Chono

The Chono people, or Guaiteco[1] were a nomadic indigenous people or group of peoples of the archipelagos of Chiloé, Guaitecas and Chonos.

This article is about the indigenous people in Chile. For Mongolian tribe, see Chonos tribe.
Chono people
Reconstruction of a dalca, the boat used by the Chono people
Total population
extinct
Regions with significant populations
 Chile: Chiloé Archipelago
Languages
Chono language?
Religion
Traditional tribal religion, converts to Catholicism eventually assimilated in Chiloé and Calbuco
Related ethnic groups
Payos? Kawésqar?

The Chono people lived as hunter-gatherers traveling by canoe.[2]

Much of what is known from Spanish sources on Chonos is filtered by a Huilliche worldview, as Huilliches and Huilliche language was used to communicate with Chonos.[3]

Physical appearance

Together with other canoe-faring peoples of western Patagonia, the Chono people shared the physical features of being of low stature, being long-headed (dolichocephalic) and having a "low face".[4] In the opinion of Robert FitzRoy who saw the Chono people in the 1830s, they were more muscular and with a more beautiful appearance when compared to canoe-farers further south.[5] Alberto Achacaz Walakial, himself a Kawésqar born around 1929, said that the Chono people were taller and of darker skin than his people. He also added that their noses and faces were longer.[6]

Study of Chono bones reveal they were prone to suffer joint problems, infectious diseases and in some cases traumatic injuries. These diseases were associatred with their lifestyle.[7]

History
Approximate extent of indigenous cultures in Chile at the time of the arrival of the Spanish. Picunche, Mapuche, Huilliche and Cunco are all part of the Mapuche macro-ethic group.

Pre-Hispanic era

Scholar Alberto Trivera considers that there is no continuity between the human culture seen in the archaeological site of Monte Verde and any historical group.[8] According to archaeologist Ricardo E. Latcham the Chono people along other sea-faring nomads may be remnants from more widespread indigenous groups that were pushed south by "successive invasions" from more northern tribes.[9]

The Chono people are believed to be Chiloé Archipelago's first ethnically identifiable inhabitants.[10] This has led to the assumption that the Chonos were the people who left behind most of the abundant shell middens (Spanish: conchales) of Chiloé Archipelago, yet this claim is unverified.[4] There are various place names in Chiloé Archipelago with Chono etymologies despite the main indigenous language of the archipelago at the arrival of the Spanish being Veliche.[11] A theory postulated by chronicler José Pérez García holds the Cuncos settled in Chiloé Island in Pre-Hispanic times as a consequence of a push from more northern Huilliches who in turn were being displaced by Mapuches.[12][13] As such, some historians consider that places as far north as the coast of Osorno and Llanquihue Lake were once within the range of Chono nomadism.[14]

Archaeologist and ethnographer Ricardo E. Latcham built upon these notions and held the Chono arrived to Guaitecas Archipelago from Chiloé Archipelago after these were invaded by groups of Mapuche culture (Huilliche, Cuncos, etc.) from the mainland in the 13th century.[15]

Colonial era

The Chono people met Europeans for the first time when the naval expedition of Francisco de Ulloa arrived at their lands in 1553.[16]

In the late 16th-century and early 17th-century there were various Spanish incursions aimed to bring Chonos to the Spanish dominions of Chiloé.[17][18] These incursions turned into outright slave raids following the 1608 decree of King Philip III of Spain that legalized slavery of "indigenous rebels".[18] This was an abuse of the law since the Chonos, in contrast to the Mapuche that had destroyed seven Spanish cities in their 1598–1604 uprising, had never rebelled.[18] The Chono people were not the only ones to suffer from the slave raids organized by the Spanish from Chiloé; so did also the Huilliche of Valdivia, Osorno and indigenous groups from Nahuel Huapi Lake across the Andes.[18] Some Chono slaves may have been exported north to the Spanish settlements of Central Chile[19] which was becoming a melting pot for uprooted indigenous peoples.[20] The Spanish not only obtained the Chono people as slaves during raids but also from other Chono people who sold their own people.[19] While some Chono people were turned into outright slaves other ended up in the encomienda system of servitude.[21]

Spanish interest in the lands of the Chono appear to have declined after the 1675 Antonio de Vea expedition.[22] Nevertheless, in 1710 a large group of Chonos arrived voluntarly to the Spanish settlement of Calbuco escaping from internal conflicts. The Spanish decided to settle this group in Guar Island.[22]

Interest in the Chono lands arose again in the 1740s when the Spanish learned about the wreckage of HMS Wager in the coasts of Patagonia.[22] As a result of a corsair and pirate menace the Spanish authorities ordered to depopulate the archipelagos of Chonos and Guaitecas to deprive their enemies of any eventual support from the native populations.[11] This the led to the transfer of population to Chiloé Archipelago in the north while some Chonos moved south of Taitao Peninsula effectively depopulating the territory.[11] The Chonos in Chiloé ended up being absorbed by the mestizo and indigenous Huilliche population there.[11]

Chonos served as maritime pilots in many of the expeditions undertaken by the Spanish to the Patagonian archipelagoes.[23] Yet it was noted by some Spanish like José de Moraleda y Montero that the Chonos did not always tell the truth and sometimes misled the navigators.[23] Indeed, the Chonos managed to keep Spanish explorers away from Presidente Ríos Lake so effectively that it became officially known to Chileans only in 1945.[23][upper-alpha 1]

As a consequence of the proximity to the Spanish settlements in Chiloé the Chonos were the canoe-faring peoples of Patagonia with the most intense contact with the Spanish.[25] Anecdotal evidence shows that the Chonos became increasingly acculturated into Spanish culture over the 17th and 18th centuries.[25] For example Cristóbal Talcapillán who was interviewed by the Spanish authorities in the 1670s understood the difference between the Spanish and the English.[25] In the 1740s Martín Olleta was able to understand the importance of the wreckage of HMS Wager and profited from it by handing over the survivors to the Spanish authorities while keeping valuable metal objects obtained from the wreck.[25] The proficiency in Spanish of the Chonos led by Martín Olleta was good enough to communicate with the Spanish-speaking surgeon of the British party.[25]

Demise

The Chonos largely disappear from the historical record after the 18th century, but sporadic references remained.[3] Thomas Bridges reported having met Chonos in the late 19th century.[3] Alberto Achacaz Walakial, himself a Kawésqar born around 1929, claimed to have met Chonos when young.[3] Writer Benjamín Subercaseaux visited Taitao Peninsula in 1946 reporting having seen footsteps and fresh human feces he thought indicated that nomadic Chonos, as known from the historical record, still existed.[26] Ricardo Vásquez led an expedition in 2006 to remote parts of Taitao Peninsula partly motivated by possible indications that Chonos were still living in isolation there.[27]

In 1743 members of the cabildo of Castro explained the decline of the Chonos that had settled in Jesuit missions as caused by a shortage of women.[28] Historian Rodolfo Urbina Burgos follows up on this thought and argues the Chonos as a whole went extinct as a distinctive group because of a chronic shortage of women.[28] Urbina Burgos argues this meant Chonos were being married to indigenous women of Veliche, Caucahué or Payo stock. Thus the Chono miscegenated and assimilated into the indigenous cultures of Chiloé by replacement of women.[28] Chono women were responsible for diving in cold waters for shellfish, and this may have been the cause of a short life expectancy among them.[29] The ones who fled south of Taitao Peninsula may have ended up being miscegenated into the Kawésqar.[3][upper-alpha 2]

Inhabitants in the island of Laitec which has strong historical links to the Chonos have an indigenous genetic admixture averaging 80%.[14] It is not known to which extent miscegenated descendants of Chonos in this island retain aspects of Chono culture.[31] The custom of the inhabitants of Melinka to bring dogs on board in their travels may be rooted in Chono traditions.[24][32]

Culture

Culturally the Chonos had much in common with southern sea-farers such as the Kawésqar, yet the Chonos had also influences from the Mapuche world.[33] Authors such as Harb D. et al. (1998) list the Chono people as culturally "Fuegian" in contrast to more northern Mapuche groups.[14] Urbina Burgos (2007) mentions the Chiloé Archipelago as the frontier between Mapuche culture and the culture of the "southern peoples".[30]

The putative Chono language is known only from local toponyms and from an untranslated catechism.

Men hunted marine mammals, especially sea lions, while women gathered shellfish and seaweed. The Chonos used nets and spears to gather food from the sea but supplemented their catch with potatoes and other plants from small gardens. Their healing places consisted of caves or leather structures.

Both the Chono people and Kawésqars used Pilgerodendron uviferum as firewood as well as wood for rows, boats and houses.[34]

Isotope studies of human bones found in former Chono territory suggest the Chonos maintained a chiefly marine-based diet over centuries or millennia until, after the time of Spanish contact (c. 1550), land-based food became more important in the Chono diet.[35]

Iron objects were highly valued by the Chonos and were usually obtained from the Spanish settlements in Chiloé, either by trade or theft.[25][36] In some cases iron was scavenged from European shipwrecks.[25]

Notes
  1. The lake was however already known to seafarers from Chiloé.[24]
  2. Charles Darwin who visited the Chono and Guaitecas archipelagoes in the 1830s thought that the islands lacked populations because "Catholics" had turned Indians into "Catholics and slaves".[30]
gollark: Gaia xenowyrms seem to have this weird wing-y thing going on.
gollark: https://dragcave.net/lineage/6ECxF
gollark: https://dragcave.net/view/gasfv
gollark: Nooooo! It's down! We are doomed!
gollark: I want one of my dragons to hatch so I can call it `Llanfairpwllgwyngyll`.

References
  1. Urbina Burgos 2007, p. 334.
  2. Reyes, Omat; Méndez, César; San Román, Manuel; Francois, Jean-Pierre (2018). "Earthquakes and coastal archaeology: Assessing shoreline shifts on the southernmost Pacific coast (Chonos Archipelago 43°50'–46°50' S, Chile, South America)". Quaternary International. 463: 161–175. Bibcode:2018QuInt.463..161R. doi:10.1016/j.quaint.2016.10.001.
  3. Álvarez, Ricardo (2002). "Reflexiones en torno a las identidades de las poblaciones canoeras, situadas entre los 44º y 48º de latitud sur, denominadas "chonos"" (PDF). Anales del Instituto de la Patagonia (in Spanish). 30: 79–86. Retrieved December 29, 2019.
  4. Trivero Rivera 2005, p. 39.
  5. Trivero Rivera 2005, p. 42.
  6. Trivero Rivera 2005, p. 55.
  7. Aspillaga F., Eugenio; Castro D., Mario; Rodriguez, Mónica; Ocampo E., Carlos (2006). "Paleopatología y estilo de vida: El ejemplo de los chonos" [Paleopathology and life-style: The Chonoan example]. Magallania (in Spanish). 34 (1): 77–85. doi:10.4067/S0718-22442006000100005.
  8. Trivero Rivera 2005, p. 27.
  9. Trivero Rivera 2005, p. 41.
  10. Daughters, Anton. "Southern Chile's Archipelago of Chiloé: Shifting Identities in a New Economy." Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Anthropology Vol. 21, No. 2, July 2016
  11. Ibar Bruce, Jorge (1960). "Ensayo sobre los indios Chonos e interpretación de sus toponimías". Anales de la Universidad de Chile. 117: 61–70.
  12. Alcamán 1997, p. 32.
  13. Alcamán 1997, p. 33.
  14. "Poblaciones costeras de Chile: marcadores genéticos en cuatro localidades". Revista médica de Chile. 126 (7). 1998. doi:10.4067/S0034-98871998000700002.
  15. Cárdenas et al. 1991, p. 34
  16. Trivero Rivera 2005, p. 44.
  17. Urbina Burgos 2007, p. 327.
  18. Urbina Burgos 2007, p. 328.
  19. Urbina Burgos 2007, p. 329.
  20. Contreras Cruces, Hugo (2016). "Migraciones locales y asentamiento indígena en las estancias españolas de Chile central, 1580-1650". Historia (in Spanish). 49 (1): 87–110. doi:10.4067/S0717-71942016000100004.
  21. Urbina Burgos 2007, p. 330.
  22. Urbina Carrasco, María Ximena (2010). "La navegación por los canales australes en la Patagonia Occidental insular en los siglos coloniales: La ruta del istmo de Ofqui" [Navigation on the Austral channels in the islands of Western Patagonia during colonial centuries: The route of the isthmus of Ofqui]. Magallania (in Spanish). 38 (2): 41–67. doi:10.4067/S0718-22442010000200003.
  23. Vásquez Caballero, Ricardo Felipe. "Aau, el secreto de los chono" (PDF) (in Spanish). Retrieved January 24, 2019. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  24. Álvarez A., Ricardo; Navarro P., Magdalena; Saavedra G., Gonzalo; Donoso C., Cristián (2015). "Referencias exploratorias sobre el lago Presidente Ríos, para sortear el Istmo de Ofqui, Península de Taitao, Región de Aysén" [Exploratory references on Presidente Ríos lake, for routes round the Ofqui Isthmus, Taitao Peninsula, Aysén Region, Chile]. Magallania (in Spanish). 43 (1). doi:10.4067/S0718-22442015000100006. Retrieved December 21, 2019.
  25. Urbina Carrasco, Ximena (2016). "Interacciones entre españoles de Chiloé y Chonos en los siglos XVII y XVIII: Pedro y Francisco Delco, Ignacio y Cristóbal Talcapillán y Martín Olleta" [Interactions between Spaniards of Chiloé and Chonos in the XVII and XVII centuries: Pedro and Francisco Delco, Ignacio and Cristóbal Talcapillán and Martín Olleta] (PDF). Chungara (in Spanish). 48 (1): 103–114. Retrieved December 21, 2019.
  26. Urbina Burgos 2007, p. 326.
  27. Babul Guixé, Francisca (September 3, 2006). "CHONOS: Aventureros tras la etnia desaparecida. Se internarán en zonas Inexploradas de la Península de Taitao". El Mercurio (in Spanish).
  28. Urbina Burgos 2007, p. 344.
  29. Urbina Burgos 2007, p. 335.
  30. Urbina Burgos 2007, p. 325.
  31. Urbina Burgos 2007, p. 346.
  32. Alvarez, R. & Navarro, M. (2008). Informes Levantamiento de Información Etnográfica Usos Tradicionales del Borde Costero Provincia de Chiloé (región de Los Lagos) y Comuna de Las Guaitecas (región de Aysén). Valdivia: ONG Centro Ballena Azul, World Wildlife Fund (WWF).
  33. Trivero Rivera 2005, p. 36.
  34. Molinet, Carlos; Solari, María Eugenia; Díaz, Manuel; Marticorena, Francisca; Díaz, Patricio A.; Navarro, Magdalena; Niklitschek, Edwin (2018). "Fragmentos de la historia ambiental del sistema de fiordos y canales nor-patagónicos, Sur de Chile: Dos siglos de explotación". Magallania (in Spanish). 46 (2): 107–128. doi:10.4067/s0718-22442018000200107.
  35. Reyes, Omar; Tessone, Augusto; San Román, Manuel; Méndez, César (2019). "Dieta e isótopos estables de cazadores recolectores marinos en los canalesoccidentales de Patagonia, Chile". Latin American Antiquity (in Spanish): 1–19. doi:10.1017/laq.2019.40.
  36. Urbina Burgos 2007, p. ?.

Bibliography
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