Domnall mac Eimín

Domnall mac Eimín meic Cainnig (died 23 April 1014) was an eleventh-century Mormaer of Mar.[note 1] He is attested by numerous accounts of the Battle of Clontarf in which he is said to have lost his life supporting the cause of Brian Bóruma mac Cennétig, High King of Ireland, a king whose forces fought against those of Sitriuc mac Amlaíb, King of Dublin, Máel Mórda mac Murchada, King of Leinster and Sigurðr Hlǫðvisson, Earl of Orkney. Domnall is the first Mormaer of Mar on record, and the Irish sources that note him are the earliest sources to note the province of Mar. Domnall is the only Scottish combatant recorded to have in the Battle of Clontarf. His motivations for fighting are uncertain.

Domnall mac Eimín meic Cainnig
Mormaer of Mar
Domnal's name as it appears on folio 36v of Oxford Bodleian Library Rawlinson B 489 (the Annals of Ulster).[1]
Died23 April 1014
Clontarf

Attestations
Locations relating to Domnall's life and times.

Domnall may have been of Scandinavian descent.[12] The name of his father could be a Gaelic form of the Old Norse Eyvindr.[13][note 2] Domnall was a Mormaer of Mar.[19] The province of Mar straddled the River Dee and River Don in Aberdeenshire.[20] By about 1100, Mar formed one of the core provinces of the Kingdom of Alba.[21] Domnall is the earliest mormaer from the province on record.[22] In fact, notices of Domnall in Irish sources are the earliest record of the province itself.[23]

The meaning of the Gaelic title mormaer (plural mormaír) is uncertain. It could derive from elements meaning "sea steward" or "great steward".[24] In historical sources, the title almost always has Scottish connotations.[25] It appears to denote one of the most important royal officials—aside from the king—as a kind of steward or bailiff.[26] In times of peace, a Scottish mormaer would have overseen one of the provinces of Alba, and in times of war, he would have commanded its military forces.[27] By the twelfth century, the office of mormaer became territorialised,[28] and the title became Latinised as comes, a term otherwise used for the English earl.[29][note 3]

In 1014, Domnall fought[33] and died at the Battle of Clontarf,[34] supporting the cause of Brian Bóruma mac Cennétig, High King of Ireland.[35][note 4] The battle was fought by the forces of the High King of Ireland against the allied forces of Sitriuc mac Amlaíb, King of Dublin, Máel Mórda mac Murchada, King of Leinster, and Sigurðr Hlǫðvisson, Earl of Orkney.[37] Although Brian's forces won the fight, it was a Pyrrhic victory,[38] leaving both sides decimated, with Brian and members of his immediate family amongst the dead, and his objective of capturing Dublin left unfulfilled.[39]

Domnall's part in the clash is noted by numerous historical sources: including the seventeenth-century Annals of Clonmacnoise,[40] the sixteenth-century Annals of Loch Cé,[41] the seventeenth-century Annals of the Four Masters,[42] the fifteenth- to sixteenth-century Annals of Ulster,[43] the twelfth-century Chronicon Scotorum,[44] the twelfth-century Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib,[45] and the thirteenth-century Cottonian Annals.[46] Another important account of the battle noting Domnall is preserved within the manuscript Oxford Bodleian Library MS Rawlinson B 486.[47] It is remarkable that the Munster-based eleventh- to fourteenth-century Annals of Inisfallen makes no notice of Domnall.[48]

Domnall appears to have been one of the principal commanders in the battle, and appears to have commanded a portion of Brian's army composed of foreign mercenaries. The forces of the Dublin-Leinster-Orkney coalition were commanded by Máel Mórda and Sigurðr.[49] Brian does not appear to have taken part in battle,[50] whilst Sitriuc's part is more obscure.[51]

According to Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib, Brian's forces were organised into three battalions. The battalion that appears to have formed the left flank is stated to have been composed of ten mormaers and their Scandinavian allies.[52] With exception to Domnall, the obscurity of this formation's commanders is remarkable in comparison to the other battalions. This partly evinces the probability that Domnall's unit was mainly composed of Scandinavian troops.[53] Opposite this battalion, the coalition's right flank appears to have been composite force of Scandinavian mercenaries in the fore and Leinstermen in the rear.[54][note 5]

Death
A nineteenth-century depiction of the Battle of Clontarf.[58]

The most accurate accounts of the battle are the historical Irish chronicles. Sources such as Chronicon Scotorum, the Annals of Inisfallen, and the Annals of Ulster probably stem from contemporary reports of events. Sources such as the Annals of Clonmacnoise and the Cottonian Annals appear to incorporate latter legends.[59] Instead of being an accurate and impartial account of history, Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib is probably a piece of Dál Cais/Uí Briain propaganda,[60] compiled for the benefit of Brian's great-grandson, Muirchertach Ua Briain, King of Munster.[61][note 6] The treatment that Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib gives to British affairs appears to reflect the eleventh- and twelfth-century ambitions of the Uí Briain in the Kingdom of the Isles.[64] As such, there is reason to suspect that its (possibly exaggerated) depiction of Domnall may have been intended to promote a theme of shared interests between Munster and Alba.[65] This positive portrayal of international relations reflects the political connections cultivated between Muirchertach and the Scots.[66]

Nevertheless, Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib is the only source to give specific detail about the battle,[50] and Domnall plays a promenent part in its account.[67] According to this source, the night before hostilities, a certain Plait, identified as the son of the King of Lochlainn, boasted that there was no man in Ireland fit to fight him. Domnall, however, is said to have made it known that he was up to the challenge.[68] The following day, once the battalions were arrayed on the field of battle, Plait is said to have called out Domnall, whereupon the two fight one another, dying by each other's hand. As such, according to Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib, the two were the first combatants to clash at the Battle of Clontarf.[69] The episode concerning Domnall and Plait's fight makes up an entire chapter of this source.[70] Whether the two actually encountered each other the night before is questionable,[71] as is perhaps the claim that the battle began with the duel between two opposing champions.[72] If there is any historical basis to the tale, it may be more likely that the two had crossed paths sometime previous, and that the battle merely allowed them to settle an old score.[71]

Some of the dialogue attributed to Domnall and Plait by Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib contains Gaelicised forms of Old Norse vocabulary:[73]

Is arsin tanic Plait a cath na lureach amach, ocus asbert fo thri faras Domnall? id est Cait ita Domnall? Ro recair Domnall ocus asbert, sund, a sniding ar se. (Then Plait came forward from the battalion of the men in armour, and said three times 'Faras Domnall?' that is 'Where is Domnall?' Domnall answered and said 'Here you wretch' said he.)

— Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib[74]

Specifically, the Gaelic faras in this passage is a form of the Old Norse hvar es, meaning "where is"; and the Gaelic sniding is a form of the Old Norse niðingr, meaning "wretch, scoundrel".[75] The dialogue between Domnall and Plait may therefore evince bilingualism between the two.[76]

Domnall's first notice by Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib depicts him delivering a message from Brian to Brian's eldest son, Murchad, instructing the latter not to take an advanced position on the battlefield in front of his troops. When Murchad retorts that he is unwilling retreat one foot of land in front of his men, and declares that many false heroes will fall back and leave their share of the battle to him, Domnall swears that he will not shirk from his part. Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib then remarks that Domnall was indeed true to his word.[77] Domnall is thus depicted as a trusted and true follower of Brian, and it is possible that this passage was intended increase the drama in preparation for the account of Domnall's final fall.[78] There is no mention of Domnall's title in this pre-battle scene,[79] and the text implies that Domnall was personally attached to Brian, occupying a leadership role under him.[72]

Plait is otherwise unrecorded by historical chronicles. If Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib was indeed authored at the behest of Muirchertach, one possibility is that Plait is merely a literary invention intended to reflect relations between Muirchertach and the Kingdom of Norway. Although Muirchertach faced a serious threat from Magnús Óláfsson, King of Norway during his reign, the two orchestrated a marriage alliance between Muirchertach's daughter, Bjaðmunjo, and Magnús' son, Sigurðr. When Magnús was killed in 1103, Sigurðr returned to Norway, leaving Bjaðmunjo behind.[64] It is remarkable that Plait—described as the son of the King of Lochlainn—is one of the few Scandinavians noted for bravery by Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib. This may reflect relations between Muirchertach and Sigurðr,[80] who, according to the thirteenth-century Morkinskinna, exacted tribute from Ireland during his reign as King of Norway.[81]

Context
An eighteenth-century depiction of Brian Bóruma mac Cennétig, probably the earliest depiction of the king.[82]

Domnall is the only man from Alba recorded to have died at the Battle of Clontarf.[83][note 7] The fact that surviving sources focus upon the slain makes it uncertain if there were other leaders from Alba present.[48] Domnall's part in the battle partly evinces the international nature of the clash,[86] and may be indicative of Brian's diplomatic ability.[87] Nevertheless, it is uncertain in what context he took part in it.[88] On one hand, Domnall may have merely acted as a hired mercenary,[89] or perhaps as a dislocated nobleman exiled from Alba. If he had been fostered by an Irish family, it is also conceivable that Domnall could have felt obliged to serve alongside them.[90]

According to Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib, Brian took tribute throughout the Irish Sea region, including from the men of Lennox and Argyll.[91] If there is any truth to this claim, it could be evidence of otherwise unrecorded contact between Brian and the Scots that could account for Domnall's part in the battle.[92][note 8] Less than a decade before the battle, in 1005, Máel Coluim mac Cináeda overturned his cousin, Cináed mac Duib, King of Alba, and seized the kingship of Alba.[96] That very year, Brian made a donation of gold to the church of Armagh[97]—an eminent religious centre of the people of both Ireland and Alba[98]—and recognised its claims of ecclesiastical supremacy throughout Ireland.[99] Seemingly to mark this occasion, Brian was styled Imperator Scottorum by the Book of Armagh,[100] a Latin title that could refer to claims of authority over not only the Irish, but also the Scandinavians of Ireland[101] and the Isles,[102] and the Gaels of Alba.[103][note 9] Whether there is any connection between Brian's imperial title and Domnall's presence at Clontarf is uncertain,[112] although it could account for the Scottish presence at the battle,[113] and may be evidence that Domnall recognised Brian's authority.[114]

The name of Máel Coluim mac Cináeda as it appears on folio 16v of Oxford Bodleian Library Rawlinson B 488 (the Annals of Tigernach): "Mael Colaim mac Cínaetha".[115]

There is reason to suspect that Domnall's participation stemmed from dynastic discord in Alba. As such, the record of Domnall at Clontarf could be evidence that a Scottish faction, with designs upon the kingship of Alba, aligned itself with Brian and recognised his overlordship in pursuit of its royal ambitions.[116] Little is known of Máel Coluim's reign.[96] There is reason to suspect that his rule was challenged by Clann Ruaidrí, the family that held the mormaership of Moray. During his reign, for example, two members of this kindred—Findláech mac Ruaidrí and Máel Coluim mac Maíl Brígte—are styled as kings by certain Irish sources in records of their deaths.[117] These obituaries—given by the Annals of Tigernach and the Annals of Ulster[118]—could indicate that there was a certain degree of reservation in Ireland regarding Máel Coluim's royal legitimacy.[119] Nevertheless, the fact that the Annals of Inisfallen ignores the deaths of these Moravians—unlike the Annals of Tigernach, Annals of Ulster, Chronicon Scotorum, and the thirteenth-century Book of Leinster—could be evidence that the Kings of Munster were either uninterested or opposed to them.[120] Although it is possible that the Moravians launched their bid for the kingship immediately after Máel Coluim's violent accession, they could have capitalised upon any event between Cináed's death and the notice of Findláech's royal title in 1020. One such point may have been the aftermath of the Battle of Clontarf.[121]

The name of Sitriuc mac Amlaíb as it appears on folio 16v of Oxford Bodleian Library Rawlinson B 488: "Sitriuic mac Amlaim".[122]

Even though Máel Coluim was not a combatant at Clontarf,[87] and the battle had no direct bearing on his kingship,[83] there is evidence to indicate that several associates of his may have been involved.[123] For example, the twelfth-century Prophecy of Berchán, states that Máel Coluim was the son of Leinsterwoman,[124] whereas the thirteenth-century Orkneyinga saga states that Sigurðr was married to a daughter of Máel Coluim.[125] Another figure recorded to have fallen at the battle is Gilla Ciaráin,[126] an apparent senior member of the Uí Ímair who may be identical to Gilli, a Hebridean earl who, according to the thirteenth-century Njáls saga, governed the Hebrides under Sigurðr's overlordship.[127] Furthermore, the mother of Sitriuc was also from Leinster, and thus possibly a kinsman of Máel Coluim.[83]

The name Sigurðr Hlǫðvisson as it appears on folio 12v of AM 45 fol (Codex Frisianus): "Sigvrðr Loðvisson".[128]

The customary allegiance of the people of Mar is unknown, and it is uncertain whether Domnall's part in the fray is evidence that Brian was aligned with Máel Coluim or Findláech.[129] Whilst it is possible that Domnall was lending assistance to Brian on behalf of Máel Coluim[130]—or that Máel Coluim was at least aware of Domnall's alliance and allowed him to campaign overseas[131]—another possibility is that Domnall's actions were undertaken independently of Máel Coluim, and that Domnall did so in the context of settling a private score with Sigurðr.[132] In fact, Máel Coluim could well have been wary of the ambitions of the Uí Ímair and Orcadians, and it is possible that he decided to remain a neutral player in their struggle against Brian.[133]

The evidence that Máel Coluim's mother was a Leinsterwoman, and that Sigurðr was his son-in-law, suggest that Máel Coluim may have been inclined to side with Sitriuc and Sigurðr against Brian.[134] It may be that Domnall's support of Brian stemmed from these close ties of kinship between Máel Coluim and Sigurðr, and that Domnall's presence at Clontarf was a reaction to the threat of this alliance.[92] The fact that Domnall risked—and lost—his life to support Brian's cause could be evidence that Domnall was indeed opposed to Sigurðr and Máel Coluim.[112][note 10]

One reason why some foreigners may have sided with Brian is because of growing unease of Sigurðr's growing power.[137] The threat of this Orcadian ascendance could have spurned Máel Coluim to counter Sigurðr by sending Domnall overseas to assist Brian.[92] If Domnall indeed campaigned on Máel Coluim's behalf, and if Máel Coluim was indeed descended from a Leinsterwoman, another possibility is that Máel Coluim's Leinster kinsmen were rivals of Máel Mórda. As such, it is conceivable that Domnall's support of Brian could have stemmed from inter-dynastic discord in Ireland.[138]

Notes
  1. Since the 1990s, academics have accorded Domnall various patronyms names in English secondary sources: Domnall f. Eimin,[2] Domnall mac Eimein mic Cainnich,[3] Domnall mac Eimhin meic Cainnigh,[4] Domnall mac Eimhin,[5] Domnall mac Eimín meic Cainnig,[6] Domnall mac Eimin mic Cainnich Móir,[7] Domnall mac Eimin mic Cainnich,[7] Domnall mac Eimin,[8] Domnall mac Eimín,[9] Domnall mac Emin,[10] and Domnall mac Emine mic Cainnaich Móir.[11]
  2. The fifteenth- to sixteenth-century Annals of Ulster identifies Domnall as the son of Eimin, son of Cainnech.[14] The thirteenth-century Cottonian Annals,[15] and the sixteenth-century Annals of Loch Cé, identify Domnall's paternal grandfather as Cainnech Mór.[16] The eleventh- or twelfth-century Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib merely identifies Domnall as the son of Eimin.[17] According to a seventeenth-century genealogical tract compiled by Dubhaltach Óg Mac Fhirbhisigh, Domnall was descended from "Old Iomhar" and the "descendants of Leod of Arran".[18]
  3. Whilst Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib describes Domnall as a mormaer from Alba,[30] the Cottonian Annals identifies him as a mormaer in Alba.[31] The Annals of Ulster specifies that Domnall was a mormaer of Mar in Alba.[14] The seventeenth-century Annals of Clonmacnoise erroneously identifies Domnall as the Earl of Dunbar.[32]
  4. Domnall is not the earliest Scottish mormaer recorded to have fought in Ireland. In 976, three such men are recorded to have fought supporting Gilla Columb, King of Cenél Conaill.[36]
  5. According to the thirteenth-century Njáls saga, Sigurðr commanded the centre of the coalition forces and the flanks were commanded by Sitriuc and Bróðir. Although it is not specified, it is most probable that Sitriuc led the left flank and Bróðir the right.[55] Njáls saga relates that Bróðir's battalion fought against one commanded by Úlfr hreða, described as a relative of Brian.[56] This flank appears to be the battalion that Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib describes as being commanded by Máel Mórda and other Leinster monarchs.[57]
  6. The Dál Cais were a Munster people that rose to prominence in the tenth century.[62] Brian, ancestor of the Uí Briain,[63] became King of Dál Cais in 976.[62]
  7. Nevertheless, according to Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib, a certain Arnaill Scot fell fighting amongst the Dubliners against the Connachtmen at Dubgall's Bridge.[84] The personal name accorded to this man may be a form of the Old Norse Arnaldr, and his epiphet could be evidence of a Scottish[7] or Irish association.[85]
  8. It is possible that Lennox formed part of the Kingdom of Strathclyde[93] or Galloway in 1014.[94] Nevertheless, the fact that Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib was probably compiled for the benefit of Muirchertach suggests that the boastful passage about Brian's overseas authority is reflective of either Muirchertach's own sphere of influence or his sphere of ambition.[95]
  9. Other translations of this Latin title are: "Emperor of the Gaels",[104] "emperor of the Gaels",[105] "emperor of the Goídil",[7] "emperor of the Irish",[106] "Emperor of the Irish",[107] "Emperor of the Scoti",[108] "Emperor of the Scoti",[109] "emperor of the Scots",[110] and "emperor of the Scotti".[111]
  10. Sigurðr is further associated with Ireland by Orkneyinga saga, which states that his mother was a daughter of Kjarvalr Írakonungr—an apparent King of Osraige.[135] The Kingdom of Osraige buffered Brian's Kingdom of Munster and the Kingdom of Leinster. If Máel Coluim and Sigurðr indeed had blood connections with Ireland, it is conceivable that both harboured Irish ambitions.[136]

Citations
  1. The Annals of Ulster (2017) § 1014.2; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1014.2; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2; Annala Uladh (n.d.).
  2. Woolf (2007).
  3. Duffy (2014).
  4. Hudson, BT (1994).
  5. Hudson, B (2005); Hudson, BT (2005); Hudson, BT (2002); Hudson, BT (1996); Hudson, BT (1991).
  6. Downham (2017).
  7. Duffy (2013).
  8. Duffy (2013); Swift (2013); Ní Mhaonaigh (2012).
  9. Downham (2017); Wadden (2015); Byrne (2008).
  10. MacShamhráin (2005).
  11. Duffy (1999); Duffy (1993).
  12. Beougher (2007) p. 244.
  13. Woolf (2007) p. 243 n. 26.
  14. The Annals of Ulster (2017) § 1014.2; Jackson (2008) p. 104; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1014.2; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2.
  15. The Annals in Cotton MS. Titus A. XXV (2010) § 1014; Jackson (2008) p. 104; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2.
  16. Annals of Loch Cé (2008) § 1014.3; Annals of Loch Cé (2005) § 1014.3; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2.
  17. Jackson (2008) p. 104; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2; Todd (1867) pp. 170–171 ch. 97, 174–175 ch. 100, 210–211 ch. 120.
  18. Downham (2017) p. 96 n. 39; Downham (2007) p. 157 n. 126; Hudson, BT (2005) p. 99; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114; Bugge (1905) pp. 5, 11; O'Donovan (1861–1862) pp. 99, 103; Skene (1861–1862) p. 320.
  19. Noble; Gondek; Campbell et al. (2019) p. 63; Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 139; Downham (2017) pp. 86, 94–95; Wadden (2015) p. 16; Downham (2014) p. 23; Duffy (2014) p. 33; Duffy (2013) ch. 5; Walker (2013) ch. 5 ¶ 13; Ní Mhaonaigh (2012) pp. 144–145; Duffy (2009) p. 290; Byrne (2008) p. 863; Jackson (2008) p. 104; Beougher (2007) p. 211; Downham (2007) p. 157; Woolf (2007) p. 243; Downham (2005) p. 21; Hudson, B (2005); Hudson, BT (2005) pp. 75, 101; Broun (2004) p. 135; Herbert (2004) pp. 91–92; Hudson, B (2002) p. 242; Hudson, BT (2002) p. 46; Etchingham (2001) p. 180; Duffy (1999) pp. 353–354; Hudson, BT (1996) p. 234; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114; Duffy (1993) p. 24; Hudson, BT (1991) p. 152; Donaldson (1977) p. 143; Ryan (1938) p. 18, 18 n. 40.
  20. Noble; Gondek; Campbell et al. (2019) pp. 62 fig. 2, 63; Jackson (2008) p. 66; Broun (2004) p. 135; Woolf (2000) p. 162; Roberts (1997) p. 47 fig. 3.1.
  21. MacQueen (2003) pp. 286–287.
  22. Broun (2004) p. 135.
  23. Noble; Gondek; Campbell et al. (2019) p. 63; The Annals of Ulster (2017) § 1014.2; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1014.2.
  24. Taylor, A (2018) p. 43; Downham (2017) p. 96; Broun (2015) pp. 15–16, 16 n. 52; Woolf (2007) p. 342.
  25. Jackson (2008) pp. 104–105; Woolf (2007) p. 342; Duffy (1992) p. 123 n. 150; eDIL s.v. mormaer (n.d.).
  26. Taylor, A (2018) p. 43; Broun (2015) p. 15.
  27. Woolf (2009) p. 261; MacQueen (2003) p. 287.
  28. Taylor, A (2018) pp. 42–43; Taylor, A (2016) p. 26.
  29. Downham (2017) p. 96; Woolf (2007) p. 342; Donaldson (1977) p. 155.
  30. Duffy (2013) ch. 5; Jackson (2008) p. 104; Todd (1867) pp. 170–171 ch. 97, 174–177 ch. 100, 210–211 ch. 120.
  31. Downham (2017) p. 95; The Annals in Cotton MS. Titus A. XXV (2010) § 1014; Jackson (2008) p. 104.
  32. Downham (2017) p. 95 n. 33; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2; Murphy (1896) p. 167.
  33. Noble; Gondek; Campbell et al. (2019) p. 63; Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 139; Downham (2017) pp. 94–96; Wadden (2015) p. 16; Downham (2014) p. 23; Duffy (2014) p. 33; Duffy (2013) chs. 3, 4, 5; Walker (2013) ch. 5 ¶ 13; Ní Mhaonaigh (2012) pp. 144–145; Duffy (2009) p. 290; Byrne (2008) p. 863; Jackson (2008) p. 104; Beougher (2007) pp. 211–213; Downham (2007) p. 157; Woolf (2007) p. 243; Downham (2005) p. 21; Hudson, B (2005); Hudson, BT (2005) pp. 75, 101; MacShamhráin (2005) p. 17 n. 71; Broun (2004) p. 135; Herbert (2004) pp. 91–92; Hudson, B (2002) p. 242; Hudson, BT (2002) p. 46; Duffy (1999) pp. 353–354; Hudson, BT (1996) p. 234; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114; Duffy (1993) p. 24; Hudson, BT (1991) p. 152; Donaldson (1977) p. 143; Ryan (1938) pp. 39–40; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2.
  34. Noble; Gondek; Campbell et al. (2019) p. 63; Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 139; Downham (2017) p. 95; Duffy (2014) p. 33; Duffy (2013) chs. 3, 4, 5; Walker (2013) ch. 5 ¶ 13; Ní Mhaonaigh (2012) pp. 144–145; Duffy (2009) p. 290; Byrne (2008) p. 863; Beougher (2007) pp. 212–213; Woolf (2007) p. 243; Hudson, BT (2005) pp. 75, 101; Broun (2004) p. 135; Hudson, B (2002) p. 242; Duffy (1999) pp. 353–354; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114 n. 12; Duffy (1993) p. 24; Hudson, BT (1991) p. 152; Ryan (1938) pp. 17–18; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2.
  35. Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 139; Downham (2017) pp. 94–95; Wadden (2015) p. 16; Downham (2014) p. 23; Duffy (2014) p. 33; Duffy (2013) chs. 3, 4, 5; Walker (2013) ch. 5 ¶ 13; Ní Mhaonaigh (2012) pp. 144–145; Duffy (2009) p. 290; Byrne (2008) p. 863; Beougher (2007) pp. 211–213; Downham (2007) p. 157; Woolf (2007) p. 243; Downham (2005) p. 21; Hudson, BT (2005) pp. 75, 101; MacShamhráin (2005) p. 17 n. 71; Broun (2004) p. 135; Herbert (2004) pp. 91–92; Hudson, B (2002) p. 242; Hudson, BT (2002) p. 46; Duffy (1999) pp. 353–354; Hudson, BT (1996) p. 234; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114; Duffy (1993) p. 24; Hudson, BT (1991) p. 152; Ryan (1938) pp. 17–18, 39–40; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2.
  36. The Annals of Tigernach (2016) § 976.7; Woolf (2007) p. 243 n. 26; Annals of Tigernach (2005) § 976.7.
  37. Wadden (2015) p. 16; Hudson, B (2005); Hudson, B (2002) p. 241.
  38. Casey (2013) p. 140; Casey (2010) p. 29; Jaski (2005); Hudson, B (2002) p. 242.
  39. Jaski (2005); Hudson, B (2002) p. 242.
  40. Downham (2007) p. 157; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2; Murphy (1896) p. 167.
  41. Downham (2017) p. 95; Ní Mhaonaigh (2012) pp. 144–145; Annals of Loch Cé (2008) § 1014.3; Annals of Loch Cé (2005) § 1014.3; Duffy (1999) p. 353; Duffy (1993) p. 24; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2.
  42. Downham (2017) p. 95; Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1013.11; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1013.11; Ní Mhaonaigh (2012) pp. 144–145; Downham (2007) p. 157; Duffy (1999) p. 353; Duffy (1993) p. 24.
  43. Noble; Gondek; Campbell et al. (2019) p. 63; Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 139; Downham (2017) p. 95; The Annals of Ulster (2017) § 1014.2; Duffy (2013) ch. 4; Ní Mhaonaigh (2012) pp. 144–145; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1014.2; Jackson (2008) p. 104; Downham (2007) p. 157; Woolf (2007) p. 243; Broun (2004) p. 135; Herbert (2004) pp. 91–92; Duffy (1999) p. 353; Duffy (1993) p. 24; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2.
  44. Downham (2017) p. 95; Chronicon Scotorum (2012) § 1014; Ní Mhaonaigh (2012) pp. 144–145; Chronicon Scotorum (2010) § 1014; Downham (2007) p. 157; Duffy (1999) p. 353; Duffy (1993) p. 24; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2.
  45. Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 139 n. 42; Downham (2017) pp. 94–95; Duffy (2013) ch. 5; Swift (2013) p. 137; Jackson (2008) p. 104; Beougher (2007) pp. 211–212; Hudson, BT (2005) p. 101; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114; Hudson, BT (1991) p. 152; Ryan (1938) pp. 17–18, 39–40; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2; Todd (1867) pp. 170–171 ch. 97, 174–177 ch. 100, 210–211 ch. 120.
  46. Downham (2017) p. 95; Jackson (2008) p. 104; The Annals in Cotton MS. Titus A. XXV (2010) § 1014; Duffy (1999) p. 353; Duffy (1993) p. 24; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2.
  47. Ní Mhaonaigh (2012) pp. 144–145, 160–161.
  48. Downham (2017) p. 95.
  49. Hudson, B (2005); Hudson, BT (2005) p. 99.
  50. Duffy (2014) p. 30.
  51. Beougher (2007) pp. 192–193; Hudson, B (2005); Hudson, BT (2005) p. 99.
  52. Beougher (2007) pp. 207 fig. 5-7, 211; Todd (1867) pp. 168–169 ch. 97.
  53. Beougher (2007) pp. 211–212.
  54. Beougher (2007) pp. 208–209.
  55. Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 458 ch. 157; Beougher (2007) pp. 206–207, fig. 5-7; Hudson, B (2002) p. 245; Dasent (1967) pp. 322–323 ch. 156; Anderson (1922) p. 537; Ásmundarson (1910) pp. 425–426 ch. 157; Jónsson (1908) pp. 409–410 ch. 157; Vigfusson (1887) p. 332 ch. 158.
  56. Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 458 ch. 157; Beougher (2007) pp. 206, 208, 209 fig. 5-7; Hudson, B (2002) p. 245; Dasent (1967) p. 323 ch. 156; Anderson (1922) p. 537; Ásmundarson (1910) p. 426 ch. 157; Jónsson (1908) p. 410 ch. 157; Vigfusson (1887) p. 332 ch. 158.
  57. Beougher (2007) pp. 207 fig. 5-6, 208; Todd (1867) p. 165 ch. 94.
  58. Duffy (2014) p. 32 fig.; Casey (2013) p. 140 fig.
  59. Downham (2005) p. 21.
  60. Downham (2017) p. 102; Ní Mhaonaigh (2017b); Wadden (2016) p. 175; Wadden (2015) p. 20; Clarkson (2014) ch. 8 ¶ 4; Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 199; Casey (2013) p. 139; Swift (2013) p. 122; DuBois (2011) p. 269; Casey (2010) pp. 30, 32; Clarkson (2010) ch. 9 ¶ 46; Beougher (2007) pp. 6, 38 n. 65, 53; Breatnach (2005); Downham (2005) p. 21; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 225; Hudson, B (2002) p. 255; Ó Corráin (1998) p. 443; Ní Mhaonaigh (1996) pp. 101, 105–106; Ní Mhaonaigh (1995); Ní Mhaonaigh (1992) pp. 135–137; Candon (1988) p. 397.
  61. Downham (2017) pp. 97–99; Ní Mhaonaigh (2017a); Ní Mhaonaigh (2017b) p. 170; Wadden (2015) p. 20; Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 199; Swift (2013) p. 122; DuBois (2011) p. 269; Beougher (2007) p. 6; Taylor, S (2006) p. 27; Breatnach (2005); Downham (2005) p. 21; Hudson, B (2002) p. 255; Ní Mhaonaigh (1996) p. 101; Ní Mhaonaigh (1995); Ní Mhaonaigh (1992) pp. 136–137, 145; Candon (1988) p. 397.
  62. Jefferies (2005); Wiley (2005).
  63. Jefferies (2005); Hudson, B (2002) p. 255.
  64. Downham (2017) p. 100.
  65. Downham (2017) pp. 96–97.
  66. Downham (2017) p. 102.
  67. Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 139 n. 42; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114.
  68. Downham (2017) pp. 94–95; Beougher (2007) p. 212; Ryan (1938) p. 39; Todd (1867) pp. 174–175 ch. 100.
  69. Downham (2017) pp. 94–95; Duffy (2013) ch. 5; Swift (2013) p. 137; Beougher (2007) pp. 212–213; Hudson, BT (2005) p. 101; Ryan (1938) pp. 39–40; Todd (1867) pp. 174–177 ch. 100.
  70. Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114; Todd (1867) pp. 174–177 ch. 100.
  71. Beougher (2007) p. 212.
  72. Duffy (2013) ch. 5.
  73. Duffy (2013) ch. 5; Beougher (2007) p. 212; Hudson, BT (2005) p. 101; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114; Ryan (1938) pp. 39–40, 39 n. 135, 40 n. 135.
  74. Downham (2017) p. 95; Duffy (2013) ch. 5; Swift (2013) p. 137; Kershaw (1922) p. 112; Todd (1867) pp. 174–175 ch. 100.
  75. Duffy (2013) ch. 5; Beougher (2007) p. 212; Hudson, BT (2005) p. 101; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114; Ryan (1938) pp. 39 n. 135, 40 n. 135; Kershaw (1922) p. 112; Todd (1867) p. 175 n. 16.
  76. Beougher (2007) pp. 212, 212–213 n. 300; Hudson, BT (2005) p. 101; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114.
  77. Downham (2017) p. 96; Duffy (2013) ch. 5; Todd (1867) pp. 170–171 ch. 98.
  78. Downham (2017) p. 96.
  79. Downham (2017) p. 96; Duffy (2013) ch. 5.
  80. Downham (2017) p. 101 n. 69.
  81. Downham (2017) p. 101 n. 69; Andersson; Gade (2012) p. 335 ch. 70; Power (2005) p. 18; Power (1986) p. 128; Jónsson (1932) p. 366; Unger (1867) p. 175.
  82. Emperor of the Irish (n.d.); Keating and the King in Print (n.d.); The General History of Ireland (n.d.).
  83. Woolf (2000) p. 162.
  84. Duffy (2013); Beougher (2007) p. 216; Todd (1867) pp. clxxxi n. 3, clxxxi–clxxxii, cxc–cxci n. 4, 184–185 ch. 106, 207 ch. 117.
  85. Beougher (2007) p. 216.
  86. Beougher (2007) pp. 198–199, 212–213, 244; Hudson, BT (2005) p. 99.
  87. Downham (2014) p. 23.
  88. Duffy (2009) p. 290; Duffy (1999) pp. 353–354; Duffy (1993) p. 24.
  89. Duffy (2013) ch. 3; Walker (2013) ch. 5 ¶ 13; MacShamhráin (2005) p. 17, 17 n. 71; Duffy (1993) p. 23.
  90. Walker (2013) ch. 5 ¶ 13.
  91. Downham (2017) p. 93, 93 n. 29; Wadden (2016) p. 175; Clarkson (2014) ch. 8 ¶¶ 4–5; Duffy (2013) ch. 3; Clarkson (2010) ch. 9 ¶ 46; Taylor, S (2006) pp. 26–27; Hudson, BT (2005) p. 76; Ní Mhaonaigh (1995) p. 376; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114; Candon (1988) p. 408; Anderson (1922) p. 525 n. 3; Todd (1867) pp. 136–137 ch. 78.
  92. Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114.
  93. Downham (2017) p. 93 n. 28; Clarkson (2014) ch. 8 ¶ 5.
  94. Downham (2017) p. 93 n. 28.
  95. Taylor, S (2006) pp. 26–27; Ní Mhaonaigh (1995) p. 376; Candon (1988) p. 408.
  96. Broun (2004b).
  97. Wadden (2016) p. 174; Casey; Meehan (2014); Wadden (2015) p. 18; Duffy (2013) ch. 3; Casey (2010) p. 33; Bhreathnach (2009) p. 268; Beougher (2007) pp. 150–151, 150 n. 226, 151 n. 231; Woolf (2007) p. 225; Jaski (2005); MacShamhráin (2005) pp. 15–17; Oram (2000) p. 12; Flanagan (1996) p. 192; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 113; Gwynn, A (1978) pp. 41–42, 47–48, 47 n. 1.
  98. Duffy (2009) p. 289; Duffy (1993) p. 25.
  99. Duffy (2013) ch. 3; Casey (2010) p. 33; Bhreathnach (2009) p. 268; Duffy (2009) p. 289; Hughes (2008) p. 647; Beougher (2007) p. 151; Herbert (2005) p. 111; MacShamhráin (2005) pp. 15–17; Flanagan (1996) pp. 192–193; Duffy (1993) p. 24; Gwynn, A (1978) pp. 41–42.
  100. Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 136; Ní Mhaonaigh (2017b) pp. 174–175, 175 n. 35; Downham (2017) p. 93; Wadden (2016) p. 174; Wadden (2015) p. 18; Casey; Meehan (2014); Duffy (2014) p. 10; Duffy (2013) ch. 3; Bhreathnach (2009) p. 268; Duffy (2009) p. 289; Byrne (2008) p. 862; Hughes (2008) p. 647; Beougher (2007) pp. 1, 150; Etchingham (2007) p. 160; Woolf (2007) p. 225; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 225; Herbert (2005) p. 111; Jaski (2005); Jefferies (2005); MacShamhráin (2005) pp. 15–17; Ó Cróinín (2005); Etchingham (2001) p. 180; Oram (2000) p. 12; Duffy (1997) p. 34; Flanagan (1996) p. 192; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 113; Duffy (1993) p. 24; Gwynn, A (1978) p. 42; Gwynn, J (1913) p. 32.
  101. Jaski (2005); MacShamhráin (2005) p. 17.
  102. Wadden (2016) pp. 174–175; Wadden (2015) p. 18; Etchingham (2007) p. 160; Etchingham (2001) p. 180.
  103. Wadden (2016) pp. 174–175; Wadden (2015) p. 18; Byrne (2008) p. 862; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 225; Jaski (2005); MacShamhráin (2005) p. 17; Oram (2000) p. 46 n. 66.
  104. Woolf (2007) p. 225.
  105. Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 225; Oram (2000) p. 12.
  106. Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 136; Casey; Meehan (2014); Beougher (2007) p. 150; Jaski (2005); Jefferies (2005); Ó Cróinín (2005); Oram (2000) p. 46 n. 66; Duffy (1997) p. 34.
  107. Ní Mhaonaigh (2017b) p. 174; Beougher (2007) p. 153.
  108. MacShamhráin (2005) pp. 16–17.
  109. Duffy (2013) ch. 3.
  110. Casey; Meehan (2014).
  111. Etchingham (2007) p. 160; Etchingham (2001) p. 180.
  112. Duffy (2009) p. 290.
  113. Etchingham (2007) p. 160.
  114. Duffy (2013) ch. 3; Etchingham (2007) p. 160; Etchingham (2001) p. 180.
  115. The Annals of Tigernach (2016) § 1034.1; Annals of Tigernach (2005) § 1034.1; Annals of Tigernach, etc (n.d.).
  116. Wadden (2015) p. 18; MacShamhráin (2005) p. 17, 17 n. 71; Duffy (1999) p. 354; Duffy (1993) p. 24.
  117. Woolf (2009) p. 261; Broun (2004b); Duffy (1999) pp. 349–350.
  118. The Annals of Ulster (2017) § 1020.6; The Annals of Tigernach (2016) § 1029.5; Woolf (2009) p. 261; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1020.6; Annals of Tigernach (2005) § 1029.5; Duffy (1999) p. 350; Anderson (1922) pp. 551 n. 4, 571.
  119. Duffy (2009) p. 290; Duffy (1999) p. 350.
  120. Downham (2017) p. 101.
  121. Woolf (2000) pp. 161–162.
  122. The Annals of Tigernach (2016) § 1028.2; Annals of Tigernach (2005) § 1028.2; Annals of Tigernach, etc (n.d.).
  123. Downham (2014) p. 23; Woolf (2000) p. 162.
  124. Duffy (2013) ch. 3; Duffy (2009) p. 289; Downham (2007) p. 157; Woolf (2000) p. 162; Duffy (1999) p. 353; Hudson, BT (1996) pp. 52 § 183, 90 § 183, 220; Duffy (1993) p. 23; Anderson (1930) p. 51 § 181; Skene (1867) p. 99.
  125. Downham (2007) p. 157; Woolf (2000) p. 162; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 135; Anderson (1922) p. 509 n. 4; Vigfusson (1887) p. 15 ch. 12; Anderson; Hjaltalin (1873) pp. 3 ch. 1, 212 ch. 187.
  126. The Annals of Ulster (2017) § 1014.2; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1014.2; Woolf (2000) p. 162.
  127. Woolf (2000) p. 162; Williams (1997) pp. 143–144; Dasent (1967) p. 163 ch. 88; Anderson (1922) pp. 502–503; Ásmundarson (1910) p. 213 ch. 89; Jónsson (1908) p. 203 ch. 89; Vigfusson (1887) p. 324 ch. 90.
  128. Unger (1871) p. 56 ch. 35; AM 45 Fol (n.d.).
  129. Woolf (2007) p. 243; Woolf (2000) p. 162.
  130. Walker (2013) ch. 5 ¶ 13; Hudson, BT (1994) pp. 114–115.
  131. Hudson, BT (2005) p. 134.
  132. Downham (2017) p. 96; Downham (2014) p. 23; Downham (2007) p. 157.
  133. Downham (2007) p. 157, 157 n. 127.
  134. Downham (2007) p. 157.
  135. Duffy (2009) p. 289; Woolf (2007) pp. 283–284; Crawford (1997) p. 68; Vigfusson (1887) p. 15 ch. 12; Anderson; Hjaltalin (1873) p. 209 ch. 286.
  136. Duffy (2009) p. 289.
  137. Wadden (2015) p. 18.
  138. Hudson, BT (1994) pp. 114–115.
gollark: Run it automatically on a server or something.
gollark: Just store stuff locally and do trusted local backups, plus probably ENCRYPTED backups to random cloud services if you want.
gollark: Didn't happen in the recent thing where images.canon lost data.
gollark: Why randomly trust them to some cloud service? They can fail too.
gollark: Well, yes, thus backups.

References

Primary sources

Secondary sources
  • Beougher, DB (2007). Brian Boru: King, High-King, and Emperor of the Irish (PhD thesis). Pennsylvania State University.
  • Breatnach, C (2005). "Historical Tales". In Duffy, S (ed.). Medieval Ireland: An Encyclopedia. New York: Routledge. pp. 221–222. ISBN 0-415-94052-4.
  • Broun, D (2004a) [1999]. "Anglo-French Acculturation and the Irish Element in Scottish Identity". In Smith, B (ed.). Britain and Ireland, 900–1300: Insular Responses to Medieval European Change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 135–153. ISBN 0-511-03855-0.
  • Broun, D (2004b). "Malcolm II (d. 1034)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed.). Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/17858. Retrieved 28 July 2016. (Subscription or UK public library membership required.)
  • Broun, D (2015). "Statehood and Lordship in 'Scotland' Before the Mid-Twelfth Century" (PDF). The Innes Review. 66 (1): 1–71. doi:10.3366/inr.2015.0084. eISSN 1745-5219. ISSN 0020-157X.
  • Byrne, FJ (2008) [2005]. "Ireland and Her Neighbours, c.1014–c.1072". In Ó Cróinín, D (ed.). Prehistoric and Early Ireland. New History of Ireland. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 862–898. ISBN 978-0-19-821737-4.
  • Candon, A (1988). "Muirchertach Ua Briain, Politics and Naval Activity in the Irish Sea, 1075 to 1119". In Mac Niocaill, G; Wallace, PF (eds.). Keimelia: Studies in Medieval Archaeology and History in Memory of Tom Delaney. Galway: Galway University Press. pp. 397–416.
  • Casey, D (2013). "A Reconsideration of the Authorship and Transmission of Cogadh Gáedhel re Gallaibh". Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy. 113C: 139–161. doi:10.3318/PRIAC.2013.113.03. eISSN 2009-0048. ISSN 0035-8991. JSTOR 42751271.
  • Casey, D; Meehan, B (2014). "Brian Boru and the Book of Armagh". History Ireland. 22 (2): 28–29. ISSN 0791-8224. JSTOR 23631081.
  • Clarkson, T (2010). The Men of the North: The Britons and Southern Scotland (EPUB). Edinburgh: John Donald. ISBN 978-1-907909-02-3.
  • Clarkson, T (2014). Strathclyde and the Anglo-Saxons in the Viking Age (EPUB). Edinburgh: John Donald. ISBN 978-1-907909-25-2.
  • Crawford, BE (1997) [1987]. Scandinavian Scotland. Scotland in the Early Middle Ages. Leicester: Leicester University Press. ISBN 0-7185-1197-2.
  • Donaldson, G; Morpeth, RS (1977). A Dictionary of Scottish History. Edinburgh: John Donald Publishers. ISBN 0-85976-018-9. OL 4285188M.
  • Downham, C (2005). "The Battle of Clontarf in Irish History and Legend". History Ireland. 13 (5): 19–23. ISSN 0791-8224. JSTOR 27725330.
  • Downham, C (2007). Viking Kings of Britain and Ireland: The Dynasty of Ívarr to A.D. 1014. Edinburgh: Dunedin Academic Press. ISBN 978-1-903765-89-0.
  • Downham, C (2014). "Clontarf in the Wider World". History Ireland. 22 (2): 22–26. ISSN 0791-8224. JSTOR 23631079.
  • Downham, C (2017). "Scottish Affairs and the Political Context of Cogadh Gaedhel re Gallaibh". Traversing the Inner Seas: Contacts and Continuity Around Western Scotland, the Hebrides and Northern Ireland. Edinburgh: Scottish Society for Northern Studies. pp. 86–106.
  • DuBois, TA (2011). "Juxtaposing Cogadh Gáedel re Gallaib with Orkneyinga Saga". Oral Tradition. 26 (2): 267–296. eISSN 1542-4308. ISSN 0883-5365.
  • Duffy, S (1992). "Irishmen and Islesmen in the Kingdoms of Dublin and Man, 1052–1171". Ériu. 43: 93–133. eISSN 2009-0056. ISSN 0332-0758. JSTOR 30007421.
  • Duffy, S (1993). Ireland and the Irish Sea Region, 1014–1318 (PhD thesis). Trinity College, Dublin. hdl:2262/77137.
  • Duffy, S (1997). Ireland in the Middle Ages. British History in Perspective. Houndmills, Basingstoke: Macmillan Press. doi:10.1007/978-1-349-25171-1. ISBN 978-1-349-25171-1.
  • Duffy, S (1999). "Ireland and Scotland, 1014–1169: Contacts and Caveats". In Smyth, AP (ed.). Seanchas: Studies in Early and Medieval Irish Archaeology, History and Literature in Honour of Francis J. Byrne. Dublin: Four Courts Press. pp. 348–356. ISBN 1-85182-489-8.
  • Duffy, S (2009). "Ireland, c.1000–c.1100". In Stafford, P (ed.). A Companion to the Early Middle Ages: Britain and Ireland, c.500–c.1100. Blackwell Companions to British History. Chichester: Blackwell Publishing. pp. 285–302. ISBN 978-1-405-10628-3.
  • Duffy, S (2013). Brian Boru and the Battle of Clontarf. Gill & Macmillan.
  • Duffy, S (2014). "Brian Boru: Imperator Scotorum". History Ireland. 22 (2): 10–11. ISSN 0791-8224. JSTOR 23631072.
  • Duffy, S (2014). "What Happened at the Battle of Clontarf?". History Ireland. 22 (2): 30–33. ISSN 0791-8224. JSTOR 23631082.
  • Bhreathnach, E (2009). "Ireland, c.900–c.1000". In Stafford, P (ed.). A Companion to the Early Middle Ages: Britain and Ireland, c.500–c.1100. Blackwell Companions to British History. Chichester: Blackwell Publishing. pp. 268–284. ISBN 978-1-405-10628-3.
  • Casey, D (2010). "Historical and Literary Representations of Brian Boru's Burial in Armagh, 1014AD" (PDF). North Munster Antiquarian Journal. 50: 29–44. ISSN 0332-0820.
  • "eDIL s.v. mormaer". eDIL. n.d. Retrieved 29 September 2019.
  • "Emperor of the Irish". Emperor of the Irish: Brian Boru and the Battle of Clontarf 1014. n.d. Retrieved 10 November 2019.
  • Etchingham, C (2001). "North Wales, Ireland and the Isles: the Insular Viking Zone". Peritia. 15: 145–187. doi:10.1484/J.Peri.3.434. eISSN 2034-6506. ISSN 0332-1592.
  • Etchingham, C (2007). "Viking-Age Gwynedd and Ireland: Political Relations". In Wooding, JM; Jankulak, K (eds.). Ireland and Wales in the Middle Ages. Dublin: Four Courts Press. pp. 149–167. ISBN 978-1-85182-748-0.
  • Flanagan, MT (1996). "Henry II, the Council of Cashel and the Irish Bishops". Peritia. 10: 184–211. doi:10.1484/J.Peri.3.7. eISSN 2034-6506. ISSN 0332-1592.
  • Forte, A; Oram, RD; Pedersen, F (2005). Viking Empires. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-82992-2.
  • Gwynn, A (1978). "Brian in Armagh (1005)". Seanchas Ardmhacha: Journal of the Armagh Diocesan Historical Society. 9 (1): 35–50. doi:10.2307/29740904. ISSN 0488-0196. JSTOR 29740904.
  • Herbert, M (2004) [1999]. "Sea-Divided Gaels? Constructing Relationships Between Irish and Scots, c. 800–1169". In Smith, B (ed.). Britain and Ireland, 900–1300: Insular Responses to Medieval European Change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 87–97. ISBN 0-511-03855-0.
  • Herbert, M (2005). "Before Charters? Property Records in Pre-Anglo-Norman Ireland". In Flanagan, MT; Green, JA (eds.). Charters and Charter Scholarship in Britain and Ireland. Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 107–119. doi:10.1057/9780230523050_6. ISBN 978-0-230-52305-0.
  • Hudson, B (2002). "Brjáns Saga". Medium Ævum. 71 (1): 241–285. doi:10.2307/43630435. eISSN 2398-1423. ISSN 0025-8385. JSTOR 43630435.
  • Hudson, B (2005). "Clontarf, Battle of". In Duffy, S (ed.). Medieval Ireland: An Encyclopedia. New York: Routledge. pp. 92–93. ISBN 0-415-94052-4.
  • Hudson, BT (1991). "Historical Literature of Early Scotland". Studies in Scottish Literature. 26 (1): 141–155. ISSN 0039-3770.
  • Hudson, BT (1994). Kings of Celtic Scotland. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. ISBN 0-313-29087-3. ISSN 0885-9159 – via Questia.
  • Hudson, BT (2002). "The Scottish Gaze". In McDonald, RA (ed.). History, Literature, and Music in Scotland, 700–1560. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. pp. 29–59. ISBN 0-8020-3601-5. OL 3623178M.
  • Hudson, BT (2005). Viking Pirates and Christian Princes: Dynasty, Religion, and Empire in the North Atlantic. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-516237-0.
  • Hughes, K (2008) [2005]. "The Irish Church, 800–c.1050". In Ó Cróinín, D (ed.). Prehistoric and Early Ireland. New History of Ireland. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 635–655. ISBN 978-0-19-821737-4.
  • Jackson, K, ed. (2008) [1972]. The Osborn Bergin Memorial Lecture, 1970: The Gaelic Notes in the Book of Deer. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-08264-8.
  • Jaski, B (2005). "Brian Boru (926[?]–1014)". In Duffy, S (ed.). Medieval Ireland: An Encyclopedia. New York: Routledge. pp. 45–47. ISBN 0-415-94052-4.
  • Jefferies, HA (2005). "Ua Briain (Uí Briain, O'Brien)". In Duffy, S (ed.). Medieval Ireland: An Encyclopedia. New York: Routledge. pp. 457–459. ISBN 0-415-94052-4.
  • "Keating and the King in Print". Battle of Clontarf. n.d. Retrieved 10 November 2019.
  • MacQueen, HL (2003). "Scotland: Politics, Government and Law". In Rigby, SH (ed.). A Companion to Britain in the Later Middle Ages. Blackwell Companions to British History. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing. pp. 283–308. ISBN 0-631-21785-1.
  • MacShamhráin, A (2005). "Brian Bóruma, Armagh and High Kingship". Seanchas Ardmhacha: Journal of the Armagh Diocesan Historical Society. 20 (2): 1–21. doi:10.2307/29742749. ISSN 0488-0196. JSTOR 29742749.
  • Ní Mhaonaigh, M (1992). "Bréifne Bias in Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib". Ériu. 43: 135–158. eISSN 2009-0056. ISSN 0332-0758. JSTOR 30007422.
  • Ní Mhaonaigh, M (1995). "Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib: Some Dating Considerations". Peritia. 9: 354–377. doi:10.1484/J.Peri.3.255. eISSN 2034-6506. ISSN 0332-1592.
  • Ní Mhaonaigh, M (1996). "'Cogad Gáedel Re Gallaib' and the Annals: A Comparison". Ériu. 47: 101–126. eISSN 2009-0056. ISSN 0332-0758. JSTOR 30007439.
  • Ní Mhaonaigh, M (2012). "A Neglected Acount of the Battle of Clontarf". Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie. 59 (1): 143–167. doi:10.1515/zcph.2012.009. eISSN 1865-889X. ISSN 0084-5302.
  • Ní Mhaonaigh, M (2017a). "Brian Boru". In Echard, S; Rouse, R (eds.). The Encyclopedia of Medieval Literature in Britain. John Wiley & Sons. pp. 1–2. doi:10.1002/9781118396957.wbemlb404. ISBN 978-1-118-39695-7.
  • Ní Mhaonaigh, M (2017b). "Glorious by Association: The Clontarf Obituary of Brian Boru". In Duffy, S (ed.). Medieval Dublin. 16. Four Courts Press. pp. 170–187. doi:10.17863/CAM.26938.
  • Ní Mhaonaigh, M (2018). "Perception and Reality: Ireland c.980–1229". In Smith, B (ed.). The Cambridge History of Ireland. 1. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 131–156. doi:10.1017/9781316275399.009. ISBN 978-1-107-11067-0.
  • Noble, G; Gondek, M; Campbell, E; Evans, N; Hamilton, D; Taylor, S (2019). "A Powerful Place of Pictland: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on a Power Centre of the 4th to 6th Centuries ad". Medieval Archaeology. 63 (1): 56–94. doi:10.1080/00766097.2019.1588529. eISSN 1745-817X. ISSN 0076-6097.
  • Oram, RD (2000). The Lordship of Galloway. Edinburgh: John Donald. ISBN 0-85976-541-5.
  • Ó Corráin, D (1998). "Viking Ireland—Afterthoughts". In Clarke, HB; Ní Mhaonaigh, M; Ó Floinn, R (eds.). Ireland and Scandinavia in the Early Viking Age. Dublin: Four Courts Press. pp. 421–452. ISBN 1-85182-235-6.
  • Ó Cróinín, D (2005). "Armagh, Book of". In Duffy, S (ed.). Medieval Ireland: An Encyclopedia. New York: Routledge. pp. 30–31. ISBN 0-415-94052-4.
  • Power, R (1986). "Magnus Barelegs' Expeditions to the West". Scottish Historical Review. 65 (2): 107–132. eISSN 1750-0222. ISSN 0036-9241. JSTOR 25530199.
  • Power, R (2005). "Meeting in Norway: Norse-Gaelic Relations in the Kingdom of Man and the Isles, 1090–1270" (PDF). Saga-Book. 29: 5–66. ISSN 0305-9219.
  • Roberts, JL (1997). Lost Kingdoms: Celtic Scotland and the Middle Ages. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 0-7486-0910-5. OL 411939M.
  • Ryan, J (1938). "The Battle of Clontarf". The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland. 8 (1): 1–50. ISSN 0035-9106. JSTOR 25510093.
  • Skene, WF (1861–1862). "The MacLeods of Scotland". Ulster Journal of Archaeology. 9: 317–320. ISSN 0082-7355. JSTOR 20608948.
  • Somerville, AA; McDonald, RA, eds. (2014). The Viking Age: A Reader. Readings in Medieval Civilizations and Cultures (2nd ed.). Toronto: University of Toronto Press. ISBN 978-1-4426-0869-6.
  • Swift, C (2013). "Chivalry, Saracens and the Chansons de Geste of Brian Boru". In Duffy, S (ed.). Medieval Dublin. 15. Dublin: Four Courts Press. pp. 119–140. hdl:10395/2767. ISBN 9781846825675.
  • Taylor, A (2016). The Shape of the State in Medieval Scotland, 1124–1290. Oxford Studies in Medieval European History. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-874920-2.
  • Taylor, A (2018). "Formalising Aristocratic Power in Royal Acta in Late Twelfth- and Early Thirteenth-Century France and Scotland". Transactions of the Royal Historical Society. 28: 33–64. doi:10.1017/S0080440118000038. eISSN 1474-0648. ISSN 0080-4401.
  • Taylor, S (2006). "The Early History and Languages of West Dunbartonshire". In Brown, I (ed.). Changing Identities, Ancient Roots: The History of West Dunbartonshire From Earliest Times. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. pp. 12–41. ISBN 978-0-7486-2561-1.
  • "The General History of Ireland". Folger Shakespeare Library. n.d. Retrieved 10 November 2019.
  • Wadden, P (2015). "The Normans and the Irish Sea World in the Era of the Battle of Clontarf". In McAlister, V; Barry, T (eds.). Space and Settlement in Medieval Ireland. Dublin: Four Courts Press. pp. 15–33. ISBN 978-1-84682-500-2.
  • Wadden, P (2016). "Dál Riata c. 1000: Genealogies and Irish Sea Politics". Scottish Historical Review. 95 (2): 164–181. doi:10.3366/shr.2016.0294. eISSN 1750-0222. ISSN 0036-9241.
  • Walker, IW (2013) [2006]. Lords of Alba: The Making of Scotland (EPUB). Brimscombe Port: The History Press. ISBN 978-0-7524-9519-4.
  • Wiley, DM (2005). "Dál Cais". In Duffy, S (ed.). Medieval Ireland: An Encyclopedia. New York: Routledge. p. 121. ISBN 0-415-94052-4.
  • Williams, DGE (1997). Land Assessment and Military Organisation in the Norse Settlements in Scotland, c.900–1266 AD (PhD thesis). University of St Andrews. hdl:10023/7088.
  • Woolf, A (2000). "The 'Moray Question' and the Kingship of Alba in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries". Scottish Historical Review. 79 (2): 145–164. doi:10.3366/shr.2000.79.2.145. eISSN 1750-0222. ISSN 0036-9241.
  • Woolf, A (2007). From Pictland to Alba, 789–1070. The New Edinburgh History of Scotland. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 978-0-7486-1233-8.
  • Woolf, A (2009). "Scotland". In Stafford, P (ed.). A Companion to the Early Middle Ages: Britain and Ireland, c.500–c.1100. Blackwell Companions to British History. Chichester: Blackwell Publishing. pp. 251–267. ISBN 978-1-405-10628-3.
This article is issued from Wikipedia. The text is licensed under Creative Commons - Attribution - Sharealike. Additional terms may apply for the media files.