United Christian Democrats

United Christian Democrats
United Christian Democrats; Cristiani Democratici Uniti
Leader	Rocco Buttiglione
Founded	23 July 1995
Dissolved	6 December 2002
Split from	Italian People's Party
Merged into	Union of Christian and Centre Democrats
Ideology	Christian democracy
Political position	Centre to centre-right[1]
European affiliation	European People's Party
European Parliament group	European People's Party
	Politics of Italy; Political parties; Elections;

The United Christian Democrats (Italian: Cristiani Democratici Uniti, CDU) was a minor Christian democratic[2] political party in Italy. The CDU was a member of the European People's Party from 1995 until 2002.[3]

History

The party was started in 1995 by splinters of the Italian People's Party (PPI) who wanted to join forces with Silvio Berlusconi's Forza Italia (FI).[4][5] The split was led by Rocco Buttiglione (outgoing secretary of the PPI), Roberto Formigoni and Gianfranco Rotondi. The CDU's symbol used the crossed shield (scudo crociato) of Christian Democracy.[6] In the 1995 regional elections the CDU formed joint lists with FI and Roberto Formigoni was elected President of Lombardy, while in 1996 it formed an alliance with the Christian Democratic Centre (CCD) for the 1996 general election, in which the CCD-CDU list scored 5.6%.

In June 1998 Buttiglione led the party into the Democratic Union for the Republic (UDR), a new Christian-democratic outfit launched by Francesco Cossiga and Clemente Mastella, who had left CCD to form the Christian Democrats for the Republic (CDR). In October, when Buttiglione briefly decided to support the centre-left government of Massimo D'Alema, along with the UDR, Roberto Formigoni, Raffaele Fitto, Maurizio Lupi and several regional councillors in Veneto, Lombardy and Piedmont left the party to form the Christian Democrats for Freedom, which was later merged into Forza Italia.

In February 1999 the UDR split between supporters of Cossiga, who formed the Union for the Republic (UpR), and the supporters of Mastella, who formed the Union of Democrats for Europe (UDEur). In the event, Buttiglione re-established the CDU as an independent party and started a rapprochement with Berlusconi.

In the 1999 European Parliament election the CDU obtained 2.2% and two MEPs, Buttiglione and Vitaliano Gemelli.

In the 2001 general election it formed an electoral alliance with CCD, known as the White Flower, gaining 3.2% of the vote.[7] Following the election, Buttiglione was appointed Minister of European Affairs in Berlusconi II Cabinet. In December 2002 the CDU, the CCD and European Democracy (2.3% in 2001) were merged into the Union of Christian and Centre Democrats (UDC),[8] of which Buttiglione was elected president, an office he would hold for twelve years.

Electoral results

Italian Parliament

Election year	# of overall votes	% of overall vote	# of overall seats won	+/–	Leader
Chamber of Deputies
1996	2,189,563 (#7)	5.8 (with CCD)	11 / 630	–	Rocco Buttiglione
2001	1,194,040 (#8)	3.2 (with CCD)	17 / 630	6	Rocco Buttiglione

Election year	# of overall votes	# of overall seats won	+/–	Leader
Senate of the Republic
1996	into the Pole for Freedoms	10 / 315	–	Rocco Buttiglione
2001	into the House of Freedoms	8 / 315	2	Rocco Buttiglione

European Parliament

Election year	# of overall votes	% of overall vote	# of overall seats won	+/–	Leader
1999	669,919 (#11)	2.2	2 / 72	–	Rocco Buttiglione

Leadership

Secretary: Rocco Buttiglione (1995–2002)
President: Roberto Formigoni (1995–1998), Mario Tassone (1998–2002)

gollark: > > App behavior changes slightly if they know you're trying to figure out what they're doing> this sentence makes no sense to me, "if they know"? he's dissecting the code as per his own statement, thus looking at rows of text in various format. the app isn't running - so how can it change? does the app have self-awareness? this sounds like something out of a bad sci-fi movie from the 90's.It's totally possible for applications to detect and resist being debugged a bit.

gollark: > this is standard programming dogma, detailed logging takes a lot of space and typically you enable logging on the fly on clients to catch errors. this is literally cookie cutter "how to build apps 101", and not scary. or, phrased differently, is it scary if all of that logging was always on? obviously not as it's agreed upon and detailed in TikTok's privacy policy (really), so why is it scary that there's an on and off switch?This is them saying that remotely configurable logging is fine and normal; I don't think them being able to arbitrarily gather more data is good.

gollark: > on the topic of setting up a proxy server - it's a very standard practice to transcode and buffer media via a server, they have simply reversed the roles here by having server and client on the client, which makes sense as transcoding is very intensive CPU-wise, which means they have distributed that power requirement to the end user's devices instead of having to have servers capable of transcoding millions of videos.Transcoding media locally is not the same as having some sort of locally running *server* to do it.

gollark: That doesn't mean it's actually always what happens.

gollark: Legally, yes.

References

John Kenneth White; Philip Davies (1998). Political Parties and the Collapse of the Old Orders. SUNY Press. p. 86. ISBN 978-0-7914-4067-4.
Ari-Veikko Anttiroiko; Matti Mälkiä (2007). Encyclopedia of Digital Government. Idea Group Inc (IGI). p. 396. ISBN 978-1-59140-790-4.
Thomas Jansen; Steven Van Hecke (2011). At Europe's Service: The Origins and Evolution of the European People's Party. Springer. p. 51. ISBN 978-3-642-19413-9. Retrieved 19 August 2012.
Martin J. Bull; James Newell (2005). Italian Politics: Adjustment Under Duress. Polity. p. 53. ISBN 978-0-7456-1298-0.
Bernard A. Cook, ed. (2001). Europe Since 1945: An Encyclopedia. Taylor & Francis. p. 670. ISBN 978-0-8153-4057-7.
http://isimbolidelladiscordia.blogspot.com/2013/11/se-tassone-vuole-risvegliare-il-cdu.html
Tim Bale (2013). Immigration and Integration Policy in Europe: Why Politics - and the Centre-Right - Matter. Routledge. p. 37. ISBN 978-1-317-96827-6.
Mark F. Gilbert; K. Robert Nilsson; Robert K. Nilsson (2010). The A to Z of Modern Italy. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 436. ISBN 978-0-8108-7210-3.

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[WhiteDavies1998-1] John Kenneth White; Philip Davies (1998). Political Parties and the Collapse of the Old Orders. SUNY Press. p. 86. ISBN 978-0-7914-4067-4.

[AnttiroikoMälkiä2007-2] Ari-Veikko Anttiroiko; Matti Mälkiä (2007). Encyclopedia of Digital Government. Idea Group Inc (IGI). p. 396. ISBN 978-1-59140-790-4.

[JansenHecke2011-3] Thomas Jansen; Steven Van Hecke (2011). At Europe's Service: The Origins and Evolution of the European People's Party. Springer. p. 51. ISBN 978-3-642-19413-9. Retrieved 19 August 2012.

[BullNewell2005-4] Martin J. Bull; James Newell (2005). Italian Politics: Adjustment Under Duress. Polity. p. 53. ISBN 978-0-7456-1298-0.

[Cook2001-5] Bernard A. Cook, ed. (2001). Europe Since 1945: An Encyclopedia. Taylor & Francis. p. 670. ISBN 978-0-8153-4057-7.

[6] ttp://isimbolidelladiscordia.blogspot.com/2013/11/se-tassone-vuole-risvegliare-il-cdu.html

[Bale2009-7] Tim Bale (2013). Immigration and Integration Policy in Europe: Why Politics - and the Centre-Right - Matter. Routledge. p. 37. ISBN 978-1-317-96827-6.

[GilbertNilsson2010-8] Mark F. Gilbert; K. Robert Nilsson; Robert K. Nilsson (2010). The A to Z of Modern Italy. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 436. ISBN 978-0-8108-7210-3.