Japanese people in Singapore

There is a large community of Japanese people in Singapore (在シンガポール日本人, Zai Shingapōru Nihonjin), consisting mostly of corporate employees and their families.[3] The first Japanese person to settle in Singapore was Yamamoto Otokichi, who arrived in 1862.[4] Larger-scale migration from Japan to Singapore is believed to have begun in the early 1870s, shortly after the Meiji Restoration.[5]

Japanese people in Singapore
在シンガポール日本人
Zai Shingapōru Nihonjin
Total population
36,423 (October 2017)[1]
Regions with significant populations
Singapore
Languages
Japanese; many study English or Mandarin Chinese as second languages[2]
Religion
Buddhism, Tenrikyo
Related ethnic groups
Japanese diaspora
Part of a series on
Singaporeans

Migration history

Colonial era
The tombstone of Otokichi, the first Japanese resident of Singapore

Singapore's first resident of Japanese origin is believed to be Yamamoto Otokichi, from Mihama, Aichi. In 1832, he was working as a crewman on a Japanese boat which was caught in a storm and drifted across the Pacific Ocean; after a failed attempt to return home, he began to work for the British government as an interpreter. After earning British citizenship, he settled in Singapore in 1862. He died five years later and was buried there.[4]

Most early Japanese residents of Singapore consisted of prostitutes, who would later become known by the collective name of "karayuki-san". The earliest Japanese prostitutes are believed to have arrived 1870 or 1871; by 1889, there were 134 of them.[5] From 1895 to 1918, Japanese authorities turned a blind eye to the emigration of Japanese women to work in brothels in Southeast Asia.[6] According to the Japanese consul in Singapore, almost all of the 450 to 600 Japanese residents of Singapore in 1895 were prostitutes and their pimps, or concubines; fewer than 20 were engaged in "respectable trades".[7] In 1895, there were no Japanese schools or public organisations, and the Japanese consulate maintained only minimal influence over their nationals; brothel owners were the dominating force in the community. Along with victory in the Sino-Japanese War, the Japanese state's increasing assertiveness brought changes to the official status of Japanese nationals overseas; they attained formal legal equality with Europeans.[8] That year, the Japanese community was also given official permission by the government to create their own cemetery, on twelve acres of land in Serangoon outside of the urbanised area; in reality, the site had already been used as a burial ground for Japanese as early as 1888.[9]

Even with these changes in their official status, the community itself remained prostitution-based.[10] Prostitutes were the vanguard of what one pair of scholars describe as the "karayuki-led economic advance into Southeast Asia".[11] It was specifically seen by the authorities as a way to develop a Japanese economic base in the region; profits extracted from the prostitution trade were used to accumulate capital and diversify Japanese economic interests.[6] The prostitutes served as both creditors and customers to other Japanese: they loaned out their earnings to other Japanese residents trying to start businesses, and patronised Japanese tailors, doctors, and grocery stores.[11] By the time of the Russo-Japanese War, the number of Japanese prostitutes in Singapore may have been as large as 700.[6] They were concentrated around Malay Street (now Middle Road).[12] However, with Southeast Asia cut off from European imports due to World War I, Japanese products began making inroads as replacements, triggering the shift towards retailing and trade as the economic basis of the Japanese community.[10]

Singapore abolished licensed Japanese prostitution in 1921.[13] This was part of a larger governmental plan to entirely end legalised prostitution throughout the Malay Peninsula.[14] In spite of the ban, many attempted to continue their profession clandestinely; however, both the Singaporean and Japanese governments made efforts to clamp down on the trade.[15] By 1927, there remained roughly 126 independent Japanese prostitutes.[16] Most eventually left Singapore or moved on to other trades. Their departure coincided with a significant shift in the composition of the Japanese population there: the businesses they patronised, such as tailors and hairdressers, run largely by Japanese men, also shut their doors, and their proprietors left as well, to be replaced by salaried employees working in Japanese trading firms. Only 14 Japanese men worked in such professions in 1914, but by 1921 there were 1,478.[17] The shift would continue in the following decade: in 1919, 38.5% of Japanese in Singapore were commodity merchants and 28.0% company and bank employees, but by 1927, these proportions had shifted sharply, to 9.7% merchants and 62.9% employees.[18]

The Japanese population would peak in 1929 and then decline until 1933, as a result of the world-wide Great Depression. However, it would recover somewhat after that, aided by devaluation of the yen and the consequent increase in competitiveness of Japanese products in Southeast Asian markets.[19] Even as other Japanese businesses suffered declines, the number of fishermen grew, from a small base of about 200 individuals in 1920 to a peak of 1,752 in 1936, accounting for between one-quarter and one-third of the resident Japanese population throughout the 1930s.[20]

World War II and aftermath
See also: Japanese occupation of Singapore
The Japanese cemetery in Singapore also houses the tombstone of Field Marshal Count Terauchi Hisaichi, Commander of the Japanese Southern Forces during the World War II

All Japanese, whether civilian or military, were repatriated to Japan in 1947. Without anyone to maintain it, the Japanese cemetery fell into disrepair.[9] Graves were damaged due to the tropical climate as well as mistreatment by squatters and vandals.[21] Japanese people returned to Singapore only slowly after the war. A few Japanese were issued landing permits in 1948 and 1949, but until 1953, the only Japanese permitted to reside in the country were diplomats and their families. Other Japanese could only be issued landing permits of a maximum validity of two months.[22] However, in the latter half of the 1950s, the restrictions on the entry of Japanese nationals were relaxed, and Japanese trading firms again set up offices in Singapore.[23] The first post-war Japanese residents association, the Japanese Club, was founded in 1957 specifically with the aim of restoring the Japanese cemetery.[9]

Independence era

The Japanese community began to show significant growth again in the early 1970s, as Japanese businesses shifted manufacturing activities out of Japan into Southeast Asia.[24] Since the mid-1980s, the vast majority of Japanese expatriates come to Singapore as families, with the father employed as a manager or engineer, while the wife stays at home with the children. A few men come without their families (a practise referred to in Japanese as tanshin funin).[3] Within the Japanese community, single women tend to be "doubly marginised": both at the office by Japanese businessmen's restrictive views of the role of women in the workplace, and in social life by the wives of those same businessmen.[25] Single Japanese women generally try to minimise their contacts with married Japanese women, even when the two live in the same neighbourhoods.[26]

The Japanese Association, Singapore (JAS) was established in 1915 and re-established in 1975 to promote exchange and interactions between Japanese and Singaporeans.[27]

Education
Waseda Shibuya Senior High School in Singapore

The Japanese community of Singapore are served by a number of Japanese-medium educational institutions, including a 400-student kindergarten, a 1,900-student primary school, a 700-student junior high school, and a 500-student senior high school, as well as twelve juku (cram schools) to prepare them for university entrance exams.[3] The schools are situated near Japanese neighbourhoods, and all of the student body and staff are Japanese nationals. Only a small minority of Japanese families send their children to non-Japanese international schools.[28]

The Japanese School Singapore serves elementary and junior high students and the Waseda Shibuya Senior High School in Singapore (formerly Shibuya Makuhari Singapore School) serves high school students. Both schools hold annual festivals open to members of the public who are interested in Japanese culture.

The Japanese Supplementary School Singapore (シンガポール日本語補習授業校, Shingapōru Nihongo Hoshū Jugyō Kō, JSS), a supplementary programme, also operates in Singapore.[29][30]

Religion

A Tenrikyo church was established by Japanese residents in Singapore in 1922.[31] Their social volunteer work, especially with the handicapped, has been credited with helping to restore Japanese people's reputation in the eyes of Chinese Singaporeans, badly damaged by atrocities during the Japanese occupation of Singapore.[32] However, Tenrikyo remains largely a religion of the Japanese in Singapore, not of average Singaporeans.[33] Its association with Shinto has proven a disadvantage in attempts to spread it beyond the Japanese community.[34]

Tenrikyo's main "rival" in Singapore is the Buddhist organisation Sōka Gakkai. Originally, its following was also restricted to the Japanese community.[34] However, it has had more success in outreach to local people, especially the ethnic Chinese community.[35]

Leisure

As with Japanese in other countries, golf is a popular leisure activity among Japanese businesspeople in Singapore. As the Japanese community in Singapore grew in the 1970s, they applied political pressure to promote the upgrading of existing golf courses and development of new ones. Though other expatriates, as well as members of the local upper-middle-class, also spoke out in support of the improvement of golfing facilities in Singapore, generally the Japanese were described as making the most forceful demands.[36] Japanese membership in golf associations grew so quickly that many established quotas on the number of foreign members with the express purpose of preventing their "inundation" with Japanese expatriate and tourists and also established a two-track pricing system, with higher prices for foreigners than locals.[37] Due to the expense of playing golf in Singapore, lower-level Japanese personnel tend to head across the border into Johor Bahru, Malaysia, in search of cheaper green fees.[38]

Other popular leisure pursuits include tennis, swimming, Mandarin and English language training and cooking classes.[2]

gollark: You can't just make programs arbitrarily small and so not require documentation.
gollark: As if I wrote a *manual*.
gollark: I agree. I simply remember how my code is structured, and everyone else can just reverse engineer it.
gollark: <@135522209899741184> Maybe GNU Radio would work well for you?
gollark: And people complain about Intel WiFi stuff, although I've never actually had any issues with it.

See also

References
  1. "MOFA Japan". Retrieved 2 November 2015.
  2. Ben-Ari 2003, p. 127: "Leisure activities—overwhelmingly carried out with other Japanese nationals—become much more important outside Japan since the expatriates have more free time and money than they have in Japan. These leisure pursuits include golf, tennis, swimming, Mandarin and English classes, and cooking (local cuisine), very often run by Japanese."
  3. Ben-Ari & Yong 2013, p. 84: "There are over 20,000 Japanese expatriates in the city-state. The vast majority of these people are families comprising male business expatriates (managers and engineers) and their (normally non-working) wives and children."
  4. Tan 2008
  5. Shimizu & Hirakawa 1999, p. 25
  6. Warren 2003, p. 35
  7. Shimizu & Hirakawa 1999, p. 26
  8. Shiraishi & Shiraishi 1993, p. 8
  9. Tsu 2002, p. 96
  10. Shiraishi & Shiraishi 1993, p. 9
  11. Shimizu & Hirakawa 1999, p. 21
  12. Warren 2003, p. 41
  13. Warren 2003, p. 42, 87
  14. Shimizu 1993, p. 66
  15. Shimizu 1993, p. 67
  16. Shimizu 1993, p. 68
  17. Shimizu 1993, p. 69
  18. Shimizu 1993, p. 75
  19. Shimizu 1993, p. 63
  20. Shimizu & Hirakawa 1999, p. 94
  21. Tsu 2002, p. 97
  22. Shimizu & Hirakawa 1999, p. 160
  23. Shimizu & Hirakawa 1999, p. 166
  24. Ben-Ari 2003, p. 117
  25. Ben-Ari & Yong 2013, p. 82
  26. Ben-Ari & Yong 2013, p. 103
  27. "The Japanese Association, Singapore". www.jas.org.sg.
  28. Ben-Ari 2003, p. 124
  29. アジアの補習授業校一覧（平成25年4月15日現在） (in Japanese). Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology. Retrieved 13 February 2015.
  30. お問合せページ (in Japanese). The Japanese Supplementary School Singapore. Retrieved 14 February 2015.
  31. Hamrin 2013, p. 196
  32. Hamrin 2013, p. 211
  33. Hamrin 2013, p. 213
  34. Hamrin 2013, p. 214
  35. Clammer 2013, p. 177
  36. Ben-Ari 1998, p. 141
  37. Ben-Ari 1998, p. 142
  38. Ben-Ari 1998, p. 146

Sources
  • Shiraishi, Saya; Shiraishi, Takashi, eds. (1993), The Japanese in colonial Southeast Asia, Southeast Asian Publications, 3, Cornell University, ISBN 978-0-87727-402-5. Chapters cited:
    • Shiraishi, Saya; Shiraishi, Takashi (1993), The Japanese in Colonial Southeast Asia: An Overview, pp. 1–20
    • Shimizu, Hajime (1993), The Pattern of Economic Penetration of Prewar Singapore and Malaysia, pp. 63–86
  • Ben-Ari, Eyal (1998), "Golf, Organization, and 'Body Projects': Japanese Business Executives in Singapore", in Linhart, Sepp; Frühstück, Sabine (eds.), The culture of Japan as seen through its leisure, Japan in Transition, State University of New York Press, pp. 139–164, ISBN 978-0-7914-3791-9
  • Shimizu, Hiroshi; Hirakawa, Hitoshi (1999), Japan and Singapore in the world economy: Japan's economic advance into Singapore, 1870–1965, Studies in the modern history of Asia, 5, Routledge, ISBN 978-0-415-19236-1
  • Ben-Ari, Eyal; Clammer, J. R., eds. (2013). Japan in Singapore: cultural occurrences and cultural flows. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-136-11618-6.. Chapters cited:
    • Ben-Ari, Eyal; Yong, Yin Fong Vanessa (2013), Twice Marginalized: Single Japanese Female Expatriates in Singapore, pp. 82–111
    • Clammer, John (2013), The Happiness-Making Machine: Soka Gakkai and Japanese Cultural Presence in Singapore, pp. 175–193
    • Hamrin, Tina (2013), Tenrikyo in Singapore: Rerepresenting the Japanese presence, pp. 194–215
  • Tsu, Yun-hui Timothy (2002), "Post-mortem identity and burial obligation: on blood relations, place relations, and associational relations in the Japanese community of Singapore", in Nakamaki, Hirochika (ed.), The culture of association and associations in contemporary Japanese society (PDF), Senri Ethnological Studies, 62, Osaka, Japan: National Museum of Ethnology, pp. 93–114, OCLC 128864303, archived from the original (PDF) on 22 July 2011
  • Ben-Ari, Eyal (2003), "The Japanese in Singapore: The Dynamics of an Expatriate Community", in Goodman, Roger (ed.), Global Japan: the experience of Japan's new immigrant and overseas communities, Routledge, pp. 116–146, ISBN 978-0-415-29741-7
  • Warren, James Francis (2003), Ah ku and karayuki-san: prostitution in Singapore, 1870–1940, Singapore: studies in society & history, National University of Singapore Press, ISBN 978-9971-69-267-4
  • Tan, Bonny (2008), "Yamamoto Otokichi", Singapore Infopedia, Singapore: National Library Board, archived from the original on 27 July 2009
  • シンガポール共和国基礎データ. 『各国・地域情勢』. Japan: Ministry of Foreign Affairs. May 2009. Retrieved 19 October 2009.

Further reading
  • Ben-Ari, Eyal (1996). Globalization, 'folk models' of the world order and national identity: Japanese business expatriates in Singapore. Occasional Papers. 18. Social Sciences Resource Centre, University of Hong Kong. ISBN 978-962-7558-21-7.
  • Thang, Leng Leng; MacLachlan, Elizabeth; Goda, Miho (September 2002). "Expatriates on the margins––a study of Japanese women working in Singapore". Geoforum. 33 (4): 539–551. doi:10.1016/S0016-7185(02)00042-8.
  • Thang, Leng Leng; Goda, Miho; MacLachlan, Elizabeth (2004). "Challenging the Life Course: Japanese Women Working in Singapore". In Thang, Leng Leng; Yu, Wei-hsin (eds.). Old Challenges, New Strategies? Women, Work and Family in Contemporary Asia. Leiden: Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-13732-5.
  • Chew, Daniel Kai Mun; Thang, Leng Leng (2006). "The Japanese Kindergarten of Singapore: 'internalisation' and 'internationalisation'". In Tsu, Yun-hui (ed.). Japan and Singapore: A Multidisciplinary Approach. Singapore: McGraw Hill. ISBN 978-0-07-125623-0.
  • Nakazawa, Takashi; Yui, Yoshimichi; Kamiya, Hiroo; Takezada, Yuko (March 2008). 海外就職の経験と日本人としてのアイデンティティ : シンガポールで働く現地採用日本人女性を対象に [Experience of International Migration and Japanese Identity: A Study of Locally Hired Japanese Women in Singapore]. 『地理学評論』 (in Japanese). 81: 95–120. ISSN 1347-9555. Archived from the original on 16 June 2017. Retrieved 21 October 2009.
  • Thang, Leng Leng; Goda, Miho; MacLachlan, Elizabeth (2009). "Negotiating work and self: Experiences of Japanese working women in Singapore". In Adachi, Nobuko (ed.). Japanese Diasporas: Unsung Pasts, Conflicting Presents and Uncertain Futures. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-49745-9.
  • Ng, Benjamin Wai-Ming (吳偉明) (March 2002). "The Japanese Community in Singapore : A Comparative Study of the Japanese Association and the Kowloon Club". Senri Ethnological Studies (62). National Museum of Ethnology, Japan: 75–92. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
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