical service capacity between northern and southern Taiwan.[209] "The central government hasn't even hosted any public-funded medical school across Kaohsiung, Pingtung, Penghu and Taitung yet!", said the dean of National Sun Yat-sen University in 2019.[210][209]
According to Journal of Thoracic Oncology, the occurrence of lung cancer in southern Taiwan is now 15 times greater than that in northern Taiwan, which contributes to southern Taiwan's shorter life expectancy.[211][212]
Transportation
In Taiwan, residents in northern Taiwan enjoy the biggest airport in Taiwan called "Taiwan Taoyuan International Airport" which serves as the main hub for international travel to and from Taiwan, offering a wider of variety of flights ranging from Asian destinations and the American West Coast to and from European destinations.[213] In comparison, there are only a host of reasons that a traveler might end up traveling into or out of Kaohsiung International Airport in Southern Taiwan, according to the traveler's guide, namely, only if a traveler decides to land in Kaohsiung and leave from Taipei.[213] Nevertheless, flight destinations in Kaohsiung is much less than that in Taipei, in which a traveler can only choose to fly to a few cities in southeast Asia, China, Seoul, and Tokyo.[213] This disparity in flight destination causes great burden on southern Taiwanese because they've to buy an additional ticket and spend extra time to arrive Taoyuan international airport before they can leave for their destination outside Taiwan and vice versa.[214] Additionally, since Kaohsiung international airport is too small, it doesn't has the capacity to load industries of airplanes,[215][216] which makes itself unable to copy Taoyuan Aerotropolis to develop further economic possibilities that can benefit local citizens surrounding the airport.[217]
Attractiveness
Highly-educated researchers are Taiwan's paramount property. We understand that the scientific industrial zone in Hsinchu was run out of capacity. Whereas, we had tried to convince our researchers to relocate to the scientific industrial zone in Tainan in which the capacity never ran out. But we failed. Our researchers just didn't want to move to southern Taiwan. Furthermore, in the past, UMC forced their R & D team to move to Tainan under the same dilemma we face today. Then not for too long, UMC's R & D team broke up. This is why our technology still leads ahead of UMC nowadays. Taken together, we have no choice but to build our new R & D centers on a mountain in Hsinchu.[218][219][220]
— TSMC in the environment impact evaluation conference held in ministry of environment protection, Taiwan.
Seeing that the north–south gaps in education resources and infrastructure, firms that make medical equipment, accounting, and others that require intensive share in knowledge and higher education are predisposed to invest their departments of research and development, business management and which that require higher education in northern Taiwan in order to gain advantages.[221] On account of the north south gap in living standard, and environment protection, those informed and skilled researchers predominantly feel disposed to living and working in northern Taiwan to work to their advantages.[221]
This explains why the GDP per capita of southern Taiwan still lags behind the northern Taiwan even though the government created a few scientific industrial zones in southern Taiwan in the expectation that scientific park would easily sort out all the north–south divide in Taiwan through the outflow of benefit spill-over effect from itselt,[221] which ends up running contrary against the government's previous optimistic expectation.[221]
In the views of the facts mentioned above, international corporations such as Amazon Web Services, Google, Cisco and Facebook only found northern Taiwan attractive and therefore solely invested their local branches of Asia Pacific in northern Taiwan, which paradoxically worsened the future prospect of Taiwan by deepening the north–south divide in Taiwan.[222][223][224][225][226][227][228][229]
Education opportunity
Over half of the enrollees of National Taiwan University come from Taipei City and New Taipei City.[230][231] Among them, 90% of their annual household income rank top 30% across Taiwan.[232][233][234][235][236]
Causes
The divide has often been attributed to government bias. Following the Kuomintang's defeat by the Chinese Communist Party in the Chinese Civil War and the Nationalist's subsequent flight from the Chinese mainland, the Kuomintang relocated its headquarters to Taipei in the north of Taiwan.[237][238][239]
Since the Nationalist government's retreat to Taiwan in 1949, the Kuomintang has held power for more than 60 years non-consecutively (1949-2000, 2008-2016), compared to the Democratic Progressive Party's 10 years (2000-2008, 2016-now). Owing to the Kuomintang's long-standing bias, especially over the White Terror period, the gap between the north and the south in terms of social economic development has gradually widened. Critics say that Northern Taiwan to which mainlanders fleeing after the defeat of the KMT on the Mainland had mainly relocated had a disproportionate share of economic investment, especially since the Pro-Independence movement was less common in the North than in the South. The KMT was alleged to have concentrated investment in technological fields in its base in Northern Taiwan, especially the Hsinchu and the Greater Taipei Metropolis area while investment in the South of Taiwan was mainly in industry. As industry relocated to Mainland China over the past decades leading to slower growth in Southern Taiwan, there has been a brain drain of younger college educated Taiwanese from the South to the North where higher paying service and technology industries are located.[240][241][174][98][97][172]
Over the period 1990–1998, Mayor of Kaohsiung Wu Den-yih frequently criticized the KMT-led central government for its bias in favor of the north and against the south.[242]
An article published in a demographic & land economics journal by National Chengchi University suggested that the rising housing prices in northern Taiwan were simply a result of the central government's bias towards northern Taiwan because it implemented an array of projects that created a lot of position vacancies in the north areas the treatment of which is in a sharp contrast to central and southern Taiwan.[172][174] This has led people to pursue real estate in an area the land supply of which is limited owing to geographic reasons, as there is more mountain, high land, and Table (landform) than plain in the northern part of Taiwan.[174][172]:52
Studies also suggested that Kaohsiung, which is home to most of the heavy industry that fueled Taiwan's economic miracle, was also at the forefront of Taiwanese political liberalization activities from the 1970s onwards. Such activity includes the Kaohsiung Incident, which pushed Taiwan towards democracy, which some speculate lead to the Kuomintang government's decision to reduce southern Taiwan's economic development aid, as it regarded the protests in southern Taiwan as posing a great threat to its authoritarian rule.[97][98][28]
Note
- As of 2019, Neihu Science Park has appealed to 465 of enterprises to invest in the zone, which comes after Hsinchu Science Park's 569 but wins over central Taiwan's 205 and southern Taiwan's 234, respectively.[42][43] As of September 2019, the Central Taiwan's Science Park's total revenue has surpassed that of southern Taiwan's Science Park by 30 billion of NTD reaching 494.7 billion NTD. The revenue growth of Centrai Taiwan's Science Park was 10.1% in comparison to Southern Taiwan's -9.8%.[44][45]
- Taipei and Kaohsiung were the only two special municipalities in Taiwan prior to 2010.
- Events of cultural and arts started to move to northern Taiwan since 1949.[49]
- Arrived in Taiwan anterior to 1949.
- Arrived in Taiwan since 1949.
- Inhabitants who were mainland-born and relocated to Taiwan since 1949, and their locally born children afterward.[53]
- See also: 228 Massacre and authoritarian rule in Taiwan.[54]
- Inhabitants that were Taiwan-born.[53]
- “[The government] has been hesitating to invest in public service media, though recently it does try to boost the investment in public television, but it is not enough and is not stable,” a foreign reporter in Taiwan said.[57]
- Public Television Service (PTS) is a non-profit public broadcaster.[58] Foreign press in Taiwan are mostly located in northern Taiwan, particularlly Taipei.[59][60]
- Taiwan has been taken over by KMT since 1945.
- Most of the activists inaugurated Democratic Progressive Party later.
- Han Kuo-yu's campaign slogan was Make Kaohsiung citizens become millionaires!
- The coverage was published when DPP's Chen Shui-Bian, an islander, was re-elected as President to remain in the Office as his second presidency. See 2004 Taiwan presidential election
- A magazine founded by a mainlainder backed by KMT.
- Refer to Taiwan pollution
- Refer to Taiwan relation act.[129]
- See United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2758 for further in-depth info.
- The landscape is more mountainous in the north of Taiwan.
- Yunlin County is sometimes perceived as southern Taiwan.[184][123]
- Note:Outlying islands were neglected due to the small sample size.
Reference notes
References
- "Archived copy" 讓我們看河去(重要河川)-- 濁水溪 (in Chinese). Water Resources Agency, Ministry of Economic Affairs (Republic of China). Archived from the original on 24 December 2013. Retrieved 4 February 2011.CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
- Gao, Pat (1 November 2007). "Taiwan's Marginalized South". Taiwan Review. Government Information Office, Republic of China (Taiwan). Archived from the original on 30 September 2011. Retrieved 12 November 2010.
- "President Tsai unveils growth roadmap for southern Taiwan". Focus Taiwan. 14 December 2019. Archived from the original on 16 December 2019. Retrieved 21 December 2019.
- "2020 Elections: Tsai unveils 'great south' plan on development gap". Taipei Times. 15 December 2019. Archived from the original on 21 December 2019. Retrieved 21 December 2019.
- 邱燕玲 (2 October 2010). "南北區域經濟發展嚴重失衡…政府重北輕南 立院籲正視 - 政治". 自由時報電子報 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 23 December 2017. Retrieved 23 December 2017.
- 趙曉慧. "打破重北輕南 蔡英文:執政後3個月內 成立南台灣總統辦公室". Yahoo奇摩新聞、鉅亨網 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 10 May 2018. Retrieved 23 December 2017.
打破重北輕南:民進黨2016年總統參選人蔡英文今(14)日到高雄參訪,她表示,希望能翻轉南部,變成下一個世代經濟發展的領頭羊,要擺脫「天龍國觀點」、「從台北看天下」,若能順利執政,將在3個月內成立南台灣總統辦公室,領導政府全力推動南部再生。 蔡英文表示,一旦民進黨重返執政,會將南北均衡發展,作為國土發展的首要政策;而且也將重新定位南台灣在國際分工的積極角色,至少有3個具體策略,可以用來發展南部的經濟。
- 陈先才; 杨卓娟 (17 May 2016). "台湾社会"三中"议题研究". 首页-厦门大学学术典藏库- Xiamen University Institutional Repository (in Chinese). ISSN 1674-3199. Archived from the original on 23 December 2017. Retrieved 23 December 2017.
以南北差距为例,正是由于在国民党威权时期台湾当局重北轻南政策的推行,南部民众自认受到社会的不公正对待,与象征统治者和资本家的台北有着必然的矛盾情结。
- Chris Wang (18 August 2011). "Tsai makes policy proposals on balanced development". Taipei Times. Archived from the original on 16 June 2018. Retrieved 12 April 2019.
- 周志怀主编 (22 November 2017). 两岸关系和平发展的巩固与深化 (in Chinese). ISBN 9787510820397. Retrieved 17 December 2017.
- "林富男:鬆綁管制,讓南台灣有感". 南台灣觀光産業聯盟 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 23 December 2017. Retrieved 23 December 2017.
這種情況不但沒有改善,而且更顯嚴重。南台灣的觀光業者期盼,兩岸和平發展的進程,應重視南台灣民眾的意識。
- 李晏甄 [Lee Yen-Jhen] (January 2011). 指導教授:苗廷威 [Advisor: Miao Ting-Wei] (ed.). "台灣南北對立想像的興起 [The Imagination of North-South Divisions in Taiwan]" (PDF). 國立政治大學社會學研究所 [ National Chengchi University ] (Review, annual theses award-winning granted from Taiwanese Sociological Association) (in Chinese). 臺灣博碩士論文知識加值系統 [National Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations in Taiwan]. Archived (PDF) from the original on 24 December 2017. Retrieved 23 December 2017. Lay summary – Academica Sinica, Taiwanese Sociological Association (18 November 2011).
- 黃寬重 (2008). "國家圖書館南部館籌設緣起與願景". isbn.ncl.edu.tw. Archived from the original on 28 March 2018.
臺灣地區在過去 50 年的圖書館 發展歷程當中,重北輕南,重大學而輕公共圖書館,造成北中南三大都會區圖書館事業無法均衡發展。
- 吳佩旻 (3 January 2018). "國圖南部分館奉行政院核定 有望縮短南北資源落差 - 生活新聞 - 生活". 聯合新聞網 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 28 March 2018. Retrieved 28 March 2018.
- 陳亭妃 (15 October 2016). "南部的重大建設「國家圖書館南部分館」在馬政府時期停滯8年 亭妃在院會向行政院林全院長及教育部潘文忠部長爭取落腳台南".
2002年11月行政院南部聯合服務中心決議設置的「國家圖書館南部分館」卻因2008年7月經建會一紙「...本會現已將該研究成果納入愛臺十二建設一併研議,待國土運用規劃後,再研議是否繼續進行」公文,以及教育部在2010年6月去函要求「國家圖書館南部分館」先緩議,而停擺8年
Missing or empty|url=
(help) - 杜龍一 (19 May 2009). "立委陳亭妃指文化補助重北輕南總統馬英九要向南部文化人道歉". news.e2.com.tw. Archived from the original on 28 March 2018.
- 洪瑞琴 (11 November 2016). "國家圖書館南部館 台南爭取設在新營 - 生活". 自由時報電子報 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 18 February 2017. Retrieved 28 March 2018.
吳宗榮表示,台灣地區過去在公共圖書館發展歷程中,呈現重北輕南,重大學而輕公共圖書館,造成雲嘉南地區僅有成功大學圖書館,可以提供基本學術資源,但在公共圖書館體系方面,不論在館藏數量與主題內容,都仍有改善空間,南市將努力爭取國圖南部館籌設。
- "新營爭設國圖南部分館 地方盼妥規劃 - 生活". 自由時報電子報 (in Chinese). 17 November 2016. Archived from the original on 18 November 2016. Retrieved 28 March 2018.
李退之表示,台灣地區過去在公共圖書館的發展,呈現重北輕南,重大學而輕公共圖書館,造成雲嘉南地區僅有成功大學圖書館,可以提供基本學術資源,但在公共圖書館體系方面,不論在館藏數量與主題內容方面,都有很大的改善空間。
- 黃國正 (2010). "我國立法委員對圖書館主題質詢之內容分析" (PDF). 國立臺灣圖書館 (in Chinese). Archived from the original (PDF) on 28 March 2018. Retrieved 28 March 2018.
尤其大型圖書館均設立於北部' 造成重北輕南與文化不均的情形引發中南部民眾諸多爭議與反彈
- Chu, Tu-Bin; Liu, Tsai-Ching; Chen, Chin-Shyan; Tsai, Yi-Wen; Chiu, Wen-Ta (2 September 2005). "Household out-of-pocket medical expenditures and national health insurance in Taiwan: income and regional inequality". BMC Health Services Research. Springer Nature. 5 (1): 60. doi:10.1186/1472-6963-5-60. ISSN 1472-6963. PMC 1208885. PMID 16137336.
As discussed above, uneven distribution of medical care resources in Taiwan has been the target of much criticism. Most resources are concentrated in the North where the population has higher accessibility to health care than residents in non-northern areas (Center, South, East).
- Chu, Tu-Bin; Liu, Tsai-Ching; Chen, Chin-Shyan; Tsai, Yi-Wen; Chiu, Wen-Ta (2 September 2005). "Household out-of-pocket medical expenditures and national health insurance in Taiwan: income and regional inequality". BMC Health Services Research. Springer Nature. 5 (1): 60. doi:10.1186/1472-6963-5-60. ISSN 1472-6963. PMC 1208885. PMID 16137336.
- "調查看天下/當舉債成為地方政府重要財源…|天下雜誌". 天下雜誌 (in Chinese). 28 July 2015. Archived from the original on 23 December 2017. Retrieved 23 December 2017.
- 吳非; 胡逢瑛 (August 2009). 全球傳播與國際焦點 (in Chinese). ISBN 9789862212745. Retrieved 23 December 2017.
- 蔡吉源、林建次, 2005, 〈台灣中央與地方財政關係: 制度與歷史的觀察 (1952-2003)〉, 《財稅研究》, 37 (5): 137-54。
- "國家圖書館 期刊文獻資訊網 中文期刊篇目索引:參考文獻列表". Apache Tomcat/4.1.31 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 11 November 2018. Retrieved 11 November 2018.
- 鄧瑞兆; Teng, Ruey-Jaw (26 June 2014). "高雄都會區產業發展與人口就業之研究". Chung-Hua University Repository (in Chinese). Retrieved 17 December 2017.
- 葉淑蘭 (13 January 2014). "說南談北:台灣南北比拚 求同存異 各有千秋". 文匯報. Archived from the original on 5 February 2016.
從歷史上看,由於台南地區的地理、氣候、物產等自然條件好,台灣南部是台灣經濟開發最早的地區,人們在台南從事各種貿易和生產活動...國民黨把從大陸帶來大量的資金、科技力量、人力資源投放於以台北為中心的北部地方,進一步加強台灣經濟重心的北移。國民黨執政時期,長期「重北輕南」,致使南部地區各項建設落後於北部。國民黨把石化、汽車、鋼鐵和造船等重工業設在南部。這種工業的輕重區分強化台灣南北差距,在國民黨統治期間,北部地方的工商業企業不斷呈現上升趨勢,而南部則呈下降趨勢。
- 何來美 (2017). 台灣客家政治風雲錄. 聯經出版事業公司. ISBN 9789570848670.
受國民黨主政長期重北輕南及邱連輝的影響,臺灣客家族群的投票行為取向,長期出現北藍南綠的現象,直到2016年總統大選,始被蔡英文打破。
- Academia Sinica、林季平 (21 March 2018). "逢年過節,返鄉人潮為何一路向南?". 研之有物│串聯您與中央研究院的橋梁 (tertiary source) (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 31 March 2018. Retrieved 9 May 2018.
官方沒有親口證實,美麗島事件等政治挑戰,也可能削弱了當時執政黨對南臺灣區域經濟發展的支持度。問及會否擔心不同立場的壓力,林季平堅定地回應:「學術研究就是據實以報,真理會越辯越明,只是負面攻擊的話沒意義。」「......獨裁者與煽動者,才是萬惡之源。而借鏡戰爭史,知識份子要勇敢成為阻擋戰爭的防線。」或許這也是,為什麼林季平要以有憑有據的學術研究,涉入勞工之戰,儘管背後會中了許多槍。
- Andersson, Martin; Klinthäll, Martin (2012). "The opening of the North–South divide: Cumulative causation, household income disparity and the regional bonus in Taiwan 1976–2005". Structural Change and Economic Dynamics. Elsevier BV. 23 (2): 170–179. doi:10.1016/j.strueco.2012.02.001. ISSN 0954-349X.
- "The Geography of Voting Patterns in Taiwan –Ballots & Bullets". School of Politics & International Relations, University of Nottingham. 2 November 2011. Archived from the original on 9 November 2018. Retrieved 9 November 2018.
- Raffer, Kunibert (2001). The economic North-South divide : six decades of unequal development. Cheltenham, U.K. Northampton, Mass: Edward Elgar. ISBN 978-1-84376-145-7. OCLC 49852584.
- Achen, Christopher (2017). The Taiwan voter. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. ISBN 978-0-472-05353-7. OCLC 999442809.
- Jinn-Guey Lay, Ko-Hua Yap,and Yu-Wen Chen (2008). "THE TRANSITION OF TAIWAN'S POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY" (PDF). pp. 773–793. Archived from the original on 9 November 2018. Retrieved 9 November 2018.CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
- TSAI, CHIA-HUNG (2016). "Regional Divide and National Identity in Taiwan: Evidences from the 2012 Presidential Election". Issues & Studies. World Scientific Pub Co Pte Lt. 52 (2): 1650007. doi:10.1142/s1013251116500077. ISSN 1013-2511.
- 莊萬壽 長榮大學講座教授 (10 April 2010). "破解「南北」、「藍綠」的迷思". 台南‧成大會館. Archived from the original on 30 October 2018. Retrieved 3 April 2019.
外來統治民族來台灣,居台北,推行殖民地的語言文化,南部外來者人少,殖民文化淺,這是南北差異的主因,台北的日本人、中國人,先後都佔有1/3 ~ 1/4的人口,1944年台北市人口40萬,日人佔12萬多,已經是一個說日語的日本城。戰後,中國蔣氏帶來了一百多萬人多居北部,同化力遠超過日治時代。
- Affairs, Ministry of Foreign; (Taiwan), Republic of China (17 October 2019). "Taiwan's Marginalized South". Taiwan Today. Archived from the original on 17 October 2019. Retrieved 17 October 2019.
- 林季平 (2005). "台灣的人口遷徙及勞工流動問題回顧:1980-2000". researchgate.net (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 10 May 2018.
- "What's behind the China-Taiwan divide?". BBC News. 3 December 2016. Archived from the original on 25 August 2018. Retrieved 9 November 2018.
- 鍾豔攸 (1999). 政治性移民的互助組織-台北市之外省同鄉會(1946-1995) Mainlanders Native Place Associations in Taipei,1946-1995 (in Chinese). 台北: 國立台灣師範大學/歷史學系/碩士. ISBN 978-957-9628-51-8. OCLC 45371330.
- 遠見天下文化出版股份有限公司 (15 August 1993). "國民黨的陌路菁英". 遠見雜誌 - 前進的動力 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 24 October 2018. Retrieved 24 October 2018.
北知青黨部集有眾多重點大學,更不乏知名學者,往往最吸引社會矚目。主張「台灣優先」的世新訓導長莊碩漢批評,北部學界菁英中外省籍居多,又相當程度掌握媒體,他們呈現出的主脈動與社會脈動脫節,而且許多非主流人士過去在威權體制下扮演「壓制性」的角色,今天卻高喊民主,前後不一致
- 1967年7月1日 台北市改制直轄市 on YouTube
- "會員名錄". 社團法人台北內湖科技園區發展協會 (in Chinese). 29 October 2019. Archived from the original on 1 November 2015. Retrieved 14 November 2019.
- "產業類別及家數統計". 科技部 統計資料庫 (in Chinese). 8 November 2019. Archived from the original on 14 November 2019. Retrieved 14 November 2019.
- "國情統計通報 No.218" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 14 November 2019. Retrieved 14 November 2019.
- State Census No.218
- "內湖區志:科技園區". 臺北市內湖區公所 (in Chinese). 30 March 2018. Retrieved 14 November 2019.
- 楊重信 (1990). "台北都會發展與展望". 台北都會區發展研討規畫論文集.
- Eddy Chang (22 October 2019). "Moving the capital best bet to halt drift north". Taipei Times. Archived from the original on 22 October 2019. Retrieved 22 October 2019.CS1 maint: uses authors parameter (link)
- 姜素娥 (15 July 2008). 白適銘 (ed.). 顏水龍、劉啟祥「美育」理念之探討-以生命史為研究介面 [A case Study on the Conception of the continuation of "Aesthetic Education" of Yen Shui-long and Liu Chi-hsiang: An Approach to the Perspective of Life History] (thesis) (in Chinese). 《南华大学机构典藏系统》 [ Nanhua University ]. Retrieved 20 April 2015.
During the early days of the postwar period, Taiwan's cultural and artistic movement started migrating to north Taiwan. The fine arts academia also appeared to value the artistic development in north Taiwan more than south Taiwan. (戰後初期台灣的文化藝術活動移至北部,美術界也呈現重北輕南的現象......)
Cite journal requires|journal=
(help) - "The Heart of Asia". Taiwan. 1 January 1970. Retrieved 4 November 2019.
Taipei, the heart of Taiwan, is one of Asia’s most vibrant and engaging cultural cities, as well a powerful economic hub and business powerhouse. High-rise skyscrapers and bustling highways live side-by-side with the slower-paced, traditional temples, shrines, and museums. Taipei is also a culinary hotspot, and a center for nightlife, live music and theater.
- 东升 (2011). 台湾科技奇迹孵化器——新竹科学园. Cross-strait's technology and originated industry 海峡科技与产业. Archived from the original on 30 June 2019. Retrieved 9 March 2019.
… 众所周知,新竹是台湾地区的科技产业中心。2004年,新竹GDP突破1万亿新台币。2008年,新竹GDP突破1.25万亿新台币。近几年,新竹的GDP始终占台湾地区的10%左右。园区电子产品,像网络卡、影像扫描器、终端机、电脑等产值均占台湾全岛50%以上,IC产业处于台湾地区垄断地位。以 …
- "What's behind the China-Taiwan divide?". BBC News. 2 January 2019. Archived from the original on 25 August 2018. Retrieved 4 November 2019.
Chiang and the remnants of his Kuomintang (KMT) government fled to Taiwan in 1949. This group, referred to as Mainland Chinese and then making up 1.5m people, dominated Taiwan's politics for many years, even though they only account for 14% of the population.
- "What's behind the China-Taiwan divide?". BBC News. 2 January 2019. Archived from the original on 25 August 2018. Retrieved 4 November 2019.
Having inherited an effective dictatorship, facing resistance from local people resentful of the 228 Massacre and authoritarian rule, and under pressure from a growing democracy movement, Chiang's son, Chiang Ching-Kuo, began allowing a process of democratization, which eventually led to the 2000 election of the island's first non-KMT president, Chen Shui-bian.
- "What's behind the China-Taiwan divide?". BBC News. 2 January 2019. Archived from the original on 25 August 2018. Retrieved 4 November 2019.
The pivotal role of the US was most clearly shown in 1996, when China conducted provocative missile tests to try and influence Taiwan's first direct presidential election. In response, US President Bill Clinton ordered the biggest display of US military power in Asia since the Vietnam War, sending ships to the Taiwan Strait, and a clear message to Beijing.
- Chang, Bi-yu (1 December 2004). "From Taiwanisation to De-sinification. Culture Construction in Taiwan since the 1990s". China Perspectives. 2004 (56). doi:10.4000/chinaperspectives.438. ISSN 2070-3449.
- "Taiwan loses Asia's press-freedom top spot – but still pretty good". 18 May 2019. Archived from the original on 21 May 2019. Retrieved 14 November 2019.
- "Taiwan profile". BBC News. 1 October 2019. Archived from the original on 5 December 2019. Retrieved 15 November 2019.
- "外籍記者聯誼 - The Taiwan (formerly Taipei) Foreign Correspondents' Club was established in 1998 to assist foreign correspondents and their associates in Taiwan in news gathering by organising timely events, support and strengthen the correspondent community and represent their interests by giving them a voice in the community". Taiwan Foreign Correspondents' Club. Archived from the original on 15 November 2019. Retrieved 15 November 2019.
- Hale, byErin (5 November 2018). "Taiwan emerges as a hub for foreign media in Asia". International Journalists' Network. Archived from the original on 15 November 2019. Retrieved 15 November 2019.
- takaogooday (29 August 2018). "公廣南部台應加速設立於高雄-媒體投書完整版刊出". 高雄好過日 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 16 March 2019. Retrieved 8 November 2019.
- Su Hen. "台灣主要報紙新聞內容之轉變(民國36年82年)" [The transition of the news reporting in the mainstream media in Taiwan from 1947 to 1993.]. 民意出版社 [Publisher of Public Opinion] (in Chinese). Taipei: TCS 臺灣傳播調查資料庫 (200): 17–48. Archived from the original on 21 March 2019. Retrieved 21 March 2019.CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
- Su Hen (21 March 2019). "蘇蘅/韓流新聞狂潮的本質與虛幻" [The real side and the virtual side of the Han wave.]. 2018九合一選舉 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 30 March 2019. Retrieved 30 March 2019.
矯正新聞重北輕南習性。過去由於媒體多在北部,凡事由台北看天下,南部發展議題不受重視,整天只追柯P的學姐...
CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - 文:房慧真;攝影:余志偉;設計:黃禹禛 (3 January 2019). "【高雄環境難民大風吹】填海造陸,升起一座石化浮島:大林蒲". 報導者 The Reporter (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 25 April 2019. Retrieved 25 April 2019.
- Taiwan Power Company (30 November 2017). EKI網繹數位科技 (ed.). "新興火力計畫進展 - 工程資訊 - 資訊揭露 - 台灣電力股份有限公司" (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 23 June 2019. Retrieved 2 November 2019.
- 陳文姿 (1 November 2019). "中電、南電都「北送」? 五張圖表打破區域電力供需迷思". 台灣環境資訊協會-環境資訊中心 [Taiwan Environmental Information Center (NGO)] (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 3 June 2019. Retrieved 2 November 2019.CS1 maint: uses authors parameter (link)
- "Construction halted at Taiwan nuclear plant after protests". The Voice of Russia. 27 April 2014. Archived from the original on 29 November 2014. Retrieved 24 November 2014.
- "1.4 Identification of Agents and Contractors". Lungmen Units 1&2 Preliminary Safety Analysis Report (PDF) (Report). Taipei: Atomic Energy Council. Archived (PDF) from the original on 4 December 2017. Retrieved 25 November 2014.
- Chiu, Yu-tzu (28 October 2000). "Activists applaud killing of nuclear plant plan". Taipei Times. Archived from the original on 24 September 2015. Retrieved 25 November 2014.
- "Nuclear Power In Taiwan". World Nuclear Association. February 2013. Archived from the original on 28 January 2016. Retrieved 28 October 2013.
- "Lungmen 1 passes pre-operational tests". World Nuclear News. 1 August 2014. Archived from the original on 13 October 2014. Retrieved 24 November 2014.
- Lee, I-chia (30 April 2014). "NUCLEAR POWER DEBATE: Proposal for referendum on fuel rods gets support". Taipei Times. Archived from the original on 24 September 2015. Retrieved 24 November 2014.
- Loa, Iok-sin; Lin, Sean (23 August 2014). "Committee rejects referendum proposal". Taipei Times. Archived from the original on 24 September 2015. Retrieved 24 November 2014.
- "Taipower readies 2nd batch of nuclear fuel rods for U.S. Return | Society | FocusTaiwan Mobile - CNA English News". Archived from the original on 16 September 2019. Retrieved 6 November 2019.
- "Taipower allegedly starts shipping nuclear fuel rods back to U.S. | Society | FocusTaiwan Mobile - CNA English News". Archived from the original on 15 November 2018. Retrieved 6 November 2019.
- Lassen, Jonathan (10 September 2000). "Power play". Taipei Times. Archived from the original on 24 September 2015. Retrieved 25 November 2014.
- "Lungmen (Dragon Gate) Nuclear Project, Taiwan". Power Technology. 2012. Archived from the original on 3 December 2014. Retrieved 25 November 2014.
- "12.3 Entities involved (Taiwan, China)". Status report 97 - Advanced Boiling Water Reactor (ABWR) (PDF) (Report). IAEA. Archived (PDF) from the original on 23 June 2017. Retrieved 15 July 2014.
The Lungmen project is supported by the GE Team, including: Black & Veatch, Hitachi, Shimizu, Toshiba, and other US, Taiwan, China and international participants.
- Chang, Rich (12 April 2011). "Groups call for nuclear referendum". Taipei Times. Archived from the original on 24 September 2015. Retrieved 25 November 2014.
- Shih, Hsiu-chuan (26 February 2013). "Nuclear referendum receives go-ahead". Taipei Times. Archived from the original on 22 March 2015. Retrieved 25 November 2014.
- Lee, I-chia (20 April 2013). "Nuclear referendum question protested". Taipei Times. Archived from the original on 24 February 2015. Retrieved 25 November 2014.
- Shih, Hsiu-chuan (8 March 2013). "KMT unveils text of nuclear referendum". Taipei Times. Archived from the original on 24 September 2015. Retrieved 25 November 2014.
- Shan, Shelley (9 March 2013). "Nuclear Power Debate: Academics slam referendum question". Taipei Times. Archived from the original on 24 September 2015. Retrieved 25 November 2014.
- "Taiwanese Nuclear Vote Turns Violent". World Nuclear News. 2 August 2013. Archived from the original on 29 October 2013. Retrieved 29 October 2013.
- Lee, I-chia (18 September 2013). "Activists want no referendum and no nuclear plant". Taipei Times. Archived from the original on 29 March 2014. Retrieved 25 November 2014.
- Shih, Hsiu-chuan; Wang, Chris (11 September 2013). "KMT's Lee withdraws nuclear poll proposal". Taipei Times. Archived from the original on 24 February 2015. Retrieved 25 November 2014.
- "MOEA unveils three-year nuclear power plant plan". Taipei Times. 1 August 2014. Archived from the original on 22 March 2015. Retrieved 5 March 2015.
- Ko, Shu-ling (15 December 2014). "Taiwan ready to defer construction of new nuclear power plant". Kyodo News. Archived from the original on 16 December 2014. Retrieved 5 March 2015.
- Lin, Sean (4 February 2015). "AEC approves plan to shutter fourth nuclear facility". Taipei Times. Archived from the original on 9 February 2015. Retrieved 5 March 2015.
- "GE seeks arbitration over Lungmen payments". World Nuclear News. 14 December 2015. Archived from the original on 1 November 2016. Retrieved 1 November 2016.
- 何定照 (10 December 2019). "學者看空總規畫 就是「台北治天下、天龍國等於台灣」". 經濟日報 (in Chinese). Retrieved 27 December 2019.
...當所有發展機會都在台北,回頭批評其他縣市的能力不足、水準很差、公共設施缺乏,很不合理。
- 姜渝生、王小娥 (28 January 2011). "An Empirical Analysis of the Regional Distributional Weights for Allocating Transportation Investment Funds in Taiwan. 台灣地區重大交通建設區域分配權重之實證分析". 國立成功大學機構典藏 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 30 June 2019. Retrieved 9 March 2019.
The variance of benefit estimates was also calculated using the KR method. The benefit estimates were then allocated to four regions, namely, North, Central, South, and East. With the decision indicators of one for accepted and zero for rejected for each project, the estimated regional weights indicated the revealed preferences of the decision maker. For the projects in the past, the regional weights were estimated to be 1, 0.48, 0.26, 0.08, indicating that the North Region was significantly more preferred to other regions. For the ongoing and future projects, the regional weights were estimated to be 1, 0.73, 0.56, 0.0, indicating that the inequality between North-South Regions has been reduced. However, the difference between the Eastern-Western corridors is becoming significant.
- "Study in Taiwan Learning plus Adventure". Study in Taiwan Learning plus Adventure. Archived from the original on 19 October 2019. Retrieved 19 October 2019.
- "The answer to the question of "Why was Taiwan full of Chinese males but Chinese females? (has Tangshan father, no Tangshan mother.)"" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 1 November 2019. Retrieved 1 November 2019.
- 周志明 (21 September 2015). "唐山过台湾" [From China to Taiwan]. 海洋世界 [World of Ocean] (in Chinese) (7): 24–30. Archived from the original on 1 November 2019. Retrieved 1 November 2019.
- Lin, Ji-Ping (24 January 2012). "Tradition and Progress: Taiwan's Evolving Migration Reality". migrationpolicy.org. Archived from the original on 3 October 2017. Retrieved 9 May 2018.
- Lin, Ji-Ping (28 February 2016). "Taiwan Temporary Workers and Labor Marginalization in the Context of Segmented Labor Market, 1991-2010". Arbor (secondary source). Departmento de Publicaciones del CSIC. 192 (777): a291. doi:10.3989/arbor.2016.777n1007. ISSN 1988-303X.
- Lin, Ji-Ping, 2016, “Taiwan Temporary Workers and Labor Marginalization in the Context of Segmented Labor Market, 1991-2010”, ARBOR-CIENCIA PENSAMIENTO Y CULTURA, Vol.192, No.777, 291.
- Lin Ji-Ping (4 April 2018). 泥仔 (ed.). "臺灣勞工的地表歷險記:逢年過節,返鄉人潮為何一路向南?". 地球圖輯隊 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 10 May 2018. Retrieved 10 May 2018.
種種人擇因素下,北部漸成為新興產業的大本營,例如新竹科學工業園區、台北市信義計畫區等等。影響範圍甚至擴展到中壢桃園都會區,從 1990 年至 2000 年,此區人口增加了 31.4% (行政院主計處 2000)。
- 林季平,2005,〈台灣的人口遷徙及勞工流動問題回顧:1980-2000〉,《台灣社會學刊》,第34期,頁147-209。
- 林季平、章英華,2004,〈人力運用擬:追蹤調查資料庫的產過程、應用現況、及未來發展〉,《調查研究》,第13期卷,頁39-69
- 林季平、廖高禮,2011,〈台灣失業勞工的遷徙及再就業:初級、回流、及連續遷徙分析〉,《人口學刊》,第42卷第1期,頁1-41
- "Who Is More Blissful in Taiwan's North-South Wealth Divide?". National Policy Foundation Website. 3 February 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2019.
- Fell, Dafydd (2006). Party Politics in Taiwan. Routledge. p. 85. ISBN 978-1-134-24021-0.
- Achen, Christopher H.; Wang, T. Y. (2017). "The Taiwan Voter: An Introduction". In Achen, Christopher H.; Wang, T. Y. (eds.). The Taiwan Voter. University of Michigan Press. pp. 1–25. doi:10.3998/mpub.9375036. ISBN 978-0-472-07353-5. pp. 1–2.
- Morris, James X. (27 November 2018). "KMT Shocks With Its Success in Taiwan Elections". The Diplomat – The Diplomat is a current-affairs magazine for the Asia-Pacific, with news and analysis on politics, security, business, technology and life across the region. Archived from the original on 22 October 2019. Retrieved 22 October 2019.
- 蔡宏政 (24 January 2020). "蔡英文障礙是如何被創造出來?". new7 新新聞文化事業股份有限公司. Archived from the original on 28 January 2020.
南北平衡問題還未解決-韓國瑜曾以「北漂」、「又老又窮」打動人心,並贏得高雄市長選舉。這反映了高雄市人口負成長,外流的人口又以高學歷者居多,欠缺高薪工作難以留下人才的真實問題。小英政府的五加二產業轉型高舉人工智慧(AI),卻跟國民黨時代一樣,人才、資金全集中在北部。高雄產學界譏諷地說:「ㄟ哀的都在北部,高雄只剩下袂哀」。前瞻計畫中為高雄設計的「循環經濟」,除了自我招供高雄汙染嚴重,其效果選民顯然不埋單。
- "ELECTIONS: 'We Care' rally planned in Kaohsiung". Taipei Times. 17 November 2018. Archived from the original on 15 February 2020. Retrieved 15 February 2020.
Meanwhile, Han’s team on Thursday evening released a campaign video that features the stories of three so-called “northern drifters” and “underscores the sense of helplessness” felt by many young people from Kaohsiung.
- Judit Árokay; Jadranka Gvozdanović; Darja Miyajima (2014). Divided Languages?: Diglossia, Translation and the Rise of Modernity in Japan, China, and the Slavic World. Springer Science. p. 73. ISBN 978-3-319-03521-5. Archived from the original on 14 October 2019. Retrieved 8 November 2019.
- 林宏聰 、 張亦惠 、 廖素慧 、嘉義、 楊馨 (21 October 2019). "韓國瑜民雄傾聽座談 強調重視南台灣 - 政治". 中時電子報 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 24 October 2019. Retrieved 3 November 2019.
- 曾原信 (2 November 2019). "洪秀柱立足台南 靠國會經驗拼勝選". 聯合新聞網 (in Chinese). Retrieved 3 November 2019.
- 周宗禎 (5 October 2019). "洪秀柱晚間參加老人會慶生 全程台語唱老歌鄉親喊讚". 聯合新聞網 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 15 October 2019. Retrieved 3 November 2019.
- 謝進盛 (28 October 2019). "洪秀柱:黨可以不要我,我不會放棄國民黨". 聯合新聞網 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 30 October 2019. Retrieved 3 November 2019.
- "Regional divide, 'Yeltsin effect' concerns after Taiwan elections". FOCUS TAIWAN. 29 November 2010. Archived from the original on 20 October 2019. Retrieved 20 October 2019.
- Affairs, Ministry of Foreign; (Taiwan), Republic of China (1 December 1963). "Islanders and Mainlanders .. One People". Taiwan Today. Retrieved 6 November 2019.
Mainlanders arrived after the 1945 restoration of Taiwan to China, most of them in 1949 when the Communists were usurping power on the mainland. Presumably many will want to return when the mainland is freed from Communist control.
- Egan, Dan (3 October 2019). "台灣「外省人」的身世與「國家」認同". BBC News 中文 (in Chinese). Retrieved 8 November 2019.
- Sun Yat-sen (3 August 1924). "三民主義:民生主義 第一講 [Three Principles of the People : People's living]". 國父全集 [Father of the nation's scripts]. 中山學術資料庫系統 (in Chinese).
This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the public domain. pp. 0129–0145. Archived from the original on 11 May 2019. Retrieved 30 December 2019. 我們國民黨提倡民生主義,已經有了二十多年,不講社會主義,祇講民生主義。社會主義和民生主義的範圍是甚麼關係呢?近來美國有一位馬克思的信徒威廉氏,深究馬克思的主義,見得自己同門互相紛爭,一定是馬克思學說還有不充分的地方,所以他便發表意見,說馬克思以物質為歷史的重心是不對的,社會問題才是歷史的重心;而社會問題中又以生存為重心,那才是合理。民生問題就是生存問題......像用這種分配的新方法,便可以省去商人所賺的佣錢,免去消耗者所受的損失。就這種新分配方法的原理講,就可以說是分配之社會化,就是行社會主義來分配貨物。以上所講的社會與工業之改良,運輸與交通收歸公有,直接徵稅與分配之社會化。.....但是照歐美近幾十年來,社會上進化的事實看,最好的是分配之社會化,銷滅商人的壟斷,多徵資本家的所得稅和遺產稅,增加國家的財富,更用這種財富,來把運輸和交通收歸公有,以及改良工人的教育、衛生和工廠的設備,來增加社會上的生產力。因為社會上的生產很大,一切生產都是很豐富,資本家固然是發大財,工人也可以多得工錢。像這樣看來,資本家改良工人的生活,增加工人的生產力。工人有了大生產力,便為資本家多生產,在資本家一方面可以多得出產,在工人一方面也可以多得工錢,這是資本家和工人的利益相調和,不是相衝突。社會之所以有進化,是由于社會上大多數的經濟利益相調和(註八),不是由于社會上大多數的經濟利益有衝突。社會上大多數的經濟利益相調和,就是為大多數謀利益;大多數有利益,社會才有進步。社會上大多數的經濟利益之所以要調和的原因,就是因為要解決人類的生存問題。古今一切人類之所以要努力,就是因為要求生存;人類因為要有不間斷的生存,所以社會才有不停止的進化。所以社會進化的定律,是人類求生存。人類求生存,才是社會進化的原因。階級戰爭,不是社會進化的原因,階級戰爭,是社會當進化的時候,所發生的一種病症。這種病症的原因,是人類不能生存。因為人類不能生存,所以這種病症的結果,便起戰爭。馬克思研究社會問題所有的心得,只見到社會進化的毛病,沒有見到社會進化的原理,所以馬克思只可說是一個社會病理家,不能說是一個社會生理家。
- Affairs, Ministry of Foreign; (Taiwan), Republic of China (1 December 1963). "Islanders and Mainlanders .. One People". Taiwan Today. Retrieved 8 November 2019.
About four-fifths of the inhabitants are Taiwan-born Chinese, usually called Taiwanese. Except for a small group of aborigines, estimated at 200,000 and the only ethnic minority in Taiwan, the rest are mainland-born Chinese (and their locally born children), who are commonly called mainlanders.
- Egan, Dan (3 October 2019). "台灣「外省人」的身世與「國家」認同". BBC News 中文 (in Chinese). Retrieved 8 November 2019.
「外省族群本來就應該有自知是少數族群,但不管是我上一代,甚至到我這一代,對這件事所知有限。在解嚴之前,所有的媒體信息,都刻意規避這樣的真相,甚至連人口統計資料都不公開,目的是讓人誤以為,外省族群人數不是那麼少的少數。沒有機會體認自己的真實處境,這屬於外省族群的集體困境。」平路認為,「陸地思維的大陸人」歷經戰亂來到這座四面環海的台灣要學習如何做一個「島民」(islander),本來就很不容易。「我父母親那一輩,我想很多外省人都一樣,始終沒有沒有足夠的時間,或者說沒有足夠的機會,去做一個島民,因為他們來的時候,已經是中壯年。」她說。
- Chung, Chiao (28 July 2012). "Free Taipei from 'celestial dragons'". Taipei Times. Translated by Eddy Chang. Archived from the original on 23 April 2020. Retrieved 14 April 2020.
- 王盈淳 (1 January 2014). "天龍人蓋高尚?台北人主觀社會地位初探 [Do "TIAN-LONG" People Feel Superior? Subjective Social Status of Taipei Residents]". 臺北大學社會學系學位論文 [National University of Taipei] (in Chinese): 1–44. Archived from the original on 26 December 2019. Retrieved 26 December 2019.
- 柯文欣 (1 January 2009). "台灣地區區域發展差距之再檢視 [Re-Survey of Taiwan Regional Differences]". 成功大學都市計劃學系學位論文 National Cheng Kung University (in Chinese): 1–165. Archived from the original on 15 November 2019. Retrieved 15 November 2019.
- 王甫昌 (1996) 台灣反對運動的共識動員:一九七九~一九八九年兩次挑戰高峰的比較。台灣政治學刊1:129-210
- "科技部-園區分布及介紹". 「科技部全球資訊網」(MOST) (in Chinese). 21 January 2010. Archived from the original on 2 March 2019. Retrieved 1 March 2019.
- "涉銅鑼基地徵收弊案 立委一審遭重判19年(2006-11-25)-法律新聞". 法源法律網 (in Chinese). 23 January 2019. Archived from the original on 2 March 2019. Retrieved 1 March 2019.
判決書指出,行政院國家科學委員會為了擴建新竹科學園區用地,八十六年經行政院核定苗栗縣銅鑼、竹南兩基地,國科會科學工業園區管理局就銅鑼基地內的農林公司所有的土地,與農林公司進行土地價購,雙方發生爭議,農林公司請何姓立委協調。九十年間,何利用職權向科管局施壓,以刪減國科會預算威脅科管局同意發給農林公司一億七千多萬元獎勵金,科管局擔心預算被刪,同意發給。後來何又再以刪除預算為由,再度逼迫科管局發放農林公司五千多萬元獎勵金,合計農林公司先後領取二億二千三百五十四萬多元獎勵金。何與國華人壽翁董事長、農林公司熊董事長等人勾結,將二億二千多萬元獎勵金侵吞。
- "ECONOMY". Government Portal of Republic of China, Taiwan. Archived from the original on 22 November 2019. Retrieved 21 November 2019.
- Trade and Economic Development in Taiwan by Dr Y. C. Jao, Hong Kong
- "What's behind the China-Taiwan divide?". BBC News. 2 January 2019. Archived from the original on 25 August 2018. Retrieved 4 November 2019.
The US Congress, responding to the move, passed the Taiwan Relations Act, which promises to supply Taiwan with defensive weapons, and stressed that any attack by China would be considered of "grave concern" to the US.
- "What's behind the China-Taiwan divide?". BBC News. 2 January 2019. Archived from the original on 25 August 2018. Retrieved 4 November 2019.
After Donald Trump won the 2016 US election, she spoke to the president-elect in a phone call, in what was a break with US policy set in 1979 when formal relations were cut.
- "What's behind the China-Taiwan divide?". BBC News. 2 January 2019. Archived from the original on 25 August 2018. Retrieved 4 November 2019.
The relationship, forged during World War Two and the Cold War, underwent its sternest test in 1979, when President Jimmy Carter ended US diplomatic recognition of Taiwan in order to concentrate on burgeoning ties with China.
- History Mania: China Admitted To UN - 1971; Recording of proceedings at UN General Assembly, accessible on YouTube
- "UN Yearbook". United Nations Multimedia, Radio, Photo and Television (in Latin). p. 132. Archived from the original on 6 March 2019. Retrieved 5 March 2019.
- "UN Yearbook". United Nations Multimedia, Radio, Photo and Television. pp. 127–128. Archived from the original on 6 March 2019. Retrieved 5 March 2019.
The second draft resolution, submitted on 29 September 1971, was sponsored by the following 22-states:......
- "UN Yearbook". United Nations Multimedia, Radio, Photo and Television. p. 131. Archived from the original on 6 March 2019. Retrieved 5 March 2019.
The assembly then rejected 22-power draft resolution by a roll-call vote of a 59 against 55 in......
- "UN Yearbook". United Nations Multimedia, Radio, Photo and Television. p. 127. Archived from the original on 6 March 2019. Retrieved 5 March 2019.
At the beginning of the debate, the General Assembly had before it three draft resolutions. The first draft resolution submitted on 25 September 1971 was sponsored by 23 States, including...... By the operative paragraph of the text, the General Assembly would decide to restore to the People's Republic of Chia all its right, ......
- "UN Yearbook". United Nations Multimedia, Radio, Photo and Television. p. 132. Archived from the original on 6 March 2019. Retrieved 5 March 2019.
The General Assembly then voted on a United States motion on a separate on provision in the 23-power proposal whereby the General Assembly would......
- "UN Yearbook". United Nations Multimedia, Radio, Photo and Television. p. 132. Archived from the original on 6 March 2019. Retrieved 5 March 2019.
Thereupon, the representative of China......
- "UN Yearbook". United Nations Multimedia, Radio, Photo and Television. p. 132. Archived from the original on 6 March 2019. Retrieved 5 March 2019.
The Assembly then adopted the 23-power text, by a roll-call vote of 76 to 35, with 17 abstentions, as resolution 2758 (XXVI).
- "UN Yearbook". United Nations Multimedia, Radio, Photo and Television. pp. 127–128. Archived from the original on 6 March 2019. Retrieved 5 March 2019.
The third draft resolution, also submitted on 27 September 1971, was sponsored by the following 19-states:...... By the operative part of the draft resolution, the General Assembly would: (2) affirm the continued right of representation of the Republic of China. ...... Saudi Arabian expressing the view that...
- "UN Yearbook". United Nations Multimedia, Radio, Photo and Television. p. 130. Archived from the original on 6 March 2019. Retrieved 5 March 2019.
In essence, the United States representative added, the 19-......
- "UN Yearbook". United Nations Multimedia, Radio, Photo and Television. p. 132. Archived from the original on 6 March 2019. Retrieved 5 March 2019.
It didn't proceed to the vote on the 19-power draft text.
- "促進產業升級條例". THE R.O.C LAWS & REGULATIONS DATABASE (in Chinese). 16 April 2019. Archived from the original on 11 June 2019. Retrieved 20 October 2019.
- "What's behind the China-Taiwan divide?". BBC News. 2 January 2019. Archived from the original on 25 August 2018. Retrieved 4 November 2019.
The offer was rejected, but Taiwan did relax rules on visits to and investment in China. It also, in 1991, proclaimed the war with the People's Republic of China over.
- 陳信銘 [Chen Shin-Ming] (30 October 2008). "1990年代以來台灣產業外移之探討" [The outflow of industrials in Taiwan since 1990. A review study.] (PDF) (in Chinese and English). National University of Kaohsiung. p. III. Archived (PDF) from the original on 21 April 2019. Retrieved 4 November 2019.
The manufacturing sectors in Taiwan have been moved to mainland China and Southeast Asia in a large scale since 1990s, resulting in a decline of growth rate for the Taiwan economy.
- Chen, Timmy Chih-Ting (18 October 2019). "A Future Without China? Livelihood Issues in Ten Years Taiwan - Frames Cinema Journal". framescinemajournal.com. Archived from the original on 18 October 2019. Retrieved 18 October 2019.
A recent Bloomberg headline “Foxconn’s Gou Runs for Taiwan President, Citing Message From Sea Goddess [Mazu]” demonstrates that seeking divine guidance is part and parcel of Taiwan’s everyday life experience. “Way Home” paints a nuanced picture of the north-south divide. Dong-yang refuses to follow the older members of his family who have left or are leaving his and director Lu’s hometown of Yunlin County in southern Taiwan to seek better job opportunities in Taipei. It is true that an outflow of population in southern Taiwan has been taking place, constituting “northern drifters” (beipiao) ...
- 葛祐豪 (6 November 2018). "高雄到底招誰惹誰了??網友出聲力挺高雄 - 政治". 自由電子報 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 30 March 2019. Retrieved 30 March 2019.
- "EDITORIAL: Regional balance needs addressing". Taipei Times. 22 October 2019. Archived from the original on 22 October 2019. Retrieved 22 October 2019.
- 張宇韶 (19 October 2018). "北漂青年的論述,完全忽視高雄長期被視為「邊陲」的本質問題 - The News Lens". The News Lens 關鍵評論網 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 16 November 2018. Retrieved 15 November 2018.
- "EDITORIAL: Regional balance needs addressing". Taipei Times. 6 November 2018. Archived from the original on 22 October 2019. Retrieved 22 October 2019.
- Eddy Chang (22 October 2019). "Moving the capital best bet to halt drift north". Taipei Times. Archived from the original on 22 October 2019. Retrieved 22 October 2019.CS1 maint: uses authors parameter (link)
- "【高屏篇】高鐵來了,青壯年更北漂──500億南延屏東,是發展特效藥或毒藥?". The Reporter (in Chinese). 15 December 2019. Archived from the original on 20 December 2019. Retrieved 23 December 2019.
...高鐵通車10年的青壯年人口佔比變化,屏東負成長達0.3%,與嘉義縣及台東縣並列第一。再細部分析青壯年人口增減,屏東在這10年間減少1.9萬的青壯年人口,是全國縣市中最多的。
- "【高屏篇】高鐵來了,青壯年更北漂──500億南延屏東,是發展特效藥或毒藥?". The Reporter (in Chinese). 15 December 2019. Archived from the original on 20 December 2019. Retrieved 23 December 2019.
...高雄左營站進出人數佔比流失最嚴重。2007年高鐵通車那一年,左營進出站人數佔整體比例是22%,但去(2018)年下滑至14%,是所有車站中下滑比例最高,嘉義與台南12年間也各下滑2%:反觀北部的桃園站增加4%、新竹增加3%。
- "Political map dramatically shifts to KMT after DPP debacle - Politics - CNA ENGLISH NEWS". FOCUS TAIWAN. 25 November 2018. Archived from the original on 2 May 2019. Retrieved 22 October 2019.
- "From rank outsider to mayor of Kaohsiung: meet the man who wooed Taiwan's electorate". South China Morning Post. 26 November 2018. Archived from the original on 6 October 2019. Retrieved 22 October 2019.
- "MAC urges China not to misjudge vote outcome". Taipei Times. 26 November 2018. Archived from the original on 31 August 2019. Retrieved 22 October 2019.
- "What's behind the China-Taiwan divide?". BBC News. 2 January 2019. Archived from the original on 25 August 2018. Retrieved 4 November 2019.
In November, Ms Tsai's political party received a heavy setback in regional elections perceived by Beijing as a blow to her separatist stance.
- "What's behind the China-Taiwan divide?". BBC News. 2 January 2019. Archived from the original on 25 August 2018. Retrieved 4 November 2019.
Officially, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) still favours eventual independence for Taiwan, while the KMT favours eventual re-unification.
- TTV. "盼兒女回鄉工作" [They want their children back to work in their hometown.] (in Chinese).
吃飯的時候 心想我的孩子不知道吃飯了沒 工作不曉得做得好不好...一年三節有時候要回來 車站人多買不到火車票
- 李義 (10 October 2018). "《韓國瑜 幫我回家》逼哭北漂族". 中時電子報 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 2 March 2019. Retrieved 1 March 2019.
- CTi News. "20181103中天新聞女兒北漂拚未來媽媽「掛完電話就大哭」" [The mom whose child is working in northern Taipei bursts into tears every time when hanging up the phone with her beloved child].
- CTi News. "【精彩】韓國瑜鳳山造勢‧全民開講(一) 年輕人、北漂族的心聲 政府聽到了嗎?" [Han Guo-Yu's campaign] (in Chinese).
- CTi News. "【精彩】韓國瑜鳳山造勢‧全民開講(二) 陳媽媽淚灑現場:讓北漂孩子回來 救救自己的父母" [Han Guo-Yu's campaign II] (in Chinese).
我這一路走來真的很辛苦,我要看我的兒子,我還要跑很遠 (哽咽),我兒子要回來也要跑很遠回來。可是南部的經濟...
- Chu, Tu-Bin; Liu, Tsai-Ching; Chen, Chin-Shyan; Tsai, Yi-Wen; Chiu, Wen-Ta (2 September 2005). "Household out-of-pocket medical expenditures and national health insurance in Taiwan: income and regional inequality". BMC Health Services Research. Springer Nature. 5 (1): 60. doi:10.1186/1472-6963-5-60. ISSN 1472-6963. PMC 1208885. PMID 16137336.
- "Fun map of 9 ways to divide Taiwan". Taiwan News. 18 January 2018. Archived from the original on 14 October 2019. Retrieved 14 October 2019.
- Jonathan Sullivan (2 November 2011). "The-geography-of-voting-patterns-in-taiwan". School of Politics & International Relations, University of Nottingham. Archived from the original on 9 November 2018. Retrieved 14 October 2019.
- Keoni Everington (28 November 2018). "Taiwan's same-sex marriage referendum res..." Taiwan News. Archived from the original on 14 October 2019. Retrieved 14 October 2019.CS1 maint: uses authors parameter (link)
- "臺灣地區面積及海岸長度 - 內政統計年報". 中華民國內政部地政司. Archived from the original on 3 July 2015. Retrieved 16 October 2015.
- 林佳賢 (3 March 2016). "南北平衡?社會均富?3張圖看台灣南北面積、人口和經濟發展的比較". The News Lens 關鍵評論網 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 9 January 2018. Retrieved 22 November 2019.
- 黃柏豪 [Huang Bo-Hao]. 陳毅峰 (Professor at the department of history and geography) (ed.). "Basic insight into the phenomenon of uneven regional development in Taiwan" [淺談台灣區域發展不均衡之現象]. National Chiayi University. Archived from the original on 16 May 2018. Cite journal requires
|journal=
(help)CS1 maint: uses authors parameter (link) - 在胡寶林(1998)《都市生活的希望-人性都市與永續都市的未來》一書中,台北都會排名29,人口至1995年底約為6.2百萬。
- 李晏甄 (January 2011). "台灣南北對立想像的興起" (PDF). 臺灣博碩士論文知識加值系統、國立政治大學 (in Chinese). Archived (PDF) from the original on December 24, 2017. Retrieved December 23, 2017.
- "地政學訊". 國立政治大學 (in Chinese). 11 January 2014. Archived from the original on 17 December 2017. Retrieved 17 December 2017.
......然南北城鄉的租稅負擔更隱含租稅之不公平。舉例而言,根據本年 7、8 月份屏東市、台北市及高雄市於內政部房屋實價登錄網站資料,相同樓高及類似區段的大樓產品,成交總價分別為 320 萬元、3,100萬元及 512 萬元,平均單價則分別為每坪 58,000 元、708,000 元及 134,000元,如以房屋稅占分算房屋賣價之租稅負擔率分別為 0.39%、0.35%及0.31%,看似負擔率相當,但加計該負擔之地價稅後,情形便大不相同,租稅負擔率分別為 0.29%、005%及0.17%,顯示屏東縣民同樣擁有大樓房屋之租稅負擔率竟高於台北市或高雄市居民 6 倍及 2 倍,此種扭曲的不公平稅制實有違量能課稅之基本財稅理論,也是財政當局尤應正視之處。造成北部房價高漲原因,不外乎政府長期重北輕南之經濟政策,人口高度集中都會區,南部鮮少重大建設提供就業機會,自然使得多數人去競逐供給有限的不動產,尤其土地資源不可增加及不能挪移的特性,更推波助瀾這股沛然莫之能禦的漲勢。
- "地政學訊". 國立政治大學 (in Chinese). 11 January 2014. Archived from the original on 9 December 2019. Retrieved 17 December 2017.
......然南北城鄉的租稅負擔更隱含租稅之不公平。舉例而言,根據本年 7、8 月份屏東市、台北市及高雄市於內政部房屋實價登錄網站資料,相同樓高及類似區段的大樓產品,成交總價分別為 320 萬元、3,100萬元及 512 萬元,平均單價則分別為每坪 58,000 元、708,000 元及 134,000元,如以房屋稅占分算房屋賣價之租稅負擔率分別為 0.39%、0.35%及0.31%,看似負擔率相當,但加計該負擔之地價稅後,情形便大不相同,租稅負擔率分別為 0.29%、005%及0.17%,顯示屏東縣民同樣擁有大樓房屋之租稅負擔率竟高於台北市或高雄市居民 6 倍及 2 倍,此種扭曲的不公平稅制實有違量能課稅之基本財稅理論,也是財政當局尤應正視之處。造成北部房價高漲原因,不外乎政府長期重北輕南之經濟政策,人口高度集中都會區,南部鮮少重大建設提供就業機會,自然使得多數人去競逐供給有限的不動產,尤其土地資源不可增加及不能挪移的特性,更推波助瀾這股沛然莫之能禦的漲勢。
- "基本居住水準". 中華民國內政部營建署全球資訊網 (in Chinese). 13 August 2018. Retrieved 1 April 2019.
- "Housing Act - Article Content - Laws & Regulations Database of The Republic of China". 全國法規資料庫. 11 January 2017. Retrieved 22 November 2019.
- Area, Total Floor (1 April 2012). "表94 有人經常居住住宅之平均每人居住面積 2010年" (PDF). 行政院主計處 (in Chinese). Archived from the original (PDF) on 1 April 2019. Retrieved 1 April 2019.
- Wen-Chieh Chen. Jun-Min Hsu (ed.). "The planning and execution of land development: cases of land readjustment" (PDF). Cite journal requires
|journal=
(help)CS1 maint: uses authors parameter (link) - 蕭閎偉 (Hong-Wei Hsiao); 中山徹 (Tohru Nakayama); 全泓奎 (Hong-Gyu Jeon); 水內俊雄(Toshio Mizuuchi); 山田理繪子(Rieko Yamada) (30 September 2015). Public-private partnership ; Social rented housing ; Homeless ; Wanhua area ; Taipei. "以非正式公私協力網絡建構遊民取向之社會出租住宅:臺北市萬華地區的案例分析 [Constructing Homeless-Oriented Social Rented Housing by Informal Public-Private Partnership Approach: Case Study of Wanhua area, Taipei]". 都市與計劃 [Metropolitan and planning] (in Chinese). 42 (3): 295–324. doi:10.6128/CP.42.3.295. ISSN 1018-1067.
- "家庭收支 平均每人可居住面積". Archived from the original on 20 December 2018. Retrieved 24 March 2019.
- 蔡惠芳 (24 October 2014). "每人淨居住面積6.3坪 台北市快變鴿籠!". 中時電子報 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 24 March 2019. Retrieved 24 March 2019.
- 陳宥臻 (23 October 2014). "雙北市民 平均居住面積僅6.5坪". 中時電子報 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 24 March 2019. Retrieved 24 March 2019.
- According to Archived 9 November 2017 at the Wayback Machine (IMF-WEO April 2017), PPP rate is NTD 15.11 per Int'l.dollar; according to the Archived 23 November 2017 at the Wayback Machine, the average exchange rate is NTD 32.258135 per US dollar (the average exchange rate of the year was 32.258135 NTD to 1 USD); GDP per capita figures in USD are retrieved from Archived 21 February 2018 at the Wayback Machine and are published by National Statistics of Republic of China (Taiwan) Archived 30 October 2017 at the Wayback Machine.
- "Yunlin County Attraction". Tourism Bureau, Republic of China (Taiwan). 30 April 2008. Archived from the original on 14 October 2019. Retrieved 14 October 2019.
Located at the central-south part along the western coast of Taiwan, Yunlin County stands at the north tip of Jianan plain, bordering Nantou County in the east, Changhua County in north with Zhoushui River as watershed, Chiayi County in the south with Beigang River as watershed.
- 品牌台灣發展計畫第二期 (5 October 2019). "經濟部工業局-品牌台灣發展計畫第二期". 經濟部工業局-品牌台灣發展計畫第二期 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 5 November 2019. Retrieved 12 November 2019.
- "Populations by city and country in Taiwan". Ministry of the Interior Population Census. Archived from the original on 16 December 2017. Retrieved 18 October 2019.
- Criteria rnbs
- "DPP legislators slam electoral changes". Taipei Times. 14 October 2019. Archived from the original on 14 October 2019. Retrieved 14 October 2019.
- "Dilemma of Housing Demand in Taiwan". Google. 14 October 2019. Archived from the original on 14 October 2019. Retrieved 14 October 2019.
- "Buy house or flat in Taipei, Accommodation in Taiwan". EasyExpat.com - Information for Expatriates, Expat Guides - International Relocation Portal. 14 October 2019. Archived from the original on 14 October 2019. Retrieved 14 October 2019.
- Haridasani, Alisha (23 April 2015). "Why is property so expensive in Taipei?". CNN. Archived from the original on 14 October 2019. Retrieved 14 October 2019.
- Olds, Kelly B. (14 October 2019). "The Financial Effects of the Taiwan Tea Boom Working paper Nov-22-2016 Kelly B. Olds In the last-half of the nineteenth century". Google. Archived from the original on 14 October 2019. Retrieved 14 October 2019.
- "What's behind the China-Taiwan divide?". BBC News. 2 January 2019. Archived from the original on 25 August 2018. Retrieved 4 November 2019.
Support for the DPP increased at the January 2016 election. This was partly because of dissatisfaction with the KMT's handling of economic matters, from the wealth gap to high housing prices, and partly because of worries that Mr Ma's administration was making Taiwan too dependent on Beijing.
- Wen-Yi Chen; Mei-Lin Chou; Yu-Hui Lin; Ming-Chi Chen (30 June 2013). "Encourage Fertility via Decreasing House Price: A Case Study of Taipei Municipal Area". 都市與計劃 (in Chinese). 40 (2): 191–216. doi:10.6128/CP.40.2.191. ISSN 1018-1067.
- 劉君雅 (Chun-Ya Liu); 鄧志松(Chih-Sung Teng); 唐代彪(De-Piao Tang) (1 December 2009). "Spatial Analysis of Low Fertility Rate in Taiwan". Journal of Demography (in Chinese). 無 (39): 119–155. doi:10.6191/jps.2009.8. ISSN 1018-3841.
- 紀玉臨(Yu-Lin Chi); 周孟嫻(Meng-Sian Jhou); 賴進貴 (Jinn-Guey Lay) (1 December 2012). "Exploratory Space-time Dynamics Analysis of Regional Income in Taiwan, 1999-2008". Geography (in Chinese). 無 (67): 1–30. doi:10.6161/jgs.2012.67.01. ISSN 0494-5387.
- Te-Mu Wang; Yi-Jhen Dong; Jun-Rong Chen (1 June 2013). "The Spatial Pattern of Fertility in Taiwan: A Diffusion Approach". 臺灣社會福利學刊 (in Chinese). 11 (1): 31–67. doi:10.6265/TJSW.2013.11(1)2. ISSN 1682-2927.
- Ramsey, Lucy A.; Walker, Richard T.; Jackson, James (1 September 2007). "Geomorphic constraints on the active tectonics of southern Taiwan". Geophysical Journal International. 170 (3): 1357–1372. Bibcode:2007GeoJI.170.1357R. doi:10.1111/j.1365-246X.2007.03444.x. ISSN 0956-540X. Archived from the original on 1 June 2018. Retrieved 18 October 2019.
- Liu, Kwangyin; Lu, Kuo-chen; Teng, Kai-yuan (14 October 2019). "Taiwan's Industrial Land Crisis|Politics & Society|2016-12-09|CommonWealth Magazine". CommonWealth Magazine. Archived from the original on 14 October 2019. Retrieved 14 October 2019.CS1 maint: unfit url (link)
- Household registration
- "Average life expectancy in Taiwan hits new high of 80.7 years in 2018…". Focus Taiwan News Channel. 11 September 2019. Archived from the original on 14 October 2019. Retrieved 14 October 2019.
- 文: 黃驛淵 ; 攝影: 翁睿坤 黃驛淵 (27 January 2020). "【病童救命路迢迢4】醫療區域失衡嚴重 醫界大老急喊話密訪賴清德". Mirror Media (in Japanese). Archived from the original on 28 January 2020. Retrieved 28 January 2020 – via ウェブ魚拓.CS1 maint: uses authors parameter (link) Alt URL
- 黃驛淵 (27 January 2020). "【病童救命路迢迢3】南部醫院不敢收換肝嬰 竟靠臉書po文才奇蹟獲救". 鏡週刊 Mirror Media (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 28 January 2020. Retrieved 28 January 2020.
- 黃驛淵 (27 January 2020). "【病童救命路迢迢1】為了活下去 罕病女童就醫路程已繞台灣180圈". 鏡週刊 Mirror Media (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 28 January 2020. Retrieved 28 January 2020.
- 黃驛淵 (27 January 2020). "【病童救命路迢迢2】護理師媽媽也沒輒 離開天龍國她只能自求多福". 鏡週刊 Mirror Media (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 28 January 2020. Retrieved 28 January 2020.
- 黃驛淵 (27 January 2020). "【病童救命路迢迢5】醫師爆「兒科都是賠錢貨」 醫療資源不均原因曝光". 鏡週刊 Mirror Media (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 28 January 2020. Retrieved 28 January 2020.
- 黃旭磊 (25 November 2019). "建商校友單筆捐款2億 中山大學將蓋醫學大樓 - 生活". 自由電子報 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 26 December 2019. Retrieved 26 December 2019.
- 袁庭堯 (25 November 2019). "建築公司捐2億 中山大學醫學大樓明年底動工 - 生活". 中時 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 28 November 2019. Retrieved 26 December 2019.
- Tseng, Chien-Hua; Tsuang, Ben-Jei; Chiang, Chun-Ju; Ku, Kai-Chen; Tseng, Jeng-Sen; Yang, Tsung-Ying; Hsu, Kuo-Hsuan; Chen, Kun-Chieh; Yu, Sung-Liang; Lee, Wen-Chung; Liu, Tsang-Wu; Chan, Chang-Chuan; Chang, Gee-Chen (2019). "The Relationship Between Air Pollution and Lung Cancer in Nonsmokers in Taiwan". Journal of Thoracic Oncology. Elsevier BV. 14 (5): 784–792. doi:10.1016/j.jtho.2018.12.033. ISSN 1556-0864. PMID 30664991.
- 羅真 (22 August 2019). "高屏肺癌增加率北部15倍 蔡英文:會多著墨南北平衡 - 政經大事 - 產業". 經濟日報 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 28 January 2020. Retrieved 28 January 2020. Alt URL
- Find out what are the main Taiwanese Airports around Formosa!
- "平平出國玩得多花5千高鐵錢 南部人這麼說…". 22 February 2017. Archived from the original on 15 December 2018. Retrieved 27 October 2019.
- 莊議長爭取規劃小港機場週遭成為「高雄航空城」以因應三通直航
- "推動南部國際大機場". 9 October 2018. Archived from the original on 4 April 2019. Retrieved 27 October 2019.
- "小港宵禁、容量將滿 高市爭取「高雄大機場」". Archived from the original on 25 May 2019. Retrieved 27 October 2019.
- "配合三奈米製程 台積電研發中心打算落腳新竹". Archived from the original on 29 October 2019. Retrieved 29 October 2019.
- Sophia Yang, Taiwan News, Staff Writer (1 November 2019). "Taiwan's TSMC to add 8,000 jobs at its ne..." Taiwan News. Archived from the original on 1 November 2019. Retrieved 1 November 2019.
Mark Liu (劉德音), executive chairman of TSMC, laid out the plan at a tech networking event on Thursday (Oct. 31). He said the company will hire an additional 8,000 engineers at its new R&D center in northern Taiwan, with construction anticipated to be completed by the end of 2020.
CS1 maint: uses authors parameter (link) - "3奈米廠環評初審通過落腳竹科!台積電曝原因" [TSMC revealed their reason and ineffable hardship for their constant insistence on building their R&D centers on-mountain in Hsinchu]. EBC (in Chinese). 12 June 2019. Archived from the original on 29 October 2019. Retrieved 29 October 2019.
- Andersson, Martin; Klinthäll, Martin (14 February 2018). "'Growth with equity' and regional development: distributional consequences of agglomeration in Taiwan". Journal of the Asia Pacific Economy. 20 (2): 271–289. doi:10.1080/13547860.2014.964965. ISSN 1354-7860. Archived from the original on 29 October 2019. Retrieved 29 October 2019.
- Jennings, Ralph (17 August 2018). "Why Amazon Picked Taiwan For Its Latest Innovation Center". Forbes. Archived from the original on 22 December 2019. Retrieved 22 December 2019.
- Keoni Everington, Taiwan News, Staff Writer (12 April 2019). "Facebook opens new HQ in Taipei". Taiwan News. Archived from the original on 29 October 2019. Retrieved 29 October 2019.CS1 maint: uses authors parameter (link)
- "Our Locations". Google. Retrieved 14 April 2019.
- "Facebook location-Asia & Pacific". Facebook. Archived from the original on 30 June 2019. Retrieved 14 April 2019.
- Catherine Shu (26 March 2019). "Google will open a new office complex and add hundreds of jobs in Taiwan – TechCrunch". TechCrunch. Retrieved 29 October 2019.CS1 maint: uses authors parameter (link)
- City, Taoyuan (29 August 2014). "Taoyuan City". Taoyuan City. Retrieved 29 October 2019.
- Matthew Strong, Taiwan News, Staff Writer (4 May 2018). "Cisco to set up innovation center in Taiwan: ..." Taiwan News. Archived from the original on 29 October 2019. Retrieved 29 October 2019.CS1 maint: uses authors parameter (link)
- CNA (4 May 2018). "Cisco to set up innovation center in Taoyuan: president". FOCUS TAIWAN. Archived from the original on 29 October 2019. Retrieved 29 October 2019.CS1 maint: uses authors parameter (link)
- TVBS (21 August 2016). "台大生來自哪? 學者研究:北市大安區最多│TVBS新聞網". TVBS (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 2 May 2019. Retrieved 9 September 2018.
- TVBS (9 August 2017). "蛋黃效應!台大錄取新生 雙北高中破5成│TVBS新聞網". TVBS (in Chinese). Retrieved 10 September 2018.
- 記者 曾翌萍 / 攝影 焦漢文 (11 August 2014). "貧窮世襲? 台大生家庭多「高社經」│TVBS新聞網". TVBS (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 2 May 2019. Retrieved 19 September 2018.
- "台大或許沒想像中美好/學生會長︰沒冷漠權利 - 生活". 自由時報電子報 (in Chinese). 27 August 2018. Archived from the original on 19 September 2018. Retrieved 19 September 2018.
台大學生會長吳奕柔則致詞表示,據統計,台大九成學生的家庭年收入,是在全台前卅%,指出台大生不僅複製原生家庭的機會與資源,並持續有社會大量資源投入,引英國紀錄片《人生七年》來提醒階級複製。
- TalkEcon, 白經濟 (19 December 2017). "台大怎麼上:誰是台大學生2.0". The News Lens 關鍵評論網 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 19 September 2018. Retrieved 19 September 2018.
- 陳至中 (26 August 2018). "台大新生入門書院 郭大維籲勿眼高手低 - 生活". 中央社 CNA (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 19 September 2018. Retrieved 19 September 2018.
台大學生會長吳奕柔致詞時則指出,根據統計,台大有9成以上學生,來自台灣收入前30%的家庭,複製了原生家庭的資源和機會,「我們踏著的,可能是別人的人生換來的」。
- Lee Hong-Yuan [李鴻源] (10 September 2019). 台灣必須面對的真相 [The harsh reality Taiwan ought to confront] (in Chinese). Taipei. ISBN 978-957-13-7938-8. OCLC 1127057496. Archived from the original on 29 January 2020. Retrieved 29 January 2020 – via ウェブ魚拓.
在我小的時候,台灣很窮,但我們一直相信只要努力用功,就會有機會,就能出人頭地。前教育部長吳京從小在台東長大,前台北市副市長、曾任高鐵董事長的歐晉德也是來自台東。再看看台大,和我年紀相近或是較長的教授,超過一半都來自中南部,這意味著,在過去不論是來自台灣的東南西北,機會是屬於努力的人。走到今天,台灣的城鄉差距愈拉愈大,從台大即可一窺一二。現今的台大學生大部分都來自雙北,他們的父親出生地卻多是雲林、嘉義等地,意味著人口逐漸往台北傾斜,城鄉差距愈拉愈大,教育資源錯置從未解決,......
- "台北更獨 /南綠北藍 另有真相". 自由時報. Archived from the original on 28 March 2016. Retrieved 10 January 2016. Cite journal requires
|journal=
(help) (in Chinese) - "地政學訊". 國立政治大學 (in Chinese). 11 January 2014. Archived from the original on 17 December 2017. Retrieved 17 December 2017.
造成北部房價高漲原因,不外乎政府長期重北輕南之經濟政策
- 姜渝生; 王小娥 (28 January 2011). "國立成功大學機構典藏:Item 987654321/104327". 國立成功大學機構典藏 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 30 June 2019. Retrieved 17 December 2017.
- "北藍南綠的政治版圖" (PDF). Retrieved 10 January 2016. Cite journal requires
|journal=
(help) (in Chinese) - 周應龍 (1 January 2011). "台灣南部綠色政治版圖之研究". 政治大學政治研究所學位論文 (in Chinese): 1–169. Archived from the original on 26 December 2019. Retrieved 26 December 2019.
- 曾一豪; 賴宛靖 (1998). 吳敦義,為什麼 (in Chinese). Taipei: 希代. ISBN 957-811-262-9.
高雄市長任內,他依然秉持著一向的正義感,砲轟中央「重北輕南」的政策,頻頻為高雄人叫屈。短短幾年,他就為港都居民爭取到數十年來都爭不到的福祉,因而被喻為「南台灣建設的火車頭」或「喚醒南部意識抬頭的領航人」。