Takeminakata

Takeminakata-no-Kami (建御名方神) or Takeminakata-no-Mikoto (建御名方命), also known as Minakatatomi-no-Kami (南方刀美神) or Takeminakatatomi-no-Mikoto (建御名方富命) is the name of one of the two principal deities of Suwa Grand Shrine in Nagano Prefecture (historical Shinano Province). Also known under the epithet Suwa Myōjin (諏訪明神) or Suwa Daimyōjin (諏訪大明神), he is considered to be a god of wind, water and agriculture, as well as a patron of hunting and warfare, in which capacity he enjoyed a particularly fervent cult from various samurai clans during the medieval period such as the Hōjō or the Takeda. The deity was also held to be the original ancestor of certain families who once served at the shrine as priests, foremost among them being the Suwa clan, the high priests of the Upper Shrine of Suwa who were also revered as the living incarnations of the god.

Takeminakata-no-Kami
God of the wind, water, hunting and warfare
The main shrine or Honmiya (本宮) of the Upper Shrine (上社 Kamisha) of Suwa, one of the two main sites that make up Suwa Grand Shrine. The Suwa deity is enshrined in the Upper Shrine located on the southeast end of Lake Suwa, while his consort is worshiped on the Lower Shrine (下社 Shimosha) on the opposite shore.
Other namesTakeminakata-no-Mikoto (建御名方命)
Minakatatomi-no-Kami (南方刀美神)
Minakatatomi-no-Mikoto (御名方富命神)
Takeminakatatomi-no-Mikoto (建御名方富命, 健御名方富命)
Suwa Myōjin (諏訪明神)
Suwa Daimyōjin (諏訪大明神)
Suwa-no-Ōkami (諏訪大神)
Japanese建御名方神
Major cult centerSuwa Grand Shrine
Symbolssnake, dragon
TextsKojiki, Sendai Kuji Hongi, Suwa Daimyōjin Ekotoba
Personal information
ParentsŌkuninushi and Nunakawahime
SiblingsKotoshironushi and others
ConsortYasakatome
ChildrenIzuhayao, Katakurabe and others

The Suwa deity is the subject of a number of different, often conflicting myths. For instance, in the Kojiki (712 CE) and later derivative accounts, Takeminakata appears as one of the sons of Ōkuninushi, god of Izumo and lord of Ashihara no Nakatsukuni (i.e. the land of Japan), who was forced into exile in the region of Suwa after being defeated by Takemikazuchi, an envoy sent by the gods of heaven, whereas other stories - mostly of medieval origin - portray the god as being among other things an interloper who conquered the Suwa region, an Indian king who achieved enlightenment and eventually manifested in Japan as a kami, a human warrior named Kōga Saburō, or a deity with the body of a snake (or dragon).

Mythology

Takeminakata of Izumo

Parentage

The god of Suwa Shrine is named 'Takeminakata' (建御名方神 Takeminakata-no-Kami) in both the Kojiki and the Sendai Kuji Hongi (compiled 807-936 CE).[1][2] Variants of the name found in the imperially commissioned national histories and other literary sources include 'Minakatatomi' (南方刀美神 Minakatomi-no-Kami or 御名方富命神 Minakatatomi-no-Mikoto-no-Kami) or 'Takeminakatatomi' (建御名方富命神 Takeminakatatomi-no-Mikoto-no-Kami).

Takeminakata is portrayed in both the Kojiki and the Sendai Kuji Hongi as a son of earthly deity (kunitsukami) Ōkuninushi, although it does not include him in its genealogy of Ōkuninushi's children.[3] The corresponding section in the Kuji Hongi reckons him as the son of one of the wives of Ōnamuchi (Ōkuninushi), Nunakawahime of Koshi.[2][4]

The passage concerning Takeminakata's appearance and defeat from the oldest extant manuscript of the Kojiki, the Shinpukuji-bon (真福寺本, written 1371-1372)

Takeminakata and Takemikazuchi

Takeminakata appears in both the Kojiki and the Kuji Hongi in the context of Ōkuninushi's "transfer of the land" (kuni-yuzuri) to the amatsukami, the gods of heaven (Takamagahara).[5][6]

When the gods of Takamagahara sent Takemikazuchi and another messenger[lower-alpha 1] to demand that Ōkuninushi relinquish his authority over the Central Land of Reed-Plains (Ashihara no Nakatsukuni) to the progeny of the sun goddess Amaterasu, he asked to confer with two sons of his first before giving his decision. While the first son, Kotoshironushi, immediately accepted their demands and advised his father to do likewise, the second, Takeminakata, carrying an enormous rock (千引之石 chibiki no iwa, i.e. a boulder so large it would take a thousand men to pull) on the fingertips of one hand, instead challenged Takemikazuchi to a test of strength, grabbing the messenger's arm.

When [Takemikazuchi-no-Kami] allowed [Takeminakata-no-Kami] to take his arm, he changed it into a column of ice, then again changed it into a sword blade. At this, he (Takeminakata) was afraid and drew back.

Then [Takemikazuchi-no-Kami], in his turn, demanded [the right] to take hold of the arm of Takeminakata-no-Kami. When he took it, it was like taking hold of a young reed; he grasped it and crushed it, throwing it aside. Immediately, he (Takeminakata) ran away.

They pursued him, and caught up with him by the lake of Suwa in the land of Shinano (科野国州羽海). As they were about to kill him, Takeminakata-no-Kami said: "Pray do not kill me. I will go to no other place. Also I will not disobey the commands of my father, Ōkuninushi-no-Kami, and will not disobey the words of the words of Yae-Kotoshironushi-no-Kami. I will yield this Central Land of the Reed Plains in accordance with the commands of the Heavenly Deities."[7]

With Takeminakata's surrender, Ōkuninushi finally agreed to cede the land to the amatsukami.[5][6][8][9][10]

Variants
Kashima Daimyōjin (Takemikazuchi) restraining the giant catfish (namazu)

The opening section of the Suwa Daimyōjin Ekotoba, a medieval compilation of legends and other information regarding Suwa Shrine, its deity and its festivals, retells the Kuji Hongi version of this story, albeit with Takeminakata's shameful defeat omitted.[11]

Amaterasu-Ōmikami gave a decree and sent two gods, Futsunushi-no-Kami (of Katori Shrine in Sōshū) and Takeikatsuchi-no-Kami (of Kashima Shrine in Jōshū), down to the land of Izumo, where they declared to Ōanamuchi (of Kitsuki in Unshū [and] Miwa in Washū), "The Central Land of Reed-Plains is the land entrusted to our heir. Are you willing to give it up to the heavenly deities?"

Ōanamuchi said, "Ask my son, Kotoshironushi-no-Kami (of Nagata Shrine in Sesshū; eighth [patron deity of] the Jingi-kan); he will give you an answer."
Kotoshironushi-no-Kami said, "My father ought respectfully to withdraw, nor will I disobey."
[The messengers said,] "Do you have any other sons who ought to speak?"
"There is also my son, Takeminakata-no-Kami (of Suwa Shrine)."
[He] came, bearing a boulder that would take a thousand men to pull (chibiki no ishi) on his fingertips, saying, "Who is this that has come to our land, talking so furtively? I wish to challenge you to a test of strength." When he took his hand, it turned into an icicle, and then it turned into a sword blade.

Upon arriving at the sea of Suwa in the land of Shinano, Takeminakata-no-Kami said, "I will go to no other place but this," etc. This is the origin story of this shrine's manifestation (当社垂迹の本縁 tōsha suijaku no hon'en).[lower-alpha 2][13]

Similar attempts to portray Takeminakata in a more honorable light are found in certain later versions of the story. In one version, for instance, Takeminakata is portrayed as going to Suwa not so much to flee from Takemikazuchi but to pacify it under the orders of his father Ōkuninushi.[14]

A variant found in a commentary on the Nihon Shoki penned by a 15th century monk named Shun'yu (春瑜), the Nihon Shoki Shikenmon (日本書紀私見聞), claims 'Suwa Daimyōjin' (諏防大明神) to be the third son of the deity Sannō Gongen (the guardian deity of Mount Hiei identified with Ōkuninushi). After engaging in a failed rebellion against Amaterasu, the deity surrendered and vowed to settle down in the land of Shinano.[15]

Local legends from within Nagano Prefecture claim Takeminakata to have passed or stayed in various places within the region during his escape. A local legend in Shimoina District (located south of Suwa) for instance claims that Takemikazuchi caught up with the fleeing Takeminakata in the modern village of Toyooka, where they agreed to an armistice and left imprints of their hands on a rock as a sign of their agreement. The rock, bearing the gods' supposed handprints (tegata), is found in Otegata Shrine (御手形神社) in Toyooka.[16] After Takemikazuchi's departure, Takeminakata temporarily resided in the neighboring village of Ōshika, where he discovered hot springs of saltwater whilst hunting for deer.[17][18][19]

The contest between Takemikazuchi and Takeminakata has also been sometimes interpreted as an origin myth for sumo wrestling and aiki.[20][21][22] This interpretation apparently follows an alternative reading of the text which sees Takemikazuchi as not so much crushing and tearing Takeminakata's arm(s) off but seizing him by the arm and throwing him into the ground.

Entry into Suwa

Fujishima Shrine (藤島社) in Suwa City. It is one of two 'Fujishima Shrines' associated with Suwa Myōjin's battle against Moriya; the other is located in the city of Okaya by the Tenryū River.

A myth from the Suwa area portrays Suwa Myōjin as being opposed during his advent by the local god Moriya (Moreya).

A document supposedly submitted to the Kamakura shogunate in 1249 by Suwa Nobushige, then high priest or Ōhōri (大祝) of the Upper Shrine of Suwa, known as the Suwa Nobushige Gejō (諏訪信重解状 "The Petition of Suwa Nobushige"), relates a story from "the ancient customs" (舊貫) that the Suwa deity came down from heaven in order to take possession of the land of 'Moriya Daijin' (守屋大臣). The conflict between the two escalated into a battle, but as no winner could be declared, the two finally compete in a tug of war using hooks (kagi): Suwa Myōjin, using a hook made out of the wisteria plant (藤鎰), emerges victorious against Moriya, who used an iron hook (鐵鎰). After his victory, the god built his dwelling (what would become the Upper Shrine) in Moriya's land and planted the wisteria hook, which became a grove known as the 'Forest of Fujisuwa' (藤諏訪之森 Fujisuwa no mori).[lower-alpha 3][23][24][25] Whereas the Kojiki portrays Takeminakata as an earthly god defeated by a deity from heaven, this myth notably features the opposite scenario, in which the deity of Suwa descends from heaven and conquers the land below.

The Suwa Daimyōjin Ekotoba relates a variant of this myth as an origin story of Fujishima Shrine (藤島社) in Suwa City, one of the Upper Shrine's auxiliary shrines where its yearly rice-planting ceremony is traditionally held.[25][26][27] In this version, the deity of Fujishima Shrine (藤島の明神 Fujishima no Myōjin) - usually equated with Suwa Myōjin - defeats "Moriya the evil outlaw" (洩矢の惡賊, Moriya no akuzoku) with a wisteria branch:

As for this so-called 'Fujishima no Myōjin': long ago, when the revered deity (尊神 sonshin) manifested himself, Moriya the evil outlaw sought to hinder the god's stay and fought him with an iron ring (鐵輪), but the Myōjin, taking up a wisteria branch (藤の枝), defeated him, thus finally subduing heresy (邪輪 jarin, lit. "wheel/circle/ring of evil") and establishing the true Dharma. When the Myōjin swore an oath and threw the wisteria branch away, immediately it took root [in the ground], its branches and leaves flourishing in abundance, and [sprouted] beautiful blossoms, leaving behind a marker of the battleground for posterity. 'Fujishima no Myōjin' is named thus for this reason.[lower-alpha 4][28][29]

Fujishima Shrine (藤島神社) in Okaya

Two extant medieval genealogies of the Suwa (Miwa) clan also begin by recounting the legend of a battle between the Suwa deity, accompanied by the first high priest of the Upper Shrine, and 'Moriya' (守屋) during the reign of Emperor Yōmei (585-587).[30]

In later versions of this story which combine it with the kuni-yuzuri myth, Moriya opposes Takeminakata after the latter had fled from Izumo. After being defeated, Moriya swears fealty to Takeminakata and becomes a faithful ally.[31][32] Moriya is reckoned as the divine ancestor of the Moriya (守矢) clan, one of the former priestly lineages of the Upper Shrine.[33]

While medieval sources such as Nobushige's petition and the Ekotoba situate the battle between the two gods in the slopes of Mount Moriya somewhere in the vicinity of the Upper Shrine (modern Suwa City), a variant legend first attested in Edo period texts instead place it on the banks of the Tenryū River (modern Okaya City).[34][31][33][35]

Tatsuya-Sukura Shrine (達屋酢蔵神社) in Chino, associated with the gods Yatsukao (Ganigawara) and Hikosachi in folklore

Apart from Moriya, a few scattered local legends make reference to other deities who either submitted to the Suwa deity or refused to do so. One such god that is said to have opposed Suwa Myōjin and his new ally Moriya in local folklore was Yatsukao-no-Mikoto (矢塚男命), also known as Ganigawara (蟹河原長者 Ganigawara-chōja).[36][37][38]

The story relates that Ganigawara, a horse breeder who wielded great authority in the region, held Moriya in contempt for surrendering to Takeminakata and had messengers publicly harass him by calling him a coward. When Ganigawara's servants began to resort to violence by shooting arrows in Takeminakata's newly built house, Takeminakata retaliated by invading Ganigawara's turf. Mortally wounded by an arrow in the ensuing battle, Ganigawara begs forgiveness from Moriya and entrusts his youngest daughter to Takeminakata, who gives her in marriage to the god Taokihooi-no-Mikoto (手置帆負命) a.k.a. Hikosachi-no-Kami (彦狭知神)[lower-alpha 5], who was injured by Ganigawara's messengers as he was keeping watch over Takeminakata's abode.[42][43]

In another legend, a god named Takei-Ōtomonushi (武居大伴主神 or 武居大友主神) swore allegiance to Takeminakata and became the ancestor of a line of priests in the Lower Shrine known as the Takeihōri (武居祝).[44][36] Yet another story relates that the Suwa deity forbade the goddess of Sakinomiya Shrine (先宮神社) in Owa, Suwa City from building a bridge over the creek before her shrine as punishment for her refusal to submit to him.[36][45]

The Ōhōri

The crest (kamon) of the Suwa clan, which is also used by the Upper Shrine of Suwa as its emblem.

Before the abolition of the Suwa Grand Shrine's traditional priestly offices during the Meiji period, the Upper Shrine of Suwa's high priest or Ōhōri (大祝 'great priest'; also Ōhafuri) was a young boy chosen from the Suwa clan, who was, during his term of office, considered to be a living god, the visible incarnation or 'body' of the unseen god of the shrine.[46][47]

The legend of how Suwa Myōjin chose his first priest is recounted in various sources, such as the Suwa Daimyōjin Ekotoba:

At the beginning of the god's manifestation, he took off his robe, put them on an eight year old boy, and dubbed him 'great priest' (Ōhōri). The god declared, "I do not have a body and so make this priest (hōri) my body."
This [boy] is Arikazu (有員), the priest of the sacred robe (御衣祝 Misogihōri), the founding ancestor of the Miwa/Jin (神, i.e. Suwa) clan.[lower-alpha 6]

Suwa Myōjin as a warrior in hunting gear

Although most sources (such as the Ekotoba above) identify the boy with the semi-legendary priest Arikazu, who is said to have lived in the 9th century (early Heian period) during the reign of Emperor Kanmu (781-806) or his immediate successors Heizei (806-809) or Saga (809-823),[49][50][51][52] two genealogical lists - of disputed historical reliability[53][54] - instead identify the first priest with an individual named Otoei (乙頴) or Kumako (神子 or 熊古), a son of Mase-gimi (麻背君) or Iotari (五百足), head of the Kanasashi clan and kuni no miyatsuko of Shinano during the late 6th century.[55][56]

One of these two texts is a genealogy of the Aso (阿蘇) clan of Aso Shrine in Kyushu known as the 異本阿蘇氏系図 (Ihon Asoshi Keizu).[57][58] It reads in part:

Otoei (Ōhōri of the great god of Suwa): also known as Kumako (神子) or Kumako (熊古).
When he was eight years old, the great god Minakatatomi-no-Mikoto appeared, took off his robe and put them on Kumako, declaring, "I do not have a body and so make you my body." In the third month of the second year of Iware Ikebe no Ōmiya (587), a sanctuary (社壇) was built at the foot of the mountain at the southern side of the lake (i.e. Lake Suwa) to worship the great god of Suwa and various other gods ...[lower-alpha 7]

The other is the Ōhōri-ke Jinshi Keizu (大祝家神氏系図), a genealogy of the Suwa clan discovered in the Ōhōri's residence in 1884 (Meiji 17).[59][60][61] It portrays Arikazu as a descendant of Kumako, the priest chosen by Takeminakata:

When Kumako was eight years old, the revered deity appeared, took off his robe and put them on Kumako. After declaring, "I do not have a body and so make you my body," he disappeared.[lower-alpha 8] This [Kumako] is the ancestor of Arikazu of the Miwa/Jin (Suwa) clan, the Misogihōri. In the second year of Emperor Yōmei, Kumako built a sanctuary at the foot of the mountain at the southern side of the lake. [lower-alpha 9]

The King of Hadai

A medieval Buddhist legend portrays Suwa Myōjin as a king from India who later achieved enlightenment and went to Japan to become a native kami.

A short text attached to a late 15th century copy of an ordinance regulating the Upper Shrine's ritual purity taboos (物忌み monoimi) originally enforced in 1238 and revised in 1317, the Suwa Kamisha monoimi no rei no koto (諏訪上社物忌令之事),[62] relates that 'Takeminakata Myōjin' (武御名方明神) was originally the ruler of a certain Indian kingdom called 'Hadai' (波堤国 Hadai-koku)[lower-alpha 10] who survived an insurrection instigated by a rebel named 'Moriya' (守屋 or 守洩) during the king's absence while the latter was out hunting deer. After going to Persia to rescue its inhabitants from an evil dragon, the king ruled over it for some time as 'Emperor Suwa' (陬波皇帝 Suwa Kōtei) before retiring to "cultivate the seedling of virtue and realize the Buddhist path." He eventually manifested in Japan, appearing in various places before finally choosing to dwell in Suwa.[65][66][67]

Misayama Shrine (御射山神社) in Fujimi, Nagano. During the medieval period, the hunting ceremony held at Misayama - Suwa Shrine's sacred hunting ground - was the largest of Suwa's religious ceremonies and one of its most important, attracting thousands of people.

The Suwa Daimyōjin Ekotoba relates a slightly different, fuller version of the first half of this story as an origin myth for the Upper Shrine's hunting ceremony held every seventh month of the year at Misayama (御射山) on the slopes of the Yatsugatake Mountains:

If one should inquire about the origins (因縁 in'en, lit. 'causes and conditions') of this hunt: long ago, the Daimyōjin was the king of the land of Hadai in India who went out to hunt at Deer Park from the twenty-seventh to the thirtieth day of the seventh month. At that time, a traitorous vassal named Bikyō (美教) suddenly organized an army and sought to kill the king. The king, ringing a golden bell, looked up to heaven and shouted eight times: "I am now about to be killed by this rebel. I have hunted animals, not for my own enjoyment, but in order to lead them to the Buddhist path. If this my action is in accordance with Heaven's will, may Brahmā save me."
Brahmā then saw this and commanded the four great deva-kings to wield vajra-poles and destroy the army. It is said that the Misayama (三齋山) of today reflects that event.
... One should know, therefore, that the deity's compassionate hunting is an expedient means for the salvation of creatures.[68]

Regarding the Upper Shrine's hunting rituals, the Monoimi no rei asserts that

[The shrine's] hunts began in the deer park of Hadai-no-kuni [in India]. [The use of] hawks began in Magada-no-kuni.[69]

Medieval Buddhist legends claim the Suwa deity to be a relative of Gautama Buddha (pictured)

The second half of the legend (the slaying of the dragon in Persia and the king's migration to Japan) is used by the Ekotoba's compiler, Suwa Enchū, in a liturgical text, the Suwa Daimyōjin Kōshiki (諏方大明神講式),[70][71][65] where it is introduced as an alternative, if somewhat less credible, account of the Suwa deity's origins (in comparison to the myth of Takeminakata of Izumo as found in the Kuji Hongi, touted by the same text as the authoritative origin story of the god) that nevertheless should not be suppressed.[72] In this text, the king of Hadai is claimed to be a great-great-grandson of King Siṃhahanu (獅子頬王 Shishikyō-ō), Gautama Buddha's grandfather.[73] Bikyō, the rebel who raised up an army against the king in India - identified as an incarnation of the Demon King (魔王) - is also said to have eventually manifested in Japan, opposing the deity in Suwa as "Moriya the evil outlaw."[74]

A similar account appears in a work known as the Suwa Jinja Engi (諏訪神社縁起) or Suwa Shintō Engi (諏訪神道縁起),[75] wherein the Suwa deity is identified as the son of Kibonnō (貴飯王), the son of Amṛtodana (甘呂飯王 Kanrobonnō), one of Siṃhahanu's four sons. The Lower Shrine's goddess, meanwhile, is the daughter of Prasenajit (波斯匿王 Hashinoku-ō), claimed here to be the son of Dronodana (黒飯王 Kokubonnō), another son of Siṃhananu.[76]

The Suwa Mishirushibumi

During the Misayama festival as performed during the medieval period, the Ōhōri recited a ritual declaration supposedly composed by the Suwa deity himself known as the Suwa Mishirushibumi (陬波御記文),[77] which begins:

I, Great King Suwa (陬波大王), have hidden my person during [the year/month/day of] the Yang Wood Horse (甲午 kinoe-uma).
[The name] 'Suwa' (陬波) and [the sign] Yang Wood Horse [and] the seal (印文)[lower-alpha 11] - these three are all one and the same.[lower-alpha 12]

Yabusame archers in hunting gear, Edo period

Within the text, King Suwa (i.e. Suwa Myōjin) declares the Ōhōri to be his 'true body' (真神体 shin no shintai) and the Misayama (三斎山) hunting grounds below Yatsugatake (here likened to Vulture Peak in India) to be another manifestation of himself that cleanses (斎) the three (三) evils: evil thoughts, evil speech and evil actions.[81][82] He promises that whoever sets foot at Misayama will not fall into the lower, evil realms of existence (悪趣 akushu); conversely, the god condemns and disowns whoever defiles the hunting grounds by cutting down its trees or digging out the soil.[83]

A commentary on the Mishirushibumi, the Suwa Shichū (陬波私注 "Personal Notes on the Suwa Mishirusibumi," written 1313-1314),[84] elaborates on the text by retelling the legend of Suwa Myōjin's consecration of his first priest:

The Daimyōjin was born during [the year/month/day of] the Yang Wood Horse and disappeared during [the year/month/day of] the Yang Wood Horse.
Sokutan Daijin (続旦大臣) was the Daimyōjin's uncle who accompanied him from India. When the Daimyōjin was to disappear, he took off his garments, put them on the Daijin, and dubbed him the Misogihōri (御衣木法理). He then pronounced a vow: "You shall consider this priest to be my body."[lower-alpha 13]

The same text identifies the god's uncle Sokutan Daijin with Arikazu.[86][87][lower-alpha 14]

Other myths

Suwa Myōjin and the frog god

The Frog Hunting Ritual of Suwa Shrine (taken before 1937)

Two texts, the Monoimi no rei[89][90] and the Suwa Shichū (陬波私注 "Personal Notes on the Suwa Mishirusibumi," written 1313-1314),[84] mention an oral legend about Suwa Myōjin pacifying the waves of the four seas by subduing an unruly frog god.

Suwa (陬波) should be read as "the waves are calm." When a frog god (蝦蟆神), being a harmful god (荒神 kōjin), caused suffering to the realm, the Daimyōjin quelled it and came to reside here; [because] the four seas were calm, it is called Suwa.[lower-alpha 15][91]

After defeating this frog, Suwa Myōjin then blocked the way to its dwelling - a hole leading to the underwater palace of the dragon god of the sea, the Ryūgū-jō - with a rock and sat on it.[84][92][93]

This story functions as an etiological legend for the annual sacrifice of frogs held every New Year's Day in the Upper Shrine (see below)[94] as well as yet another folk etymology for the toponym 'Suwa' (rendered here as 陬波), here explained as deriving either from a term for a wave lapping onto the sea's edge[95] or a reference to the deity's pacification of the waters: "the waves are calm."[96]

The portrayal of Suwa Myōjin's enemy as a frog also hints at the deity's character as a serpentine water god.[95] (As a point of comparison, the obscure snake god Ugajin was also credited with defeating a malevolent frog deity.[97]) The frog god itself has been interpreted either as representing the native deities Mishaguji and/or Moriya, with its defeat symbolizing the victory of the cult of Suwa Myōjin over the indigenous belief system,[98][99] or as a symbol of the Buddhist concept of the three poisons (ignorance, greed, and hatred), which Suwa Myōjin, as an incarnation of the bodhisattva Samantabhadra, his esoteric aspect Vajrasattva and the Wisdom King Trailokyavijaya (interpreted as a manifestation of Vajrasattva), is said to destroy.[97]

The dragon (serpent) deity of Suwa

Chōzuya with a dragon-shaped spout, Kamisha Honmiya

Folk belief has long held the god of Suwa Shrine to assume the form of a serpent or dragon. Consequently, the deity appears as such in a number of folktales and anecdotes.

In one such story, Suwa Myōjin once came to Izumo Province in the form of a dragon so gigantic that only his head can be seen; his tail was still at Suwa, caught in a tall pine tree by the shores of the lake. The other gods, upon seeing him, were so astounded and frightened at his enormous size that they exempted him from attending their yearly meetings.[100][101] Thus, the deity of Suwa is claimed to be one of the very few kami in Japan who do not leave their shrines during the month of Kannazuki, when most gods are thought to gather at Izumo and thus are absent from most of the country. The supposed tree where the dragon's tail was caught (currently reduced to a stump) is locally known as Okakematsu (尾掛松).[102]

A variant of this story transposes the setting from Izumo to the Imperial Palace in Kyoto; in this version, the various kami are said to travel to the ancient capital every New Year's Day to greet the emperor.[103]

Another popular story promulgated by wandering preachers associated with the shrines of Suwa during the medieval period claimed the Suwa deity to have originally been Kōga Saburō, a warrior who temporarily became a dragon or a snake after a journey into the underworld.[104][105][106][107]

Omiwatari

Omiwatari

Cracks and ridges that form on a frozen Lake Suwa during cold winters have traditionally been interpreted as the trail left behind by Suwa Myōjin as he leaves the Upper Shrine and crosses the lake to meet his wife enshrined on the Lower Shrine on the opposite (northern) shore.[108] Called Omiwatari (御神渡 'the god's crossing' or 'the god's pathway'), the cracks were considered to be a good omen for the coming year.[109] The priests of the Grand Shrine of Suwa traditionally used the crack's appearance to divine the quality of the year's harvest.[110] For the locals, the crack also served as a sign that the frozen lake was safe to walk upon.[111][112] Conversely, the omiwatari's failure to appear at all (明海 ake no umi) or the cracks forming in an unusual way were held to be a sign of bad luck for the year.[110]

Since the late 20th century, the omiwatari has become a much rarer sight than it was in the past due to rising temperatures caused by global warming.[109][113][114]

As god of war

Sakanoue no Tamuramaro is credited with instituting the religious festivities of Suwa Shrine after the god of Suwa came to his aid against the Emishi peoples.

Suwa Myōjin is also considered to be a god of war, one of a number of such deities in the Japanese pantheon. The Ryōjin Hishō compiled in 1179 (the late Heian period) also attest to the worship of the god of Suwa in the capacity of god of warfare at the time of its compilation, naming the shrine of Suwa among famous shrines to martial deities in the eastern half of the country.

These gods of war live east of the barrier:[lower-alpha 16]
Kashima, Katori, Suwa no Miya, and Hira Myōjin;
also Su in Awa, Otaka Myōjin in Tai no Kuchi,
Yatsurugi in Atsuta, and Tado no Miya in Ise.

Ryōjin Hishō, song 258[116] [lower-alpha 17]

During the medieval period, legends claiming Suwa Myōjin to have appeared and provided assistance to eminent figures such as Empress Jingū[117] or the general Sakanoue no Tamuramaro[118][119][120] during their respective military campaigns circulated.

The god of Suwa was also credited with the attempted Mongol invasions of Japan under Kublai Khan. The Taiheiki recounts a story where a five-colored cloud resembling a serpent (a manifestation of the god) rose up from Lake Suwa and spread away westward to assist the Japanese army against the Mongols.[121][122]

On the seventh day, when the Imperial devotions were completed, from Lake Suwa there arose a cloud of many colours, in shape like a great serpent, which spread away towards the west. The doors of the Temple-treasury of Hachiman flew open, and the skies were filled with a sound of galloping horses and of ringing bits. In the twenty-one shrines of Yoshino the brocade-curtained mirrors moved, the swords of the Temple-treasury put on a sharp edge, and all the shoes offered to the god turned towards the west. At Sumiyoshi sweat poured from below the saddles of the four horses sacred to the deities, and the iron shields turned of themselves and faced the enemy in a line. [123][124]

Analysis

Name

Etymology

Lake Suwa in Shinano Province by Katsushika Hokusai

The etymology of the name "(Take)minakata(tomi)" is unclear. While most commentators seem to agree that take- (and probably -tomi) are honorifics, they differ in how to interpret the other components of the name. Some of the proposed solutions are as follows.

  • The Edo period kokugaku scholar Motoori Norinaga[125] explained both take- (建) and mi- (御) as honorifics (称名 tatae-na), with kata (方) as yet another tatae-na meaning 'hard' or 'firm' (堅). Basil Chamberlain followed Motoori's lead and rendered the god's name as 'Brave-August-Name-Firm' in his translation of the Kojiki.[5]
  • Historian Ōta Akira (1926) interpreted take-, mi- and -tomi as honorifics and took Nakata (名方) to be a place name: Nakata District (名方郡) in Awa Province (modern Ishii, Tokushima Prefecture), where Takeminatomi Shrine (多祁御奈刀弥神社) stands.[126] Owa Iwao (1990) explains the similarity between 'Takeminakata(tomi)' and 'Takeminatomi' by proposing that the name may have been brought to Suwa by immigrants from Nakata in Awa.[127]
  • Minakata has also been linked to the Munakata (宗像) of Kyushu.[128] Imperial Navy colonel and amateur ethnographer Matsuoka Shizuo (1936) interpreted Minakatatomi as originally being a goddess – citing the fact that the deities of Munakata shrine were female – that was later conflated with the male god Takeminakata.[129]
  • A number of more recent scholars have theorized that mina most likely means "water" (水), pointing to the god originally being a water deity and/or a connection to Lake Suwa.[130][131][132][133] The full name is thought to derive from a word denoting a body of water or a waterside region such as 水潟 (minakata, 'lagoon' or 'inlet')[128][132][133] or 水県 (mina 'water' + agata 'country(side)').[131]
  • An alternative explanation for the word -tomi (as well as the -tome in 'Yasakatome', the name of this god's consort) is to link it with dialectal words for 'snake' (tomi, tobe, or tōbe), thereby seeing the name as hinting to the god being a kind of serpentine water deity (mizuchi).[134]

Suwa Daimyōjin

A common epithet for the god enshrined in Suwa Grand Shrine – specifically, in the Upper Shrine (Kamisha) located southeast of Lake Suwa – since the Middle Ages is Suwa Myōjin (諏訪明神) or Suwa Daimyōjin (諏訪大明神), a name also applied via metonymy to the shrine itself. A variant associated with the syncretic Ryōbu Shintō sect, Suwa (Nangū) Hosshō (Kamishimo) Daimyōjin (諏訪(南宮)法性(上下)大明神), "Dharma-Nature Daimyōjin of (the Upper and Lower) Suwa (Nangū[lower-alpha 18]),"[137] was most famously employed by Sengoku daimyō Takeda Shingen (a devotee of the god) on some of his war banners.[138][139]

Takeminakata in the Kojiki

Ō no Yasumaro, the compiler of the Kojiki

Takeminakata's abrupt appearance in the Kojiki's version of the kuni-yuzuri myth has long puzzled scholars, as the god is mentioned nowhere else in the work, including the genealogy of Ōkuninushi's progeny that precedes the kuni-yuzuri narrative proper.[140] Aside from the parallel account contained in the Kuji Hongi (which was itself based on the Kojiki[141]), he is altogether absent from the Nihon Shoki's version of the myth.[142][143] Early documents from Izumo such as the province's Fudoki also fail to mention any god named '(Take)minakata', nor is there apparently any sign of Takeminakata worship in Izumo in antiquity.[141]

Pre-modern authors such as Motoori Norinaga tended to explain Takeminakata's absence outside of the Kojiki and the Kuji Hongi by conflating the god with certain obscure deities found in other sources thought to share certain similar characteristics (e.g. Isetsuhiko).[144] While a few modern scholars still suppose some kind of indirect connection between the deity and Izumo by postulating that Takeminakata's origins lie either in peoples that migrated from Izumo northwards to Suwa and the Hokuriku region[145] or in Hokuriku itself (the ancient province of Koshi, a region apparently once under Izumo's sphere of influence as can be inferred from the myth of Ōkuninushi's marriage to Nunakawahime),[146] others instead propose that the connection between Takeminakata and Izumo is an artificial construct by the Kojiki's compilers.[141][128][147][148]

The contest between Takeminakata and Takemikazuchi - an element absent in other versions of the kuni-yuzuri myth cycle - is often explained as being either a new myth invented to serve the interests of the imperial court and the Fujiwara clan, descendants of the Nakatomi clan that had worshiped Takemikazuchi as a patron deity[148] (indeed, in other versions it is the god Futsunushi that takes center stage rather than Takemikazuchi, who is believed to have taken on Futsunushi's roles and attributes after the Nakatomi rose to power[149]), or an adaptation/reversal of a myth concerning a battle between an interloping god and a local deity preserved in the Suwa region (see below), with Takeminakata (the invading conqueror in Suwa myth) being recast into the role of the subjugated earthly kami.[150]

'Suwa Myōjin'

While imperial sources apply the name '(Take)minakata' to the god of Suwa Shrine, many medieval texts that speak of the god of the Upper Shrine simply refer to the deity in question with such generic terms as sonshin (尊神 'revered deity') or myōjin (明神 'manifest deity').[151] This however is hardly unusual, as before the early modern period use of titles such as myōjin or gongen for various gods and their shrines were so widespread that these deities were rarely referred to by their proper names.[152]

Suwa Myōjin and Moriya

The yasaka no suzu (八栄の鈴), a set of bronze bells reputed in legend to have been brought to Suwa by Suwa Myōjin. In actuality, the bells date from the early Heian period.

The myth of Takeminakata's (Suwa Myōjin's) arrival in Suwa and his defeat of the god Moriya has been interpreted as the mythicization of a historical event in which a local lineage of chieftains who ruled the Suwa area was subjugated by invading outsiders, who subsequently set themselves up as the new rulers of the region - all the while still retaining the subjugated clan in an important position as the wielder of spiritual and ritual authority. This theory explains the relation between the Suwa (Miwa/Jin) and Moriya priestly families of the Upper Shrine of Suwa as that of the Moriya clan being the regional power supplanted by the newly arrived Miwa (Suwa) clan.

Relief map of the Ina Valley. Lake Suwa can be seen at top right.

While one theory places this event during the end of the Jōmon period, thus portraying the new arrivals as agrarian Yayoi tribes who came into conflict with indigenous Jōmon hunter-gatherers,[153][154] others instead propose this conflict to have taken place during the late Kofun period (late 6th-early 7th century), when keyhole-shaped burial mounds containing equestrian gear as grave goods - up to this point found mainly in the Shimoina region southwest of Suwa - begin to appear in the Lake Suwa area, replacing the kind of burial that had been common in the region since the early 5th century. This theory thus supposes these migrants to have been a clan allied with the Yamato kingdom that specialized in horse breeding and horseback riding. Indeed, the Yamato polity showed strong interest to Shinano because of its suitability as a place for grazing and breeding horses and considered it a strategic base for conquering the eastern regions.[155][156][157][158] This clan, the Miwa (Suwa), is thought to be related to either the Kanasashi clan (金刺氏), an offshoot of a local magnate clan (kuni no miyatsuko) that later became the high priestly family of the Lower Shrine of Suwa,[159] or the Miwa (Ōmiwa) clan (三輪氏) originally based on the area around Mount Miwa in Yamato Province.[160] The theory suggests based on archaeological evidence that the Miwa (Suwa) came to the Suwa Basin from Shimoina, making their way northwards along the Tenryū River.[161] In conjunction with this hypothesis, it is pointed out that in the Nobushige Gejō (believed to be the earliest attestation of this myth), the Suwa deity is said to have descended from heaven bringing with him bells, a mirror, a saddle and a bridle.[162][163][164]

This theory that the legend of the Suwa deity's victory over Moriya reflects historical fact has recently come into question. Due to similarities between certain variants of this myth and medieval legends surrounding Prince Shōtoku's defeat of Mononobe no Moriya (e.g. Shōtoku's and Suwa Myōjin's opponents both being named 'Moriya', the deity's manifestation and the foundation of the Upper Shrine being dated to the year 587 - the same year as the battle between the Soga and the Mononobe clans - in some texts), some see the myth as being highly influenced by such stories about Shōtoku (so Ihara, 2008),[165] while others regard it as an outright invention modeled on these legends (Harada, 2018).[166] Aoki (2012) theorizes that the myth developed somewhere during the late Heian and early Kamakura periods, when the deity of Suwa came to be venerated as a warrior god, and cautions against uncritical application of this story to known archaeological data.[167]

Takeminakata in imperial sources

While the Kojiki does not yet explicitly mention the worship of Takeminakata in Suwa, by the following century, we see the name applied to the god worshipped in what is now the Grand Shrine of Suwa: aside from the Kuji Hongi's (807-936 CE) reference to Takeminakata being enshrined in 'Suwa Shrine in Suwa District'[2][1] the Shoku Nihon Kōki mentions the deity 'Minakatatomi-no-Kami of Suwa District, Shinano Province' (信濃国諏訪郡 ... 南方刀美神) being promoted from rankless (无位) to junior fifth rank, lower grade (従五位下) by the imperial court in the year 842 CE (Jōwa 9).[lower-alpha 19][168][169][170][171]

During the 850-60s, Takeminakata and his shrine rose very rapidly in rank (Montoku Jitsuroku, Nihon Sandai Jitsuroku), being promoted to the rank of junior fifth, upper grade (従五位上) in 850 (Kashō 3),[lower-alpha 20][172] to junior third (従三位) in 851 (Ninju 1),[lower-alpha 21][173] to junior (従二位)[lower-alpha 22] and then senior second (正二位)[lower-alpha 23] in 859 (Jōgan 1),[174] and finally to junior first rank (従一位) in 867 (Jōgan 9).[lower-alpha 24][175][170] The influence of the Kanasashi-no-toneri clan is thought to be behind the deity's sudden progress in rank.[171][176]

After a few decades, the 'Register of Deities' (神名帳 Jinmyōchō) section of the Engishiki (927) speaks of the 'Minakatatomi Shrine(s)' (南方刀美神社) as enshrining two deities and being the two major ('eminent') shrines of Suwa district.[lower-alpha 25][177] By 940 (Tengyō 3), the deity had been promoted to the highest rank of senior first (正一位).[171][178]

Consort and Offspring

The Akimiya (秋宮) or Autumn Shrine, one of the two component shrines of the Suwa Shimosha

Yasakatome

Suwa Myōjin's spouse is the goddess Yasakatome-no-Kami (八坂刀売神), most often considered to be the deity of the Lower Shrine of Suwa or the Shimosha.[179] Unlike the relatively well-documented Suwa Kamisha, very little concrete information is available regarding the origins of the Shimosha and its goddess.[180]

Yasakatome's first historical attestation is in the Shoku Nihon Kōki, where the goddess is given the rank of junior fifth, lower grade (従五位下) by the imperial court in the tenth month of Jōwa 9 (842 CE), five months after the same rank was conferred on Takeminakata.[lower-alpha 26][168][181] As Takeminakata rose up in rank, so did Yasakatome,[182][172][173][174] so that by 867 CE, Yasakatome had been promoted to senior second (正二位).[175] The goddess was finally promoted to senior first rank (正一位) in 1074 (Jōhō 1).[176]

Stories and claims about the goddess are diverse and contradictory. Regarding her parentage for instance, the lore of Kawaai Shrine (川会神社) in Kitaazumi District identifies Yasakatome as the daughter of Watatsumi, god of the sea,[183] which has been seen as hinting to a connection between the goddess and the seafaring Azumi clan (安曇氏).[184] Another claim originating from sources dating from the Edo period is that Yasakatome was the daughter of Ame-no-yasakahiko (天八坂彦命), a god recorded in the Kuji Hongi as one of the companions of Nigihayahi-no-Mikoto when the latter came down from heaven.[185][186][184]

The ice cracks that appear on Lake Suwa during cold winters, the omiwatari (see above) are reputed in folklore to be caused by Suwa Myōjin's crossing the frozen lake to visit Yasakatome.[108]

Princess Kasuga

The Kōga Saburō legend identifies the goddess of the Shimosha with Saburō's wife, whose name is given in some variants of the story as 'Princess Kasuga' (春日姫 Kasuga-hime).[187][188]

Children

In Suwa, a number of local deities are popularly considered to be the children of Suwa Myōjin and his consort. Ōta (1926) lists the following gods:[189]

Izuhaya-sha (出早社), an auxiliary shrine in the Kamisha Honmiya dedicated to the god Izuhayao (出早雄命), believed to be one of Suwa Myōjin's offspring
  • Hikokamiwake-no-Mikoto (彦神別命)
  • Tatsuwakahime-no-Kami (多都若姫神)
  • Taruhime-no-Kami (多留姫神)
  • Izuhayao-no-Mikoto (伊豆早雄命)
  • Tateshina-no-Kami (建志名神)
  • Tsumashinahime-no-Kami (妻科姫神)
  • Ikeno'o-no-Kami (池生神)
  • Tsumayamizuhime-no-mMikoto (都麻屋美豆姫命)
  • Yakine-no-Mikoto (八杵命)
  • Suwa-wakahiko-no-Mikoto (洲羽若彦命)
  • Katakurabe-no-Mikoto (片倉辺命)
  • Okihagi-no-Mikoto (興波岐命)
  • Wakemizuhiko-no-Mikoto (別水彦命)
  • Moritatsu-no-Kami (守達神)
  • Takamori-no-kami (高杜神)
  • Enatakemimi-no-Mikoto (恵奈武耳命)
  • Okutsuiwatate-no-Kami (奥津石建神)
  • Ohotsuno-no-Kami (竟富角神)
  • Ōkunugi-no-Kami (大橡神)

Claimed descendants

Suwa clan

The graves of various Suwa ōhōri within the historical estate grounds of the Moriya clan in Chino, Nagano. Both the Jinchōkan Moriya Historical Museum and the head Mishaguji shrine (sōsha) are located in the same precincts.

The Suwa clan who once occupied the position of head priest or ōhōri of the Suwa Kamisha traditionally considered themselves to be descendants of Suwa Myōjin/Takeminakata,[190][191][192] although historically they are probably descended from the Kanasashi-no-toneri clan appointed by the Yamato court to govern the Suwa area in the 6th century (see above).[193]

Other clans

The Suwa ōhōri was assisted by five priests, some of whom were also considered to be descendants of local deities related to Suwa Myōjin/Takeminakata.[191] One clan, the Koide (小出氏), the original occupants of the offices of negi-dayū (禰宜大夫) and gi-no-hōri (擬祝), claimed descent from the god Yakine.[194][195] A second clan, the Yajima (八島(嶋)氏 or 矢島氏), which served as gon-no-hōri (権祝), considered the god Ikeno'o to be their ancestor.[196][197][198][199]

Worship

Shrines

As the gods of the Grand Shrine of Suwa, Suwa Myōjin/Takeminakata and Yasakatome also serve as the deities of shrines belonging to the Suwa shrine network (諏訪神社 Suwa-jinja) all over Japan.

As god of wind and water

Nagikama

The Nihon Shoki's record of Yamato emissaries worshipping the god of Suwa alongside the gods of Tatsuta Shrine - worshipped for their power to control and ward off wind-related disasters such as droughts and typhoons[200][201][202] - implies that the Yamato imperial court recognized the deity as a god of wind and water during the late 7th century.[203][204] One theory regarding the origin of the name '(Take)minakata' even supposes it to derive from a word denoting a body of water (水潟 minakata; see above).[133][132][205]

Snake-shaped iron sickle blades called nagikama (薙鎌) were traditionally used in the Suwa region to ward off strong winds, typhoons and other natural disasters; it was once customary for nagikama to be attached to wooden staves and placed on one corner of the rooftop of the house during the autumn typhoon season.[206][207][208] Nagikama are also traditionally hammered onto the trees chosen to become the onbashira of the Suwa Kamisha and Shimosha some time before these are actually felled.[209] In addition to these and other uses, the blades are also distributed to function as shintai for branch shrines of the Suwa shrine network.[206][210]

Association with snakes and dragons

Suwa Myōjin's association with the snake or the dragon in many stories featuring the god such as the Kōga Saburō legend (see 'Legends of Suwa Myōjin' above) might be related to his being considered as a deity presiding over wind and water, due to the association of dragons with winds and the rain in Japanese belief.[211][212] (See also mizuchi.)

Suwa Myōjin was once believed to be a manifestation (suijaku) of the bodhisattva Samantabhadra.

Under shinbutsu-shūgō

During the Middle Ages, under the then-prevalent synthesis of Buddhism and Shinto, Suwa Myōjin was identified with the bodhisattva Samantabhadra (Fugen),[213][214] with the goddess of the Shimosha being associated with the thousand-armed form of the bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara (Senju Kannon).[215] During the medieval period, Buddhist temples and other edifices were erected on the precincts of both shrines, including a stone pagoda called the Tettō (鉄塔 "iron tower") - symbolizing the legendary iron tower in India where, according to Shingon tradition, Nagarjuna was said to have received esoteric teachings from Vajrasattva (who is sometimes identified with Samantabhadra) - and a sanctuary to Samantabhadra (普賢堂 Fugendō), both of which served at the time as the Kamisha's main objects of worship.[216]

The Kamisha Honmiya's Iron Tower or Tettō photographed during the early 20th century. After the removal or demolition of Buddhist structures in Suwa Shrine following the separation of Buddhism and Shinto, this pagoda was moved to Onsenji Temple (温泉寺) in Suwa City, where it currently resides.

With the establishment of State Shinto after the Meiji Restoration in 1868 and the subsequent separation of Buddhism and Shinto, the shrine monks (shasō) attached to Buddhist temples in the Suwa shrine complex were laicized, with Buddhist symbols and structures being either removed or destroyed; Buddhist ceremonies performed in both the Kamisha and the Shimosha, such as the yearly offering of the Lotus Sutra to Suwa Myōjin (involving the placing of a copy of the sutra inside the Tettō), were discontinued.[217]

As god of hunting

Suwa Myōjin is also worshipped as a god of hunting; not surprisingly, some of the Kamisha's religious ceremonies traditionally involve(d) ritual hunting and/or animal sacrifice.

For instance, the Frog Hunting Ritual (蛙狩神事 kawazugari shinji) held every New Year's Day involves the shooting (or rather, piercing) of frogs captured from a sacred river or stream within the Kamisha's precincts with miniature arrows.[218][219][220] This ritual - which has come under harsh criticism from local activists and animal rights groups for its perceived cruelty to the frogs involved[221][222] - was traditionally performed to secure peace and a bountiful harvest for the coming year.[218]

Another festival, the Ontōsai (御頭祭) or the Tori no matsuri (酉の祭, so called because it was formerly held on the Day of the Rooster) currently held every April 15, feature the offering of seventy-five stuffed deer heads (a substitute for freshly cut heads of deer used in the past), as well as the consumption of venison and other game such as wild boar or rabbit, various kinds of seafood and other foodstuffs by the priests and other participants in a ritual banquet.[223][224][225][226][227]

One of the Suwa Kamisha's hunting festivals, the Misayama Festival (御射山祭), formerly held in a field - the kōya (神野 'the god's plain') - at the foot of the Yatsugatake Mountains for five days (from the 26th to the 30th of the seventh month),[lower-alpha 27] was one of the grandest festivals in Suwa during the Kamakura period, attracting many of the samurai class from all across Japan who engaged in displays of mounted archery, bouts of sumo wrestling and falconry as part of the festivities, as well as people from all walks of life.[229][230][231] The Shimosha also held its own Misayama Festival at the same time as the Kamisha (albeit in a different location), in which various warrior clans also participated.[232][233]

Suwa Myōjin's association with the mountains and hunting is also evident from the description of the ōhōri as sitting upon a deer hide (the deer being an animal thought to be sacred to Suwa Myōjin) during the Ontōsai ritual as practiced during medieval times.[234][235]

Suwa Myōjin and meat eating

At a time when slaughter of animals and consumption of meat was frowned upon due to Mahayana Buddhism's strict views on vegetarianism and the general Buddhist opposition against the taking of life, the cult of Suwa Myōjin was a unique feature in the Japanese religious landscape for its celebration of hunting and meat eating.[236]

A four-line verse attached to the Kōga Saburō legend popularly known as the Suwa no kanmon (諏訪の勘文) encapsulates the justification of meat eating within a Buddhist framework: by being eaten by humans and 'dwelling' inside their bodies, ignorant animals could achieve enlightenment together with their human consumers.[237][238]

業尽有情 Gōjin ujō
雖放不生 Suihō fushō
故宿人天 Koshuku ninten
同証仏果 Dōshō bukka[187][239]

Sentient beings who have exhausted their karma:
Even if one sets (them) free, (they) will not live (for long);
Therefore (have them) dwell within humans and gods
(That they may) as well achieve Buddhahood

The Kamisha produced special talismans (鹿食免 kajiki-men "permit to eat venison") and chopsticks (鹿食箸 kajiki-bashi) that were held to allow the bearer to eat meat.[240][241][242][243] Since it was the only one of its kind in Japan, the talisman was popular among hunters and meat eaters.[191] These sacred licenses and chopsticks were distributed to the public both by the priests of the Kamisha as well as wandering preachers associated with the shrine known as oshi (御師), who preached the tale of Suwa Myōjin as Kōga Saburō as well as other stories concerning the god and his benefits.[191][243]

As war god

A depiction of war banners used by the Taira clan (right) and Takeda Shingen (left). The leftmost banner (white with blue border and red lettering) carries the inscription Suwa hosshō-kamishimo-daimyōjin (諏訪法性上下大明神).
A modern reproduction of Takeda Shingen's helmet

Suwa Myōjin is also considered to be a god of war, one of a number of such deities in the Japanese pantheon. Besides the legend of the god's apparition to Sakanoue no Tamuramaro (see above), the Ryōjin Hishō compiled in 1179 (the late Heian period) also attest to the worship of the god of Suwa in the capacity of god of warfare at the time of its compilation, naming the shrine of Suwa among famous shrines to martial deities in the eastern half of the country.

These gods of war live east of the barrier:[lower-alpha 28]
Kashima, Katori, Suwa no Miya, and Hira Myōjin;
also Su in Awa, Otaka Myōjin in Tai no Kuchi,
Yatsurugi in Atsuta, and Tado no Miya in Ise.

Ryōjin Hishō, song 258[245] [lower-alpha 29]

During the Kamakura period, the Suwa clan's association with the shogunate and the Hōjō clan helped further cement Suwa Myōjin's reputation as a martial deity.[246] The shrines of Suwa and the priestly clans thereof flourished under the patronage of the Hōjō, which promoted devotion to the god as a sign of loyalty to the shogunate.[246] Suwa branch shrines became numerous all across Japan, especially in territories held by clans devoted to the god (for instance, the Kantō region, traditional stronghold of the Minamoto (Seiwa Genji) clan).[247]

The Takeda clan of Kai Province (modern Yamanashi Prefecture) were devotees of Suwa Myōjin, its most famous member, the Sengoku daimyō Takeda Shingen being no exception.[248][249] His devotion is visibly evident in some of his war banners, which bore the god's name and invocations such as Namu Suwa Nangū Hosshō Kamishimo Daimyōjin (南無諏方南宮法性上下大明神 'Namo Dharma-Nature Daimyōjin of the Suwa Upper and Lower Shrines').[138] The iconic horned helmet with the flowing white hair commonly associated with Shingen, popularly known as the Suwa-hosshō helmet (諏訪法性兜 Suwa-hosshō-(no)-kabuto), came to be reputed in some popular culture retellings to have been blessed by the god, guaranteeing success in battle to its wearer.[250][251] Shingen also issued an order for the reinstitution of the religious rites of both the Kamisha and the Shimosha in 1565.[252][253]

gollark: People talk about gender bias in tech quite a lot, and weirdly enough my computer science class next year of 11ish people is entirely male.
gollark: I'm sure if you have free healthcare, *it* could never be overloaded or anything.
gollark: There's 9axes, too, which... has 9 axes... so that would be a political... 9-cube.
gollark: Well, 8values has 4 axes, so you could map it onto a political tesseract.
gollark: There's a better one with a conservative/progressive axis too, but I don't have the link.

See also

Notes

  1. Ame-no-Torifune in the Kojiki, Futsunushi in the Nihon Shoki and the Kuji Hongi
  2. 「天照太神ミコトノリシテ経津主ノ総州香取社神武甕槌ノ常州鹿島社神二柱ノ神ヲ出雲国ニ降タテマツリテ、大己貴雲州杵築・和州三輪ノ命ニ問テノタマハク、葦原ノ中津国者我御子の知ラスヘキ国ナリ。汝マサニ此国ヲモテ天ノ神ニ奉ンヤ、大己貴ノ命申サク、我子事代主摂州長田社・神祇官第八ノ神ニ問テ返事申サント申、事代主神申サク、我父ヨロシクマサニサリ奉ルヘシ。ワレモ我タカウヘカラスト申。又申ヘキ子アリヤ、又我子建御名方諏訪社ノ神、千引ノ石ヲ手末ニサヽケテ来テ申サク、是我国ニキタリテ、シノヒテカクイフハ、シカウシテ力クラヘセント思、先ソノ御手ヲ取テ即氷ヲ成立、又剣ヲ取成、科野ノ国洲羽ノ海ニイタルトキ、当御名方ノ神申サク、ワレ此国ヲ除者他処ニ不行云々、是則当社垂迹ノ本縁也。」[12]
  3. 「一 守屋山麓御垂跡事
    右謹檢舊貫、當砌昔者守屋大臣之所領也、大神天降御之刻、大臣者奉禦明神之居住、勵制止之方法、明神者廻可爲御敷地之祕計、或致諍論、或及合戰之處、兩方難決雌雄、爰明神者持藤鎰、大臣者以鐵鎰、懸此所引之、明神即以藤鎰令勝得軍陣之諍論給、而間令追罰守屋大臣、卜居所當社以來、遙送數百歲星霜、久施我神之稱譽天下給、應跡之方々是新哉、明神以彼藤鎰自令植當社之前給、藤榮枝葉號藤諏訪之森、毎年二ヶ度御神事勤之、自尓以來以當郡名諏方、爰下宮者當社依夫婦之契約示姫大明神之名、然而當大明神、若不令追出守屋給者、爭兩者卜居御哉、自天降之元初爲本宮之條炳焉者哉、」
  4. 「抑此藤島の明神と申は。尊神垂迹の昔。洩矢の惡賊神居をさまたげんとせし時。洩矢は鐵輪を持してあらそひ。明神は藤枝を取りて是を伏し給ふ。終に邪輪を降して正法を興す。明神誓を發て。藤枝をなげ給しかば。則根をさして枝葉をさかへ花蘂あざやかにして。戰場のしるしを萬代に殘す。藤島の明神と號此故也。」
  5. Both Taokihooi and Hikosachi - identified as two distinct individuals - appear in the Nihon Shoki[39][40] and the Kogo Shūi[41] as ancestors of the Inbe clan (忌部氏).
  6. 「祝は神明の垂迹の初。御衣を八歳の童男にぬぎきせ給ひて。大祝と称し。我において体なし。祝を以て躰とすと神勅ありけり。是則御衣祝有員神氏の始祖なり。」[48]
  7. 「乙頴 (諏訪大神大祝):一名神子、又云、熊古 生而八歳、御名方富命大神化現脱着御衣於神子勅曰、吾無体以汝為体、盤余池辺大宮朝二年丁未三月搆壇于湖南山麓、祭諏訪大明神及百八十神、奉千代田刺忌串斎之」[58]
  8. Literally: 'hid himself'
  9. 「国造九世之孫、五百足、常時敬事于尊神、一日夢有神告、汝妻兄弟部既姙、身分娩必挙于男子、成長欲吾将有憑之、汝宜鍾愛矣夢覚而後、語之妻兄弟部、兄弟部亦同夢恠、且慎、後果而産男子因名神子、亦云熊子、神子八歳之時、尊神化現、脱着御衣於神子、吾無体以汝為体、有神勅隠御体矣、是則御衣着祝神氏有員之始祖也、用命天皇御宇二年、神子搆社壇于湖南山麓、其子神代、其子弟兄子、其子国積、其子猪麿、其子狭田野、其子高牧、亦云豊麿、其子生足、其子繁魚、其子豊足、亦云清主、其子有員、亦云武麿、」[61]
  10. This place name appears as one of the sixteen Mahājanapadas in Kumārajīva's translation of the Humane King Sutra.[63][64]
  11. The 'seal' referred to here is interpreted to be either the Upper Shrine's sacred seal made of deer antler[78] or the Mishirushibumi itself.[79]
  12. 「陬波大王 限甲午隠身、陬波与甲午 印文同一物三名。」[80]
  13. 「一、大明神甲午有御誕生甲午隠御身給
    一、続旦(ソクタン)大臣大明神叔父御前自天竺御同道、大明神御体サセ時御装束ヲ奉抜著(ヌキキセ)彼大臣給号御衣木(ミソキ)法理 我之躰以法理セヨトハ誓給也」[85]
  14. 「一、御衣木法理殿御実名者有員云〻[88]
  15. 「一、陬波申事ナミシツカナリトヨメリ 蝦蟆カニタカエルノ事ナリ荒神惱天下時、大明神退治之御坐時 四海静謐之間 陬波卜云〻 口傅在之」
  16. During the Heian period, the expression 'east of the barrier' (関の東 seki-no-hi(n)gashi, whence derives the term 関東 Kantō) referred to the provinces beyond the checkpoints or barrier stations (関 seki) at the eastern fringes of the capital region, more specifically the land east of the checkpoint at Ōsaka/Ausaka Hill (逢坂 'hill of meeting', old orthography: Afusaka; not to be confused with the modern city of Osaka) in modern Ōtsu, Shiga Prefecture.[115] By the Edo period, Kantō was reinterpreted to mean the region east of the checkpoint in Hakone, Kanagawa Prefecture.
  17. 「関より東(ひむかし)の軍神(いくさがみ)、鹿島・香取(かんどり)・諏訪の宮、また比良(ひら)の明神、安房の洲(す)滝(たい)の口や小鷹明神、熱田に八剣(やつるぎ)、伊勢には多度(たど)の宮。」
  18. The precise meaning of Nangū (南宮, lit. 'Southern Shrine'), another term used to refer to the shrine of Suwa during the medieval period,[135] is uncertain: suggestions include the name being a reference to the geographical location of the Suwa Kamisha (Upper Shrine) on the south of Lake Suwa, it having a supposed connection to Nangū Shrine in modern Gifu Prefecture, or it deriving from 'Minakata', here understood as meaning 'south(ern)' (南方).[136]
  19. 「丁未。奉授信濃國諏方郡无位勳八等南方刀美神從五位下。」
  20. 「己未。信濃國御名方富命神、健御名方富命前八坂刀賣命神、並加從五位上。」
  21. 「乙丑。進信濃國建御名方富命、前八坂刀賣命等兩大神階、加從三位。」
  22. 「廿七日甲申。 (...) 信濃國正三位勳八等建御名方冨命神從二位。」
  23. 「十一日丁酉。(...) 授信濃國從二位勳八等建御名方富命神正二位。」
  24. 「十一日辛亥。信濃國正二位勳八等建御名方富命神進階從一位。」
  25. 「諏方郡二座 並大 南方刀美神社二座 名神大
  26. 「奉授安房國從五位下安房大神正五位下。无位第一后神天比理刀咩命神。信濃國无位健御名方富命前八坂刀賣神。阿波國无位葦稻葉神。越後國无位伊夜比古神。常陸國无位筑波女大神竝從五位下。」
  27. Currently three days: from the 26th to the 28th of August.[228]
  28. During the Heian period, the expression 'east of the barrier' (関の東 seki-no-hi(n)gashi, whence derives the term 関東 Kantō) referred to the provinces beyond the checkpoints or barrier stations (関 seki) at the eastern fringes of the capital region, more specifically the land east of the checkpoint at Ōsaka/Ausaka Hill (逢坂 'hill of meeting', old orthography: Afusaka; not to be confused with the modern city of Osaka) in modern Ōtsu, Shiga Prefecture.[244] By the Edo period, Kantō was reinterpreted to mean the region east of the checkpoint in Hakone, Kanagawa Prefecture.
  29. 「関より東(ひむかし)の軍神(いくさがみ)、鹿島・香取(かんどり)・諏訪の宮、また比良(ひら)の明神、安房の洲(す)滝(たい)の口や小鷹明神、熱田に八剣(やつるぎ)、伊勢には多度(たど)の宮。」

References

  1. "先代舊事本紀卷第四". 私本 先代舊事本紀.
  2. 先代舊事本紀 巻第四 (Sendai Kuji Hongi, book 4), in Keizai Zasshisha, ed. (1898). 国史大系 第7巻 (Kokushi-taikei, vol. 7). Keizai Zasshisha. pp. 243–244.
  3. Chamberlain (1882). Section XXVI.—The Deities the August Descendants of the Deity Master-of-the-Great-Land
  4. Chamberlain (1882). Section XXIV.—The Wooing of the Deity-of-Eight-Thousand-Spears.
  5. Chamberlain, Basil (trans.) (1882). Section XXXII.—Abdication of the Deity Master-of-the-Great-Land. A translation of the "Ko-ji-ki" or Records of Ancient Matters. Yokohama: Lane, Crawford & Co.
  6. "先代舊事本紀卷第三". 私本 先代舊事本紀.
  7. Translation from Philippi, Donald L. (2015). Kojiki. Princeton University Press. p. 133. ISBN 978-1400878000. Names (transcribed in Old Japanese in the original) have been changed into their modern equivalents.
  8. J. Hackin (1932). Asiatic Mythology: A Detailed Description and Explanation of the Mythologies of All the Great Nations of Asia. Asian Educational Services. p. 395. ISBN 978-81-206-0920-4.
  9. Jean Herbert (18 October 2010). Shinto: At the Fountainhead of Japan. Routledge. p. 437. ISBN 978-1-136-90376-2.
  10. Michael Ashkenazi (1 January 2003). Handbook of Japanese Mythology. ABC-CLIO. pp. 267–268. ISBN 978-1-57607-467-1.
  11. Suwa Shishi Hensan Iinkai, ed. (1995). pp. 685, 689.
  12. Suwa Daimyōjin Ekotoba, in Kanai (1982). p. 219.
  13. Yamashita (2006). p. 9.
  14. Miyachi (1937). pp. 48-49.
  15. Miyachi (1937). pp. 47.
  16. "国護りと天孫降臨の神話ー御手形石ー". JA Minami Shinshu official website.
  17. "塩水の湧泉から採取される大鹿村の山塩の謎". 長野県のおいしい食べ方. JA Nagano Chuoukai.
  18. Matsumae, Takashi. 日本神話の形成 (Nihon shinwa no keisei). Hanawa Shobō. p. 431.
  19. Satō, Shigenao, ed. (1901). 南信伊那史料 巻之下 (Nanshin Ina Shiryō, vol. 02). p. 55.
  20. Pate, Alan Scott (2013). Ningyo: The Art of the Japanese Doll. Tuttle Publishing. pp. 135–136. ISBN 978-1462907205.
  21. Spracklen, Karl; Lashua, Brett; Sharpe, Erin; Swain, Spencer, eds. (2017). The Palgrave Handbook of Leisure Theory. 978-1137564795. pp. 173–175.
  22. Von Krenner, Walther G.; Apodaca, Damon; Jeremiah, Ken (2013). Aikido Ground Fighting: Grappling and Submission Techniques. North Atlantic Books. pp. 6–7. ISBN 978-1583946213.
  23. Suwa Shishi Hensan Iinkai, ed. (1995). pp. 811–814.
  24. Miyasaka (1992). pp. 92-93.
  25. Fukuda; Nihonmatsu; Tokuda, eds. (2015). pp. 121-124.
  26. Suwa Shishi Hensan Iinkai, ed. (1995). pp. 681-683.
  27. Miyasaka (1992). pp. 88-91.
  28. Hanawa, ed. (1914). p. 530.
  29. Kanai (1982). p. 262.
  30. Suwa Shishi Hensan Iinkai, ed. (1995). p. 690.
  31. Imai (1960). pp. 3-15.
  32. Imai (1976). p. 41.
  33. Moriya, Sanae (2017). 守矢神長家のお話し (Moriya Jinchōke no ohanashi), in Jinchōkan Moriya Historical Museum (ed.). 神長官守矢史料館のしおり (Jinchōkan Moriya Shiryōkan no shiori) (3rd ed.). Jinchōkan Moriya Historical Museum. pp. 2–3.
  34. Yamamoto, Hiroko (2016). "中世諏訪社の一考察 : 失われた芸能と伝承を求めて (Chūsei Suwa-sha no ikkōsatsu: ushinawareta geinō to denshō o motomete)". Tozai Nanboku: Bulletin of the Wako Institute of Social and Cultural Sciences: [29-31] 215–213.
  35. "洩矢神社 (Moriya Shrine)". 長野県神社庁 (Nagano-ken Jinjachō).
  36. Kobuzoku Kenkyūkai, ed. (2017b). p 79.
  37. "蟹河原 (茅野市ちの横内)". たてしなの時間. 蓼科企画.
  38. Shinano-no-kuni Kansha Suwa-jinja Jinchōkan Moriya-ke Ryaku-keizu (信濃國官社諏訪神社神長官守矢家略系圖), in Nobukawa, Kazuhiko (延川和彦); Iida, Kotaro (飯田好太郎) (1921). 諏訪氏系図 続編 (Suwa-shi Keizu, Zokuhen). p. 19.
  39. Aston, William George (1896). "Book II" . Nihongi: Chronicles of Japan from the Earliest Times to A.D. 697 . London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co. p. 81 via Wikisource. Thereupon Ta-oki-ho-ohi no Kami, ancestor of the Imbe of the Land of Kii, was appointed hatter, Hiko-sachi no Kami was made shield-maker ... [scan ]
  40. "卷第二" . 日本書紀  via Wikisource. 既以紀伊國忌部遠祖手置帆負神、定爲作笠者。狹知神、爲作盾者。
  41. 古語拾遺  via Wikisource. 手置帆負命。讚岐國忌部祖也。產狹知命。紀伊國忌部祖也。
  42. Imai (1960). pp. 42-49.
  43. Imai (1976). pp. 46-51.
  44. Miyasaka (1987). p. 22.
  45. "先宮神社". 人力(じんりき)- 旧街道ウォーキング.
  46. Ihara, Kesao (2008-03-31). "鎌倉期の諏訪神社関係史料にみる神道と仏道 : 中世御記文の時代的特質について (Shinto and Buddhism as Depicted in Historical Materials Related to Suwa Shrines of the Kamakura Period : Temporal Characteristics of Medieval Imperial Writings)". Bulletin of the National Museum of Japanese History. 139: 157–185. (in Japanese)
  47. Hall, John Whitney, ed. (1988). The Cambridge History of Japan, Volume 1: Ancient Japan. Cambridge University Press. p. 343. ISBN 978-0521223522.
  48. Suwa Daimyōjin Ekotoba, in Hanawa (1919). pp. 521–522.
  49. Suwa Kyōikukai (1938). p. 11.(in Japanese)
  50. Miyasaka (1987). p. 35.
  51. "大祝有員 (Ōhōri Arikazu)". Official website of Suwa City (in Japanese).
  52. "諏方氏 (Suwa Clan)". Official website of Suwa City (in Japanese).
  53. Ihara (2008). pp. 260-262.
  54. Fukushima, Masaki. "信濃古代の通史叙述をめぐって (Shinano kodai no tsūshi jojutsu wo megutte)". 科野太郎の古代・中世史の部屋. Retrieved 2017-09-24.
  55. Miyasaka (1987). pp. 35-36.
  56. Miyasaka (1992), pp. 7–11.
  57. Kanai, Tenbi (2018). 諏訪信仰の性格とその変遷―諏訪信仰通史 (Suwa shinkō no seikaku to sono hensen: Suwa shinko tsūshi). in Kodai Buzoku Kenkyūkai, ed. pp. 36-38.
  58. Ihon Asoshi Keizu, cited in Kanai (1982). p. 109.
  59. Kanai, Tenbi (2018). Suwa shinkō no seikaku to sono hensen: Suwa shinko tsūshi. in Kodai Buzoku Kenkyūkai, ed. pp. 38-41.
  60. Ihara (2008). p. 261.
  61. Ōhōri-bon Jinshi Keizu, cited in Kanai (1982). pp. 107, 190.
  62. Takei, Masahiro (1999). "祭事を読む-諏訪上社物忌令之事- (Saiji wo yomu: Suwa Kamisha monoimi no rei no koto)". 飯田市美術博物館 研究紀要 (Bulletin of the Iida City Museum). 9: 121–144.
  63. "十六大国一覧表" (PDF). 原始仏教聖典資料による釈尊伝の研究 (A Study of the Biography of Sakya-muni Based on the Early Buddhist Scriptural Sources).
  64. "佛說仁王般若波羅蜜經 第2卷". CBETA (Chinese Buddhist Electronic Text Association) 漢文大藏經.
  65. Fukuda; Nihonmatsu; Tokuda, eds. (2015). pp. 114-116.
  66. Takei (1999), pp. 129–130.
  67. Miyachi (1931b). p. 84.
  68. Translation based on Grumbach (2005). p. 210.
  69. Grumbach (2005). p. 206.
  70. 諏方大明神講式 (Suwa Daimyōjin Kōshiki), in Takeuchi, Hideo, ed. (1982). 神道大系 神社編30 諏訪 (Shintō Taikei, Jinja-hen vol. 30: Suwa). Shintō Taikei Hensankai.
  71. "諏方大明神講式 (Suwa Daimyōjin Kōshiki)". 国文学研究資料館 (National Institute of Japanese Literature).
  72. Fukuda; Nihonmatsu; Tokuda, eds. (2015). p. 116.
  73. Fukuda; Nihonmatsu; Tokuda, eds. (2015). p. 115.
  74. Fukuda; Nihonmatsu; Tokuda, eds. (2015). pp. 114-115.
  75. Suwa Jinja Engi (諏訪神社縁起 上下卷), in Suwa Kyōikukai, ed. (1937). 諏訪史料叢書 巻26 (Suwa Shiryō Soshō, vol. 26). Suwa Kōikukai. pp. 54–64.
  76. Miyachi (1931b). p. 85.
  77. Text and commentary in Kanai (1982). pp. 162-172.
  78. Kanai (1982). p. 167.
  79. Fukuda; Nihonmatsu; Tokuda, eds. (2015). pp. 117-118.
  80. Kanai (1982). p. 163.
  81. Fukuda; Nihonmatsu; Tokuda, eds. (2015). pp. 119-120.
  82. Kanai (1982). pp. 168-169.
  83. Kanai (1982). p. 169.
  84. Text and commentary in Kanai (1982). pp. 173-187.
  85. Kanai (1982). pp. 173-174.
  86. Fukuda; Nihonmatsu; Tokuda, eds. (2015). pp. 117, 119.
  87. Kanai (1982). pp. 176-177.
  88. Kanai (1982). p. 175.
  89. Kanai (1982). pp. 165.
  90. Takei (1999), p. 134.
  91. Translation from Grumbach (2005). p. 172.
  92. Kanai (1982). pp. 165, 177-179.
  93. Takei (1999), p. 136-137.
  94. Miyasaka (1992). p. 20
  95. Kanai (1982). pp. 177-178.
  96. Grumbach (2005). p. 172.
  97. Hara, Naomasa (2012). 龍蛇神: 諏訪大明神の中世的展開 (Ryūjashin: Suwa Daimyōjin no chūseiteki tenkai) (in Japanese). Ningensha. pp. 40–41. ISBN 978-4931388710.
  98. Takei (1999). pp. 137-138.
  99. Kanai (1982). p. 68.
  100. Matsutani, Miyoko (1960). Shinano no minwa (信濃の民話). Miraisha. p. 48, cited in Kanai (1982). p. 7.
  101. "Shinano no kuni no Kannazuki (信濃の国の神無月)". Fuji Baking Co., Ltd.
  102. "Okakematsu (尾掛松)". Mahoroba Suwa-ken (まほろば諏訪圏). Retrieved 2015-01-05.
  103. Ōbayashi, Taryō (1987). "Seikūkan no kōsei genri. Bunka-jinruigaku no shiten kara (聖空間の構成原理―文化人類学の視点から)." In Ueda; Gorai; Ōbayashi; Miyasaka, M.; Miyasaka, Y. Onbashira-sai to Suwa-taisha. pp. 97–98.
  104. Miyasaka (1987). pp. 51-54.
  105. John Breen; Mark Teeuwen (January 2000). Shinto in History: Ways of the Kami. University of Hawaii Press. p. 35. ISBN 978-0-8248-2363-4.
  106. Carmen Blacker (2 August 2004). The Catalpa Bow: A Study of Shamanistic Practices in Japan. Routledge. ISBN 1-135-31872-7.
  107. Kanai (1982). pp. 278–317.
  108. Japan. Dept. of railways (1922). The Hot Springs of Japan (and the Principal Cold Springs) Including Chosen (Korea) Taiwan (Formosa) South Manchuria, Together with Many Tables Giving Classification, Chemical Basis, Curative Values, Radio-activity, Etc. 196 Illustrations, 15 Maps, Specially Drawn, 2 Colored Lithographs. p. 194.
  109. "Ice phenomenon warms up hearts in the Lake Suwa region". The Japan Times. 2012-03-03.
  110. Miyasaka (1992). pp. 38-40.
  111. Brazil, Mark. "Omi-watari". Japan Visitor.
  112. Miyasaka (1992). p. 42.
  113. Ichikawa, Atsunobu, ed. (2013). Global Warming — The Research Challenges: A Report of Japan's Global Warming Initiative. Springer Science & Business Media. pp. 34–35. ISBN 978-1402029417.
  114. Borre, Lisa. "Lake Suwa's Shinto Legend and the Oldest Lake Ice Record on Earth: What It Tells Us About Climate Change and Variability". National Geographic.
  115. Marshall, Yuko (2008). Heterogeneous Japan: The Cultural Distinctions Between Western and Eastern Japan. p. 6.
  116. Kim, Yung-Hee (1994). Songs to Make the Dust Dance: The Ryōjin Hishō of Twelfth-century Japan. Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 144–145a. ISBN 978-0-520-08066-9.
  117. Ota (1926). pp. 160-164.
  118. 諏訪大明神秋山祭の事 (Suwa Daimyōjin Akiyama-sai no koto), in Kishi (1967). pp. 49–56.
  119. Konishi, Jin'ichi (2014). A History of Japanese Literature, Volume 3: The High Middle Ages. Princeton University Press. p. 526. ISBN 978-1400861828.
  120. Fukuda; Nihonmatsu; Tokuda, eds. (2015). pp. 124-127.
  121. De Visser (1913). p. 202.
  122. Ōbayashi (1987). p. 96.
  123. "太平記 巻第三十九". J-TEXTS 日本文学電子図書館.
  124. Aston, William George (2015). A History of Japanese Literature (reprint ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 181. ISBN 978-1108081061.
  125. Motoori, Norinaga (1937). 古事記傳 (Kojiki-den), vol. 14 in Motoori Toyokai (ed.), 本居宣長全集 (Motoori Norinaga Zenshū), vol. 2. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan. p. 675. (Original work written 1764–1798)
  126. Ōta (1926). p. 8.
  127. Ōwa (1990). pp. 214–216.
  128. Yoshii, Iwao, "Takeminakata-no-Kami (建御名方神)", Encyclopedia Nipponica, 14, Shōgakukan, ISBN 978-4-09-526114-0
  129. Matsuoka, Shizuo (1936). Minzokugaku yori mitaru Azuma-uta to Sakimori-uta (民族學より見たる東歌と防人歌). Ōokayama-shoten. pp. 197–199.
  130. Yamaguchi, Yoshinori and Kōnoshi, Takamitsu (eds.) (1997). Shinpen nihon koten bungaku zenshū, vol. 1. Kojiki (新編日本古典文学全集 (1) 古事記). Shōgakukan. pp. 107–111. ISBN 978-4-09-658001-1.CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
  131. Muraoka (1969). pp. 14–16.
  132. Okada, Yoneo (1966). Zenkoku jinja saijin goshintokki (全国神社祭神御神徳記), quoted in Muraoka (1969). p. 14.
  133. Miyasaka, Mitsuaki (1987). "Kyodai naru kami no kuni. Suwa-shinko no tokushitsu (強大なる神の国―諏訪信仰の特質)." In Ueda; Gorai; Ōbayashi; Miyasaka, M.; Miyasaka, Y. p. 31.
  134. Tomiku, Takashi (1970). Himiko (卑弥呼). Gakuseisha. p. 48, cited in Kanai (1982). p. 6.
  135. Tanigawa, ed. (1987). pp. 130-131.}}
  136. Miyachi (1931b). pp. 21–24.
  137. Inoue (2003). pp. 346–349.}}
  138. "山梨の文化財ガイド (Guide to Cultural Assets of Yamanashi)". Official website of Yamanashi Prefecture.
  139. Miyachi (1931b). pp. 86–89.
  140. Chamberlain (1882). Section XXVI.—The Deities the August Descendants of the Deity Master-of-the-Great-Land.
  141. Suwa Shishi Hensan Iinkai, ed. (1995). pp. 684-685, 687.
  142. Aston, William George (1896). "Book II" . Nihongi: Chronicles of Japan from the Earliest Times to A.D. 697 . pp. 68–70 via Wikisource.
  143. Miyasaka (1987). p. 18.
  144. Motoori, Norinaga (1937). 古事記傳 (Kojiki-den), vol. 14 in Motoori Toyokai (ed.), 本居宣長全集 (Motoori Norinaga Zenshū), vol. 2. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan. pp. 683–684. (Original work written 1764–1798)
  145. Muraoka (1969). pp. 60-66.
  146. Kanai (1982). pp. 8-9.
  147. Matsumae, Takeshi (2007). Nihon shinwa no nazo ga yoku wakaru hon (日本神話の謎がよく分かる本). Daiwa Shobō (大和書房). pp. 136–137. ISBN 978-4-479-39166-1.
  148. Miyachi (1931). pp. 90-101.
  149. Kadoya, Atsushi. "Futsunushi". Encyclopedia of Shinto. Kokugakuin University. Retrieved 2019-07-08.
  150. Miyasaka (1987). pp. 30-33.
  151. Suwa Shishi Hensan Iinkai, ed. (1995). p. 688.
  152. Nakamura, Issei (2009-03-01). "平安期における大明神号の成立とその意義 (The Formation and Significance of the Title Daimyoujin in the Heian Period)". The Bukkyo University Graduate School review. Compiled by the Graduate School of Literature. (37): 74.
  153. Tanaka, Atsuko. 古社叢の「聖地」の構造(3)─諏訪大社の場合 (PDF). Journal of Kyoto Seika University (in Japanese): 122–123.
  154. 古代史ミステリー 「御柱」~最後の"縄文王国"の謎~ (Kodaishi Mystery. Onbashira: Saigo no Jōmon-ōkoku no nazo) (Documentary) (in Japanese). Japan: NHK. 2016.
  155. Miyasaka (1987). pp. 18-22.
  156. Suwa Shishi Hensan Iinkai, ed. (1995). p. 692.
  157. Terada, Shizuko; Washio, Tetsuta (2010). 諏訪明神―カミ信仰の原像 (Suwa Myōjin: Kami shinkō no genzō). Iwata Shoin. pp. 64–67, 134–136.
  158. Oh (2011). pp. 156-157, 161-162, 176.
  159. Suwa Shishi Hensan Iinkai, ed. (1995). pp. 615-623, 686-696.
  160. Terada; Washio (2010). pp. 136-138.
  161. Terada; Washio (2010). pp. 66-67, 134-136.
  162. Grumbach (2005). p. 188.
  163. Suwa Shishi Hensan Iinkai, ed. (1995). p. 683.
  164. Miyasaka (1987). p. 33.
  165. Ihara (2008). p. 161-162.
  166. Harada (2018) p. 81.
  167. Aoki (2012). pp. 26-31.
  168. "續日本後紀". J-TEXTS 日本文学電子図書館.
  169. "卷第十一" . Shoku Nihon Kōki (續日本後紀) via Wikisource.
  170. "南方刀美神社二座(建御名方富命神)". 神社資料データベース (Shinto Jinja Database). Kokugakuin University.
  171. Suwa Shishi Hensan Iinkai, ed. (1995). p. 689.
  172. "卷第二" . Nihon Montoku Tennō Jitsuroku (日本文德天皇實錄) via Wikisource.
  173. "卷第三" . Nihon Montoku Tennō Jitsuroku (日本文德天皇實錄) via Wikisource.
  174. "卷第十" . Nihon Sandai Jitsuroku (日本三代實錄) via Wikisource.
  175. "卷第十四" . Nihon Sandai Jitsuroku (日本三代實錄) via Wikisource.
  176. Ōwa (1990). p. 221-223.
  177. "Engishiki, vol. 10 (延喜式 第十巻)". Japanese Historical Text Initiative (JHTI). Retrieved 2019-08-23.
  178. "社家の姓氏-諏訪氏-". 播磨屋 (www.harimaya.com).
  179. Muraoka (1969). pp. 5–6.
  180. Suwa Shishi Hensan Iinkai, ed. (1995). p. 696.
  181. "南方刀美神社二座(八坂刀売命神)". 神社資料データベース (Shinto Jinja Database). Kokugakuin University.
  182. Miyasaka (1987). pp. 37-38.
  183. "八坂刀売神(ヤサカトメノカミ". 日本の神様辞典 (Nihon no Kamisama Jiten).
  184. Miyasaka (1987). p. 39.
  185. Ponsonby-Fane, R. A. B. (2014). Studies in Shinto & Shrines. Routledge. ISBN 978-1136893018.
  186. "先代舊事本紀卷第三 天神本紀". 私本 先代舊事本紀.
  187. 諏訪縁起の事 (Suwa engi-no-koto) in Kishi, Shōzō (trans.) (1967). Shintōshū (神道集). Tōyō Bunko (東洋文庫) vol. 94. Heibonsha. pp. 238–286. ISBN 978-4-582-80094-4.
  188. Kanai (1982). p. 17.
  189. Ōta (1926). pp. 44–45.
  190. Picken, Stuart D.B. Historical Dictionary of Shinto. Scarecrow Press. p. 288. ISBN 978-0-8108-7172-4.
  191. Inoue (2003). p. 352.
  192. Rekishi REAL Henshūbu (歴史REAL編集部) (ed.) (2016). Jinja to kodai gōzoku no nazo (神社と古代豪族の謎) (in Japanese). Yosensha. p. 40. ISBN 978-4800308924.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
  193. Kanai (1982). pp. 14, 106-109.
  194. Suwa Shishi Hensan Iinkai, ed. (1995). p. 728, 731.
  195. Ōta, Akira (1924). 日本國誌資料叢書 信濃 (Nihon kokushi shiryō sōsho: Shinano). Tokyo: Isobe Kōyōdō. p. 164.
  196. Suwa Shishi Hensan Iinkai, ed. (1995). p. 730.
  197. Sasamoto, Shōji (2003). 山をめぐる信州史の研究 (Yama wo meguru Shinshū-shi no kenkyū). Kōshi-shoin. p. 72. ISBN 978-4-906641-66-6.
  198. "茅野市神長官守矢史料館 (Chino-shi Jinchōkan Moriya Shiryōkan)". 信州諏訪観光ナビ.
  199. Ōta (1924). Nihon kokushi shiryō sōsho: Nagano. p. 160.
  200. Hall, ed. (1988). p. 531.
  201. Tyler, Royall (1992). Japanese No Dramas. Penguin UK. p. cclvi. ISBN 978-0141907802.
  202. Bock, Felicia Gressitt (1972). Engi-shiki; Procedures of the Engi Era: Books VI-X. Sophia University. p. 73.
  203. Yazaki, Takenori, ed. (1986). 諏訪大社 (Suwa-taisha). Ginga gurafikku sensho (in Japanese). 4. Ginga shobō. p. 22.
  204. Muraoka (1969). p. 17.
  205. Suwa Shishi Hensan Iinkai, ed. (1995). p. 686.
  206. Yazaki, ed. (1986). pp. 98-100.
  207. Miyasaka (1992). pp. 172-173.
  208. Suwa Shishi Hensan Iinkai, ed. (1995). p. 677.
  209. Miyasaka (1992). pp. 164-172.
  210. Suwa Shishi Hensan Iinkai, ed. (1995). p. 674.
  211. Kanai (1982). pp. 4-7.
  212. De Visser, Marinus Willem (1913). The Dragon in China and Japan. p. 153.
  213. Yoshii, Yoshitaka (ed.) (1999). えびす信仰事典 (Ebisu shinkō jiten). p. 306. ISBN 978-4-900901-08-7.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
  214. Inoue (2003) p. 354.
  215. Miyachi (1931). 諏訪史 第二卷 (Suwa-shi, vol. 2). pp. 75–76.
  216. Inoue (2003). pp. 349-350.
  217. Inoue (2003). pp. 362-371.
  218. Miyasaka (1992). pp. 16-20.
  219. Yazaki, ed. (1986). p. 72.
  220. Tanigawa (1987). pp. 154-155.
  221. "Suwa taisha skewering live frogs (生きたカエルを串刺しにする諏訪大社)". NGO Life Investigation Agency (LIA). Retrieved 2016-01-05.
  222. "Rabid animal rights activists go head-to-head with tradition". Japan Today.
  223. Miyasaka (1992). pp. 69-72.
  224. Yazaki, ed. (1986). pp. 74-75.
  225. Oh (2011). pp. 173-175.
  226. Tanigawa (1987). pp. 155-156.
  227. Fujimori, Terunobu (1991). Maemiya Jikkenrō de no saishi (前宮十間廊での祭祀). In Jinchōkan Moriya Historical Museum, ed. pp. 15–17.
  228. Tanigawa (1987). p. 157.
  229. Tanigawa (1987). pp. 159-160.
  230. Yazaki, ed. (1986). pp. 76-77.
  231. Miyasaka (1992). pp. 115-118.
  232. Tanigawa (1987). pp. 158-159.
  233. Miyasaka (1992). pp. 119-124.
  234. Tanigawa (1987). p. 138.
  235. Oh (2011). pp. 173.
  236. Kanai (1982). p. 21-23.
  237. Kanai (1982). p. 22.
  238. Miyasaka (1987). pp. 56-57.
  239. See Kanai (1982). pp. 318-319 for attested variants.
  240. Nogami, Takahiro. "Suwa Shinkō". Encyclopedia of Shinto. Kokugakuin University.
  241. Miyasaka (1987). pp. 55-56.
  242. Uehara, Yoshiko. "Revival of Japan's Wild Game Cuisine". nippon.com.
  243. Kajikimen (鹿食免). In Jinchōkan Moriya Historical Museum, ed. (1991). pp. 27–28.
  244. Marshall, Yuko (2008). Heterogeneous Japan: The Cultural Distinctions Between Western and Eastern Japan. p. 6.
  245. Kim, Yung-Hee (1994). Songs to Make the Dust Dance: The Ryōjin Hishō of Twelfth-century Japan. Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 144–145a. ISBN 978-0-520-08066-9.
  246. Yazaki (1986). p. 25.
  247. Muraoka (1969). p. 112.
  248. Katō, Aki (2015). 写真と絵でわかる 古事記・日本書紀 (Shashin to e de wakaru Kojiki - Nihon Shoki). Seitōsha. p. 59. ISBN 978-4791620661.
  249. "信玄の信仰 (Shingen no shinkō)". 武田信玄の館 (Takeda Shingen no yakata).
  250. Brandon, James R.; Leiter, Samuel L. (eds.) (2002). Kabuki Plays on Stage: Brilliance and Bravado, 1697–1766, Volume 1. University of Hawaii Press. p. 328. ISBN 978-0-8248-2403-7.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
  251. Gessel, Van C.; Rimer, J. Thomas (2010). The Columbia Anthology of Modern Japanese Literature: From Restoration to Occupation, 1868–1945. Columbia University Press. p. 138. ISBN 978-0-231-52164-2.
  252. Tanigawa (1987). p. 137.
  253. Yazaki (1986). p. 26.

Bibliography

  • Ashkenazi, Michael (2003). Handbook of Japanese Mythology. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-57607-467-1.
  • Aston, George (1896). Nihongi: Chronicles of Japan from the Earliest Times to A.D. 697. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co.
  • Chamberlain, Basil (trans.) (1882). A Translation of the "Ko-Ji-Ki," or "Records of Ancient Matters". Yokohama: Lane, Crawford & Co.
  • Fukuda, Akira; Nihonmatsu, Yasuhiro; Tokuda, Kazuo, eds. (2015). 諏訪信仰の中世―神話・伝承・歴史 (Suwa shinkō no chūsei: shinwa, denshō, rekishi). Miyai Shoten. ISBN 978-4838232888. (in Japanese)
  • Grumbach, Lisa (2005). Sacrifice and Salvation in Medieval Japan: Hunting and Meat in Religious Practice at Suwa Jinja (PhD). Stanford University.
  • J. Hackin (1932). Asiatic Mythology: A Detailed Description and Explanation of the Mythologies of All the Great Nations of Asia. Asian Educational Services. ISBN 978-81-206-0920-4.
  • Hara, Naomasa (2012). 龍蛇神: 諏訪大明神の中世的展開 (Ryūjashin: Suwa Daimyōjin no chūseiteki tenkai). Ningensha. ISBN 978-4931388710. (in Japanese)
  • Herbert, Jean (2010). Shinto: At the Fountainhead of Japan. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-136-90376-2.
  • Imai, Nogiku (1960). 諏訪ものがたり (Suwa monogatari). Kōyō Shobo. (in Japanese)
  • Imai, Nogiku (1976). 神々の里 古代諏訪物語 (Kamigami no sato. Kodai Suwa monogatari). Kokusho Kankōkai. (in Japanese)
  • Inoue, Takami (2003). "The Interaction between Buddhist and Shinto Traditions at Suwa Shrine." In Rambellli, Fabio; Teuuwen, Mark (ed.). Buddhas and Kami in Japan: Honji Suijaku as a Combinatory Paradigm. Routledge. ISBN 978-1134431236.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
  • Kanai, Tenbi (1982). 諏訪信仰史 (Suwa shinkōshi). Meicho Shuppan. ISBN 978-4626001245. (in Japanese)
  • Kodai Buzoku Kenkyūkai, ed. (2017). 古代諏訪とミシャグジ祭政体の研究 (Kodai Suwa to Mishaguji-saiseitai no kenkyū). 日本原初考 (Nihon gensho-kō). 1. Ningensha. ISBN 978-4908627163. (in Japanese)
  • Kodai Buzoku Kenkyūkai, ed. (2017b). 古諏訪の祭祀と氏族 (Ko-Suwa no saishi to shizoku). 日本原初考 (Nihon gensho-kō). 2. Ningensha. ISBN 978-4908627163. (in Japanese)
  • Kodai Buzoku Kenkyūkai, ed. (2018). 諏訪信仰の発生と展開 (Suwa shinkō no hassei to tenkai). 日本原初考 (Nihon gensho-kō). 3. Ningensha. ISBN 978-4908627170. (in Japanese)
  • Miyasaka, Mitsuaki (1992). 諏訪大社の御柱と年中行事 (Suwa taisha no onbashira to nenchu-gyōji). Kyōdo shuppansha. ISBN 978-4-87663-178-0. (in Japanese)
  • Miyachi, Naokazu (1931). 諏訪史 第二卷 前編 (Suwa-shi, vol. 2, part 1). Shinano kyōikukai Suwa-bukai. (in Japanese)
  • Miyachi, Naokazu (1931b). 諏訪史 第二卷 後編 (Suwa-shi, vol. 2, part 2). Shinano kyōikukai Suwa-bukai. (in Japanese)
  • Muraoka, Geppo (1969). 諏訪の祭神 (Suwa no saijin). Tokyo: Yūzankaku-shuppan. (in Japanese)
  • Oh, Amana ChungHae (2011). Cosmogonical Worldview of Jomon Pottery. Sankeisha. ISBN 978-4-88361-924-5.
  • Ōta, Akira (1926). 諏訪神社誌 第1巻 (Suwa jinja-shi: Volume 01). Nagano: Kanpei-taisha Suwa-jinja fuzoku Suwa-myōjin-kōsha. (in Japanese)
  • Ōwa, Iwao (1990). 信濃古代史考 (Shinano kodaishi-kō). Tokyo: Meicho Shuppan. ISBN 978-4626013637. (in Japanese)
  • Suwa, Enchū. Suwa Daimyōjin Ekotoba, in Hanawa, Hokiichi, ed. (1925). 続群書類従 第3輯ノ下 神祇部 (Zoku Gunsho Ruijū, vol. 03, part 02). Tokyo: Zoku Gunsho Ruijū Kanseikai. p. 494-539. (in Japanese)
  • Suwa Kyōikukai, ed. (1938). 諏訪史年表 (Suwa shinenpyō). Nagano: Suwa Kyōikukai.
  • Suwa Shishi Hensan Iinkai, ed. (1995). 諏訪市史 上巻 原始・古代・中世 (Suwa Shishi, vol. 1: Genshi, Kodai, Chūsei). Suwa. (in Japanese)
  • Tanigawa, Kenichi, ed. (1987). 日本の神々―神社と聖地〈9〉美濃・飛騨・信濃 (Nihon no kamigami: Jinja to seichi, vol. 9: Mino, Hida, Shinano). Hakusuisha. ISBN 978-4-560-02509-3. (in Japanese)
  • Terada, Shizuko; Washio, Tetsuta (2010). 諏訪明神―カミ信仰の原像 (Suwa Myōjin: Kami shinkō no genzō). Iwata Shoin. ISBN 978-4-8729-4608-6. (in Japanese)
  • Ueda, Masaaki; Gorai, Shigeru; Miyasaka, Yūshō; Ōbayashi, Taryō; Miyasaka, Mitsuaki (1987). 御柱祭と諏訪大社 (Onbashira-sai to Suwa Taisha). Nagano: Chikuma Shobō. ISBN 978-4-480-84181-0. (in Japanese)
  • Yazaki, Takenori, ed. (1986). 諏訪大社 (Suwa Taisha). Ginga gurafikku sensho. 4. Ginga shobō. (in Japanese)
This article is issued from Wikipedia. The text is licensed under Creative Commons - Attribution - Sharealike. Additional terms may apply for the media files.