Critical race theory

Critical race theory (CRT)[1] is a theoretical framework in the social sciences, developed out of epistemic philosophy, that uses critical theory to examine society and culture as they relate to categorizations of race, law, and power.[2][3] It began as a theoretical movement within American law schools in the mid- to late 1980s as a reworking of critical legal studies on race issues,[4][5] and is loosely unified by two common themes. Firstly, CRT proposes that white supremacy and racial power are maintained over time, and in particular, that the law may play a role in this process. Secondly, CRT work has investigated the possibility of transforming the relationship between law and racial power, as well as pursuing a project of achieving racial emancipation and anti-subordination more broadly.[6]

By 2002, over 20 American law schools, and at least 3 law schools in other countries, offered critical race theory courses or classes which covered the issue centrally.[7] In addition to law, critical race theory is taught and innovated in the fields of education, political science, women's studies, ethnic studies, communication, sociology, and American studies.[8] Important scholars to the theory include Derrick Bell, Patricia Williams, Richard Delgado, Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw, Camara Phyllis Jones, and Mari Matsuda.

Critics of CRT, including Richard Posner and Alex Kozinski, take issue with its foundations in postmodernism and reliance on moral relativism, social constructionism, and other tenets contrary to classical liberalism.

Definition

According to the UCLA School of Public Affairs:[9]

CRT recognizes that racism is engrained in the fabric and system of the American society. The individual racist need not exist to note that institutional racism is pervasive in the dominant culture. This is the analytical lens that CRT uses in examining existing power structures. CRT identifies that these power structures are based on white privilege and white supremacy, which perpetuates the marginalization of people of color.

Legal scholar Roy L. Brooks has defined CRT as "a collection of critical stances against the existing legal order from a race-based point of view," adding that:[10]

[I]t focuses on the various ways in which the received tradition in law adversely affects people of color not as individuals but as a group. Thus, CRT attempts to analyze law and legal traditions through the history, contemporary experiences, and racial sensibilities of racial minorities in this country. The question always lurking in the background of CRT is this: What would the legal landscape look like today if people of color were the decision-makers?

Origins

In the early 1980s, students of color at Harvard Law School organized protests in various forms to problematize the lack of racial diversity in the curriculum, as well as among students and faculty. These students supported Professor Derrick Bell, who left Harvard Law in 1980 to become the dean at University of Oregon School of Law. During his time at Harvard, Bell had developed new courses which studied American law through a racial lens that students of color wanted faculty of color to teach in his absence. However, the university, ignoring student requests, hired two white civil rights attorneys instead. In response, numerous students, including Kimberlé Crenshaw and Mari Matsuda, boycotted and organized to develop an "Alternative Course" using Bell's Race, Racism, and American Law (1973, 1st edition) as a core text and included guest speakers Richard Delgado and Neil Gotanda.[11][12]

The repeated refusals of Harvard Law to acknowledge the requests of students of color led to the self-declaration of critical race theory as an offshoot of critical legal studies in 1987. Crenshaw sent out a call to attend a retreat entitled "New Developments in Critical Race Theory" that effectively created the field under the name CRT. As Crenshaw states, only herself, Matsuda, Gotanda, Chuck Lawrence, and a handful of others knew "that there were no new developments in critical race theory, because CRT hadn't had any old ones–it didn't exist, it was made up as a name. Sometimes you gotta fake it until you make it." Crenshaw states that critical race theorists had "discovered ourselves to be critical theorists who did race and racial justice advocates who did critical theory."[13][12] Crenshaw writes, "one might say that CRT was the offspring of a post-civil rights institutional activism that was generated and informed by an oppositionalist orientation toward racial power."[11]

Theoretical positions

In regard to CRT as being 'radical', Will Oremus argues:[14]

[T]he theory [is] radical…in the sense that it questions fundamental assumptions.… And unlike some strands of academic and legal thought, critical race theory has an open and activist agenda, with an emphasis on storytelling and personal experience. It's about righting wrongs, not just questing after knowledge.… [M]any of their ideas are not radical today in the sense of being outside the mainstream: Critical race theory is widely taught and studied.

Recent developments in critical race theory include work relying on updated social psychological research on unconscious bias in order to justify affirmative action; and work relying on law and economic methodology to examine structural inequality and discrimination in the workplace.[15]

As a movement that draws heavily from critical theory, critical race theory shares many intellectual commitments with critical theory, critical legal studies, feminist jurisprudence, and postcolonial theory. However, some authors like Tommy J. Curry have pointed out that the epistemic convergences with such approaches are emphasized due to the idealist turn in critical race theory. The latter, as Curry explains, is interested in discourse (i.e., how we speak about race) and the theories of white Continental philosophers, over and against the structural and institutional accounts of white supremacy which were at the heart of the realist analysis of racism introduced in Derrick Bell's early works,[16] and articulated through such Black thinkers as W. E. B. Du Bois, Paul Robeson, and Judge Robert L. Carter.[17]

Critical race theory draws on the priorities and perspectives of both critical legal studies and conventional civil rights scholarship, while also sharply contesting both of these fields. CRT's theoretical elements are provided by a variety of sources. Angela P. Harris describes CRT as sharing "a commitment to a vision of liberation from racism through right reason" with the civil rights tradition.[18] It deconstructs some premises and arguments of legal theory and simultaneously holds that legally-constructed rights are incredibly important.[19] As described by Derrick Bell, critical race theory in Harris' view is committed to "radical critique of the law (which is normatively deconstructionist) and…radical emancipation by the law (which is normatively reconstructionist)."[20]

Major themes

Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic have documented the following major themes as characteristic of work in critical race theory:

  • Critique of liberalism: CRT scholars favor a more aggressive approach to social transformation, as opposed to liberalism's more cautious approach; a race-conscious approach to transformation rejecting liberal embrace of affirmative action, color blindness, role modeling, or the merit principle;[21] and an approach that relies more on political organizing, in contrast to liberalism's reliance on rights-based remedies.
  • Storytelling, counter-storytelling, and "naming one's own reality": The use of narrative to illuminate and explore experiences of racial oppression.[22] Bryan Brayboy has emphasized the epistemic importance of storytelling in Indigenous-American communities as superseding that of theory, and has proposed a Tribal Critical Race Theory (TribCrit).[23]
  • Revisionist interpretations of American civil rights law and progress: Criticism of civil-rights scholarship and anti-discrimination law, such as Brown v. Board of Education. Derrick Bell, one of CRT's founders, argued that civil rights advances for blacks coincided with the self-interest of white elitists. Likewise, after performing extensive archival research in the U.S. Department of State and Department of Justice, as well as in the correspondence by U.S. ambassadors abroad, Mary L. Dudziak found that the passing of U.S. laws was not because people of color were discriminated against. Rather, such was only to improve the image of the United States to third-world countries that the US needed as allies during the Cold War.[24]
  • Applying insights from social science writing on race and racism to legal problems.[22]
  • Intersectional theory: The examination of race, sex, class, national origin, and sexual orientation, and how their combination plays out in various settings, e.g., how the needs of a Latina female are different from those of a black male and whose needs are the ones promoted.[25]
  • Essentialism: Reducing the experience of a category (gender or race) to the experience of one sub-group (white women or African-Americans). In essence, all oppressed people share the commonality of oppression. However, such oppression varies by gender, class, race, etc., and therefore, the aims and strategies will differ for each of these groups.[26]
  • Non-white cultural nationalism and separatism (incl. Black nationalism): The exploration of more radical views that argue for separation and reparations as a form of foreign aid.[22]
  • Legal institutions, critical pedagogy, and minority lawyers in the bar.[22]
  • Structural determinism: Exploration of how "the structure of legal thought or culture influences its content," whereby a particular mode of thought or widely-shared practice determines significant social outcomes, usually occurring without conscious knowledge. As such, theorists posit that our system cannot redress certain kinds of wrongs.[27]
  • White privilege: Belief in the notion of a myriad of social advantages, benefits, and courtesies that come with being a member of the dominant race (i.e. white people). A clerk not following you around in a store or not having people cross the street at night to avoid you, are two examples of white privilege.[28]
  • Microaggression: Belief in the notion that sudden, stunning, or dispiriting transactions have the power to mar the everyday of oppressed individuals. These include small acts of racism consciously or unconsciously perpetrated, whereby an analogy could be that of water dripping on a rock wearing away at it slowly. Microaggressions are based on the assumptions about racial matters that are absorbed from cultural heritage.[29]
  • Empathetic fallacy: Believing that one can change a narrative by offering an alternative narrative in hopes that the listener's empathy will quickly and reliably take over. Empathy is not enough to change racism as most people are not exposed to many people different from themselves and people mostly seek out information about their own culture and group.[30]

Whiteness as property

From the CRT perspective, the white skin that some Americans possess is akin to owning a piece of property, in that it grants privileges to the owner that a renter (in this case, a person of color) would not be afforded.[31] Cheryl I. Harris and Gloria Ladson-Billings describe this notion of whiteness as property, whereby whiteness is the ultimate property that whites alone can possess; valuable just like property. The property functions of whiteness—i.e., rights to disposition; rights to use and enjoyment, reputation, and status property; and the absolute right to exclude—make the American dream more likely and attainable for whites as citizens.

Internalization

Karen Pyke documents the theoretical element of internalized racism or internalized racial oppression, whereby victims of racism begin to believe in the ideology that they are inferior to white people and white culture, who are superior. The internalizing of racism is not due to any weakness, ignorance, inferiority, psychological defect, gullibility, or other shortcomings of the oppressed. Instead, it is how authority and power in all aspects of society contributes to feelings of inequality.[32]

Institutional racism

Camara Phyllis Jones defines institutionalized racism as the structures, policies, practices, and norms resulting in differential access to the goods, services, and opportunities of society by race. Institutionalized racism is normative, sometimes legalized and often manifests as inherited disadvantage. It is structural, having been absorbed into our institutions of custom, practice, and law, so there need not be an identifiable offender. Indeed, institutionalized racism is often evident as inaction in the face of need, manifesting itself both in material conditions and in access to power. With regard to the former, examples include differential access to quality education, sound housing, gainful employment, appropriate medical facilities, and a clean environment.[33]

Solid Ground, an organization that works to combat poverty, describes institutionalized racism as the systematic dissemination of opportunities, power, and resources. Institutional racism dates back to slavery, segregation, internment camps, and Indian reservations. Such form of racism can be present in institutions mainly designed to benefit and cater to the lives of white people, such as bank lending policies and different housing contracts, which both deny people of color from living in certain neighborhoods or areas. Many people of color are also racially profiled by law enforcement, and many groups are misrepresented in news and other media. There are also restrictions to certain types of employment, as well as advancements in the workplace, which are strictly based on one's race.[34]

Applications

Scholars in critical race theory have focused, with some particularity, on the issues of hate crime and hate speech. In response to the opinion of the U.S. Supreme Court in the hate speech case of R.A.V. v. City of St. Paul (1992), in which the Court struck down an anti-bias ordinance as applied to a teenager who had burned a cross, Mari Matsuda and Charles Lawrence argued that the Court had paid insufficient attention to the history of racist speech and the actual injury produced by such speech.[35]

Critical race theorists have also paid particular attention to the issue of affirmative action, whereby scholars have argued in favor of such on the argument that so-called merit standards for hiring and educational admissions are not race-neutral for a variety of reasons, and that such standards are part of the rhetoric of neutrality through which whites justify their disproportionate share of resources and social benefits.[36]

Critique and controversy

Some legal scholars have criticized CRT on a number of grounds, such as CRT scholars' reliance on narrative and storytelling, or CRT's critique of objectivity. Judge Richard Posner of the U.S. Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals has "label[ed] critical race theorists and postmodernists the 'lunatic core' of 'radical legal egalitarianism.'"[37] He wrote:[37]

What is most arresting about critical race theory is that…it turns its back on the Western tradition of rational inquiry, forswearing analysis for narrative. Rather than marshal logical arguments and empirical data, critical race theorists tell stories – fictional, science-fictional, quasi-fictional, autobiographical, anecdotal – designed to expose the pervasive and debilitating racism of America today. By repudiating reasoned argumentation, the storytellers reinforce stereotypes about the intellectual capacities of nonwhites.

Judge Alex Kozinski of the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals wrote that critical race theorists have constructed a philosophy which makes a valid exchange of ideas between the various disciplines unattainable:[38]

The radical multiculturalists' views raise insuperable barriers to mutual understanding. Consider the "Space Traders" story. How does one have a meaningful dialogue with Derrick Bell? Because his thesis is utterly untestable, one quickly reaches a dead end after either accepting or rejecting his assertion that white Americans would cheerfully sell all blacks to the aliens. The story is also a poke in the eye of American Jews, particularly those who risked life and limb by actively participating in the civil rights protests of the 1960s. Bell clearly implies that this was done out of tawdry self-interest. Perhaps most galling is Bell's insensitivity in making the symbol of Jewish hypocrisy the little girl who perished in the Holocaust – as close to a saint as Jews have. A Jewish professor who invoked the name of Rosa Parks so derisively would be bitterly condemned –and rightly so.

Daniel Farber and Suzanna Sherry have argued that critical race theory, along with critical feminism and critical legal studies, has anti-Semitic and anti-Asian implications, has worked to undermine notions of democratic community, and has impeded dialogue.[39]

Henry Louis Gates Jr. has written a critical evaluation of CRT.[40] Gates emphasizes how campus speech codes and anti-hate speech laws have been applied to anti-white speech, contrary to the intentions of CRT theorists: "During the year in which Michigan's speech code was enforced, more than twenty blacks were charged – by whites – with racist speech. As Trossen notes, not a single instance of white racist speech was punished."

Jeffrey J. Pyle wrote in the Boston College Law Review:[41]

Critical race theorists attack the very foundations of the [classical] liberal legal order, including equality theory, legal reasoning, Enlightenment rationalism and neutral principles of constitutional law. These liberal values, they allege, have no enduring basis in principle, but are mere social constructs calculated to legitimate white supremacy. The rule of law, according to critical race theorists, is a false promise of principled government, and they have lost patience with false promises.

Peter Wood considers CRT a "grievance ideology" and an "absurdity". He sees the central tenet of "white racism in the American legal system" to be shown false because of items such as the 14th Amendment, the Voting Rights Acts, and Brown v. Board of Education.[42] Critics including George Will saw resonances between critical race theory's use of storytelling and insistence that race poses challenges to objective judgments in the US and the acquittal of O. J. Simpson.[43][44]

Controversies

Critical race theory has stirred controversy since the 1980s over such issues as its:

  • deviation from the ideal of color blindness;
  • promotion of the use of narrative in legal studies;
  • advocacy of "legal instrumentalism" as opposed to ideal-driven uses of the law;
  • analysis of the U.S. Constitution and existing law as constructed according to and perpetuating racial power; and
  • encouragement of legal scholars to be partial on the side of ending racial subordination.[44]

In 2010, the Mexican American Studies Department Programs in Tucson, Arizona were effectively banned due to their connection to CRT, which was seen to be in violation of a recently-passed state law that "prohibits schools from offering courses that 'advocate ethnic solidarity instead of the treatment of pupils as individuals'."[45] The ban included the confiscation of books, in some cases in front of students, by the Tucson Unified School District.[46] Matt de la Peña's young-adult novel Mexican WhiteBoy was banned for containing CRT.[47] However, this ban was later deemed unconstitutional on the grounds that the state showed discriminatory intent. "Both enactment and enforcement were motivated by racial animus," federal Judge A. Wallace Tashima said in the ruling.[48]

Subfields

Within critical race theory, various sub-groupings have emerged to focus on issues that fall outside the black-white paradigm of race relations as well as issues that relate to the intersection of race with issues of gender, sexuality, class and other social structures. For example, critical race feminism (CRF), Latino critical race studies (LatCrit),[49] Asian American critical race studies (AsianCrit), South Asian American critical race studies (DesiCrit),[50] and American Indian critical race studies (sometimes called TribalCrit). CRT methodology and analytical framework have also been applied to the study of white immigrant groups.[51] CRT has spurred some scholars to call for a second wave of whiteness studies, which is now a small offshoot known as Second Wave Whiteness (SWW).[52]

Another offshoot field is that of disability critical race studies (DisCrit), which combines Disability Studies and Critical Race Theory to focus on the intersection of disability and race.[53]

Critical race theory has also begun to spawn research that looks at understandings of race outside the United States.[54][55]

Latino critical race theory

The framework of Latino critical race theory (LatCRT) suggests that the social construction of race is central to how people of color are constrained in society.[56] Race scholars developed the LatCRT as a critical response to the "problem of the color line" first explained by W. E. B. Du Bois.[56] While CRT focuses on the Black–White paradigm, LatCRT has moved to consider other racial groups, mainly Chicana/Chicanos, as well as Latinos/as, Asians, Native Americans/First Nations, and women of color. In Critical Race Counterstories along the Chicana/Chicano Educational Pipeline, Tara J. Yosso discusses how the constraint of people of color (PoC) can be defined.[57] Looking at the differences between Chicana/o students, the tenets that separate such individuals are:[58]

LatCRTs main focus is to advocate social justice for those living in marginalized communities[56] (specifically Chicana/os), which are guided by structural arrangements that disadvantage people of color. Social institutions function as dispossessions, disenfranchisement, and discrimination over minority groups, while LatCRT seeks to give voice to those who are victimized.[56] In order to do so, LatCRT has created two common themes.

First, CRT proposes that white supremacy and racial power are maintained over time, a process that the law plays a central role in. Different racial groups lack the voice to speak in this civil society, and, as such, CRT has introduced a new critical form of expressions, called the voice of color.[56] The voice of color is narratives and storytelling monologues used as devices for conveying personal racial experiences. These are also used to counter metanarratives that continue to maintain racial inequality. Therefore, the experiences of the oppressed are important aspects for developing a LatCRT analytical approach, and it has not been since the rise of slavery that an institution has so fundamentally shaped the life opportunities of those who bear the label of criminal.

Secondly, LatCRT work has investigated the possibility of transforming the relationship between law enforcement and racial power, as well as pursuing a project of achieving racial emancipation and anti-subordination more broadly.[2] CRT finds the experiential knowledge of people of color and draws explicitly from these lived experiences as data, presenting research findings through storytelling, chronicles, scenarios, narratives, and parables.[57]

gollark: What if we replace websockets with dedicated IRC channels?
gollark: It will not be an epic diagram.
gollark: <@213674115700097025> It has been 12 minutes. Your diagram is to be completed.
gollark: Or SCP-7812 instances disguised as them?
gollark: You have multiple personality disorder then?

References
  1. Delgado Bernal 2002.
  2. Yosso 2005.
  3. Lewis R. Gordon (Spring 1999). "A Short History of the 'Critical' in Critical Race Theory". American Philosophy Association Newsletter. 98 (2). Archived from the original on March 1, 2012.
  4. Cole 2007.
  5. Crenshaw et al. 1995, p. 19 in "Introduction": "Critical Race Theory thus represents an attempt to inhabit and expand the space between two very different intellectual and ideological formations…[i.e. Civil Rights reform and Critical Legal Studies]"
  6. Crenshaw, Kimberlé, Neil Gotanda, Gary Peller, and Kendall Thomas, eds. 1995. "Introduction." In Critical Race Theory: The Key Writings that Formed the Movement. New York: The New Press. ISBN 978-1-56584-271-7.
  7. Harris 2002.
  8. Delgado & Stefancic 2012, pp. 6–7.
  9. "What Is Critical Race Theory?". UCLA School of Public Affairs. 2009-11-04. Retrieved 11 March 2012.
  10. Brooks 1994, p. 85.
  11. Gottesman, Isaac (2016). "Critical Race Theory and Legal Studies". The Critical Turn in Education: From Marxist Critique to Poststructuralist Feminism to Critical Theories of Race. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 9781317670957.
  12. Crenshaw et al. 1995, pp. xix-xxvii.
  13. Crenshaw, Kimberlé; Matsuda, Mari (17 January 2020). "Presidential Session: Intersectionality and Critical Race Theory". YouTube. American Studies Association.
  14. Oremus, Will (March 9, 2012). "Did Obama Hug a Radical?". Slate. Retrieved September 18, 2016.
  15. Carbado & Gulati 2003; Kang & Banaji 2006.
  16. Curry 2012.
  17. Curry 2009.
  18. Harris 1994, pp. 741–743.
  19. Crenshaw et al. 1995, p. xxiv: "To the emerging race crits, rights discourse held a social and transformative value in the context of racial subordination that transcended the narrower question of whether reliance on rights alone could bring about any determinate results"; Harris 1994.
  20. Bell 1995, p. 899.
  21. Delgado & Stefancic 1993, p. 462.
  22. Delgado & Stefancic 1993.
  23. Brayboy, Bryan McKinley Jones (December 2005). "Toward a Tribal Critical Race Theory in Education". The Urban Review. 37 (5): 425–446. doi:10.1007/s11256-005-0018-y. ISSN 0042-0972.
  24. Delgado & Stefancic 1993; Delgado & Stefancic 2012, pp. 18–21; Dudziak 1993.
  25. Delgado & Stefancic 1993; Delgado & Stefancic 2012, pp. 51–55.
  26. Delgado & Stefancic 1993; Delgado & Stefancic 2012, pp. 56–57.
  27. Delgado & Stefancic 1993; Delgado & Stefancic 2012, pp. 26, 155.
  28. Delgado & Stefancic 2012, pp. 78–80.
  29. Delgado & Stefancic 2012, pp. 1–2.
  30. Delgado & Stefancic 2012, pp. 27–29.
  31. Harris 1993; Ladson-Billings 1999, p. 15.
  32. Pyke 2010, p. 552.
  33. Jones 2002, pp. 9–10.
  34. Ground, Solid. "Definition & Analysis of Institutional Racism" (PDF).
  35. Matsuda, Mari J., and Charles R. Lawrence. 1993. "Epilogue: Burning Crosses and the R.A.V. Case." In Words That Wound: Critical Race Theory, Assaultive Speech and the First Amendment, edited by M. J. Matsuda et al.
  36. Delgado 1995; Kennedy 1990; Williams 1991.
  37. Posner, Richard A. 1997. "The Skin Trade." The New Republic 217(15):40–43. Retrieved 20 September 2016.
  38. Kozinski, Alex (November 2, 1997). "Bending the Law". The New York Times. Retrieved September 17, 2016.
  39. Farber & Sherry 1997, pp. 9–11.
  40. Gates 1996.
  41. Pyle 1999, p. 788.
  42. Wood, Peter (March 13, 2012). "Bell Epoque". The Chronicle of Higher Education. Retrieved September 18, 2016.
  43. Will, George (November 28, 1996). "Good News? Don't Want To Hear About It". The Washington Post. Retrieved March 23, 2012.
  44. Ansell, Amy (2008). "Critical Race Theory". In Richard T. Schaefer (ed.). Encyclopedia of Race, Ethnicity, and Society. SAGE. pp. 344–46. ISBN 978-1-4129-2694-2.
  45. Alex Seitz-Wald (March 21, 2012). "How Breitbart and Arizona seized on "critical race theory"". Salon.
  46. Rodriguez, Roberto Cintli (18 January 2012). "Arizona's 'banned' Mexican American books". The Guardian.
  47. Winerip, Michael (March 19, 2012). "Racial Lens Used to Cull Curriculum in Arizona". The New York Times.
  48. "Federal Judge Finds Racism Behind Arizona Law Banning Ethnic Studies".
  49. Delgado & Stefancic 1998.
  50. Harpalani 2013.
  51. Myslinska 2014a, pp. 559–560.
  52. Jupp, Berry & Lensmire 2016.
  53. Annamma, Connor & Ferri 2012.
  54. Myslinska 2014b.
  55. See, e.g., Levin 2008.
  56. Treviño, Harris & Wallace 2008.
  57. Yosso 2006.
  58. Yosso 2006, p. 7.

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Kennedy, Duncan (1990). "A Cultural Pluralist Case for Affirmative Action in Legal Academia". Duke Law Journal. 39 (4): 705–757. doi:10.2307/1372722. ISSN 1939-9111. JSTOR 1372722. Retrieved September 19, 2016.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
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Further reading
Brewer, Mary (2005). Staging Whiteness. Middletown, Connecticut: Wesleyan University Press. ISBN 978-0-8195-6769-7.
Curran, Andrew (2011). The Anatomy of Blackness: Science and Slavery in an Age of Enlightenment. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 9781421409658.
Delgado, Richard, ed. (1995). Critical Race Theory: The Cutting Edge. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. ISBN 978-1-56639-347-8.
Dixson, Adrienne D.; Rousseau, Celia K., eds. (2006). Critical Race Theory in Education: All God's Children Got a Song. New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-95292-7.
Epstein, Kitty Kelly (2006). A Different View of Urban Schools: Civil Rights, Critical Race Theory, and Unexplored Realities. Counterpoints: Studies in the Postmodern Theory of Education. 291. New York: Peter Lang. ISBN 978-0-8204-7879-1. ISSN 1058-1634.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
Ladson-Billings, Gloria; Tate, William F, IV (1994). "Toward a Critical Race Theory of Education" (PDF). Teachers College Record. 97 (1): 47–68. ISSN 0161-4681. Retrieved September 18, 2016.
Solórzano, Daniel G. (1997). "Images and Words That Wound: Critical Race Theory, Racial Stereotyping, and Teacher Education". Teacher Education Quarterly. 24 (3): 5–19. ISSN 0737-5328. JSTOR 23478088.
Solórzano, Daniel G.; Ceja, Miguel; Yosso, Tara J. (2000). "Critical Race Theory, Racial Microaggressions, and Campus Racial Climate: The Experiences of African American College Students" (PDF). Journal of Negro Education. 69 (1/2): 60–73. ISSN 2167-6437. JSTOR 2696265. Archived from the original (PDF) on October 5, 2016. Retrieved September 18, 2016.
Solórzano, Daniel G.; Delgado Bernal, Dolores (2001). "Examining Transformational Resistance Through a Critical Race and LatCrit Theory Framework: Chicana and Chicano Students in an Urban Context". Urban Education. 36 (3): 308–342. doi:10.1177/0042085901363002. ISSN 1552-8340.
Solórzano, Daniel G.; Yosso, Tara J. (2001). "Critical Race and LatCrit Theory and Method: Counter-storytelling: Chicana and Chicano Graduate School Experiences". International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education. 14 (4): 471–495. doi:10.1080/09518390110063365. ISSN 1366-5898.
 ———  (2002). "A Critical Race Counterstory of Affirmative Action in Higher Education". Equity & Excellence in Education. 35 (2): 155–168. doi:10.1080/713845284. ISSN 1066-5684.
Tate, William F, IV (1997). "Critical Race Theory and Education: History, Theory, and Implications". Review of Research in Education. 22: 195–247. doi:10.3102/0091732X022001195. ISSN 1935-1038. JSTOR 1167376. S2CID 53626156.
Tuitt, Patricia (2004). Race, Law, Resistance. London: Glasshouse Press. ISBN 978-1-904385-06-6.
Tyson, Lois (2006). Critical Theory Today: A User-Friendly Guide 2nd Edition. New York-London: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group. ISBN 978-0415974103.
Vélez, Veronica; Perez Huber, Lindsay; Benavides Lopez, Corina; de la Luz, Ariana; Solórzano, Daniel G. (2008). "Battling for Human Rights and Social Justice: A Latina/o Critical Race Analysis of Latina/o Student Youth Activism in the Wake of 2006 Anti-Immigrant Sentiment". Social Justice. 35 (1): 7–27. ISSN 1043-1578. JSTOR 29768477.
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