Daniel Irujo Urra

Alejandro María Daniel Irujo Urra (1862-1911) was a Spanish lawyer. In popular discourse he is known as father of Manuel Irujo Ollo, a Basque political leader. In scholarly historiographic realm he is acknowledged mostly as defense attorney of Sabino Arana during his trials of 1896 and 1902. Politically Irujo is considered a typical case of an identity located in-between Carlism and emerging Spain's peripheral nationalisms, in this case the Basque one.

Daniel Irujo Urra
Born
Daniel Irujo Urra

1862
Estella, Spain
Died1911
Estella, Spain
NationalitySpanish
Occupationlawyer, scholar, local self-government official
Known forlawyer
Political partyCarlism, Basque nationalism

Family and youth
Estella, First Carlist War

Origins of the Irujo family are not clear; some claim they descended from a noble Urra family of Améscoa in Western Navarre.[1] It is certain that in the mid-18th century one branch of the Irujos[2] lived in Tafalla; Daniel's grandfather, Matías Irujo Pascual (1757-1832),[3] apart from having been an alpargatero owned some 9 ha of vineyards and 12 ha of arable land; he was rich enough to build an own house in the city.[4] Married[5] he had 11 children, born between 1780 and 1803; all except one settled on the rural economy.[6] It is not clear what language was spoken in the family; in the late 18th century Tafalla remained on the borderlines of Basque-speaking zone.[7] The youngest son and Daniel's father, Manuel Irujo Apastegui (1803-1871), entered the Pamplona seminar but abandoned it[8] and completed law in Zaragoza, where he initially practiced.[9] During the First Carlist War he joined the legitimists holding some admin posts in Estella[10] and suffered some repression afterwards, when back in Tafalla.[11] This did not prevent his law practice and career in local administration,[12] though he failed in a Cortes bid.[8]

In 1850 Manuel married Engracia Urra Jordan (1825-1885), daughter to an Estella official, whom he probably met during the war.[13] The couple left Tafalla – according to some accounts due to an anti-Carlist backlash suffered[14] – and moved to the bride's house in Estella. Engaged in local business,[15] Manuel went on as lawyer.[16] In the 1860s elected as mayor for procedural reasons he could not assume the post,[17] yet in 1866 he was elected to Navarrese Diputación Provincial,[18] due to poor health barely serving.[19] Manuel and Engracia had 5 children, born between 1850 and 1862; Daniel was the only surviving son.[20] It is not clear whether the family spoke Basque or Spanish; in Estella of the time only few spoke "en vasco".[21]

Orduña pupils, 1870s

The young Alejandro María Daniel Irujo[22] and his siblings were brought up in religious ambience.[23] In the mid-1870s he was sent away from Estella, then a Carlist capital, to the Bétharram college near Pau. Prior to 1876 he moved to the Jesuit Orduña establishment,[24] where he met the likes of Sabino Arana[25] and Juan Olazábal.[26] In 1878 he commenced law studies in Valladolid, graduating in derecho civíl y canónico in 1882.[27] Evading military service,[28] in 1883 he settled in Pamplona. Employed by the law office of his brother-in-law,[29] he set up his own office following a move back to Estella in 1885.[30] In 1890 Daniel married Aniana Ollo Elordi (1866-1950), Estella-born daughter of a local pharmacist and concejal.[31] The couple had 10 children, born between 1891 and 1910.[32] Most were engaged in Basque nationalist politics. The best known, Manuel, was minister in the Republican government during the Civil War. Also other sons held posts in Basque Republican administration,[33] two of them – Andrés and Pello - known for their contribution to the Basque culture during exile years[34] in Southern America.[35] Some lived long enough to return to Spain following the death of Franco.

Early career
Estella, Third Carlist War

In historiography political antecedents of Daniel are summarized as "scarcely homogeneous".[8] Some of his paternal uncles engaged in Tafallese Cristinos militia and ancestors of his wife were distinguished Estella Liberals.[36] It is clear, however, that the Carlist leaning prevailed; apart from Daniel's father and other paternal uncles[37] also his maternal uncle, Sebastián Urra Jordán, held various posts in the party and represented it in the Cortes.[38] As it was him appointed by late Manuel cabezalero of his children,[39] Urra has contributed to their Carlist outlook.[40] Already as a child in Carlist-held Estella Daniel used to collect unexploded cartridges fired by the governmental troops to make sure they do not hurt the Carlists,[41] and he admitted to having "sucked" Carlism when a child.[42] Education in Orduña college, managed by the Jesuits, is likely to have reinforced this stand; also during academic years in Valladolid Irujo remained in the company of Carlism-minded friends.[43]

Nothing is known about Irujo's engagement either in the Carlist youth organization or in the party structures in the 1880s. However, he demonstrated particular interest in one element of the Carlist political program: restoration of traditional legal provincial establishments, the fueros. He seemed heavily influenced by his brother-in-law Estanislao Aranzadi, co-founder of Asociación Euskara de Navarra and its daily, Lau-buru;[44] politically the grouping tended to fuerismo,[45] with return to foral regime placed as the central if not exclusive objective.[46] Apart from personal links and subscription to fuerista periodicals Irujo did not engage politically[47] before in 1887 he was offered a job in the Jesuit Deusto college.[48] He assumed the chair of Procedimientos Judiciales y Práctica Forense and settled in Bilbao either that year or the following one. His focus on fueros matured into a treaty, produced at unspecified time though most likely in the mid-1890s, and intended as sort of a textbook for his Deusto disciples.[49] It advanced a thesis that until 1839 Navarre and the Vascongadas enjoyed the status of sovereign entities, united with the rest of peninsula mostly by means of personal union.

Joaquin Llorens

In 1893 Navarre was rocked by the so-called Gamazada, opposition to a ministerial attempt to scrap remnants of the provincial fiscal autonomy. The Carlist deputy to the Cortes from Estella, Juan Vázquez de Mella, in name of "nosotros, fueristas y regionalistas"[50] voiced against the project in the parliament, joined by another Carlist and the only non-Navarrese deputy who voted against it, Joaquín Llorens.[51] Irujo most likely remained in touch with the two; when Llorens was cheered in Estella upon return from Madrid, he delivered his triumphant addresses from the balcony of Irujo's house.[52] Similarly, the following year Irujo was in Castejón, the first major Navarrese train station, organizing welcome of the Navarrese diputación returning from negotiations in Madrid.[53]

Bizkaitarra, 1894

When in Bilbao Irujo resumed his friendship with the Arana brothers and in 1894 he subscribed to their review Bizkaitarra,[54] though he did not join the early Basque nationalist organisation, Euskeldun Batzokija. During Gamazada he introduced Arana to the Navarrese fueristas; it was also in 1894 that at one point, taken over by Arana's harangue, he declared "I am your man, though I keep being a Carlist".[55] His relations with the Aranas got closer; when in 1895 they faced trial, charged with multiple offences related to reportedly Basque-nationalist, anti-Spanish background,[56] Irujo was initially supposed to defend Luis Arana in court.[57] The plan was changed and in 1896 he defended Sabino Arana, freed on bail.[58] Irujo's defense line was that Arana violated no law;[59] he went on to claim that his client campaigned against 1841 regulations, which he was perfectly entitled to do, apart from representing legitimate aspirations of "pueblo euskaldun", embodied in the God and Old Rights slogan.[60] With Irujo fully successful, Arana was absolved.[61]

In the late 1890s Irujo and the Aranas got even closer. In 1897 Irujo was asked to review El Partido Carlista y los Fueros Vasko-Nabarros, a pamphlet written by Arana and denouncing the Carlist vision as "plain regionalism".[62] Formally Irujo was to ensure that the document provides no basis for legal action;[63] it is neither clear whether he contributed to the political content nor how he reconciled the task with his Carlist identity.[64] He helped the Aranas also otherwise, e.g. propagating their new periodical, Berritarra, in Estella, or contributing to pro-nationalist turn of a Pamplona daily El Fuerista.[65] However, Irujo fell short of open political access to the Aranistas and their Partido Nacionalista Vasco. Prior to the 1898 elections to the Biscay diputación provincial Sabino Arana suggested that Irujo runs as his representative, but the latter declined the offer.[66] His exact views are not clear; it is not known what his opinion was about the conflict and rapprochement between the Aranistas and Euskalerriacos or general twists and turns of the PNV strategy. At some point between 1899 and 1902 he entered Centro Vasco in Bilbao and subscribed to militant nationalist periodicals, La Patria and Euskalduna.[67]

Arana in prison

In 1902 Sabino Arana was detained in relation to a telegram message he intended to send to president Roosevelt, congratulating him on recognition of Cuba, until 1898 the Spanish possession. The charges advanced referred to assault on Spanish territorial integrity. The defendant again asked Irujo to represent him. In general terms the defense mounted was very much similar to that of 1896, pointing to Basque rights and revocation of the 1840s regulations;[68] Irujo reiterated his claim that nationalism was not equal to separatism.[69] In terms of specific charges he argued that the telegram message intended expressed admiration and nothing more.[70] At the final stage aided by Teodoro Aguirre,[71] Irujo again emerged triumphant; the defendant was acquitted.[72] He refused to charge his client[73] and maintained close friendship with Sabino Arana until the latter's death in 1903.[74]

Estella oak affair
Guernica oak, 1890s

Throughout the entire Bilbao period Irujo maintained close links with Navarre[75] and with Estella. Around 1904 he returned to his native city; exact reasons remain unclear and perhaps are related to taking care of local family business.[76] He re-entered the local Carlist círculo; around that time the Carlist jefe in Vascongadas, Tirso Olazábal,[77] offered him the party jefatura in the merindad of Estella and Irujo accepted.[78] For the first time he also openly engaged in political strife. In the local realm dominated by the Conservatives[79] and the Carlists,[80] in 1905 he decided to represent the latter when running for the Estella ayuntamiento;[81] PNV at the time did not have its representatives in the area and explicitly banned their sympathizers from voting other parties.[82] Irujo was successful[83] and though initially his mandate was revoked on procedural ground,[84] he was eventually reinstated in early 1906.[85] In line with official requirements, he declared his political affiliation as Carlist.[86] The first year of his tenure was a routine one,[87] perhaps except minor Carlist political demonstrations he took part in.[88]

In 1908 the Aranista Centro Vasco of Bilbao used the services of Irujo's brother-in-law Aranzadi to offer the Estella city a shoot from the Guernica oak, a symbol of vasco-navarrese fueros.[89] Irujo passed the proposal to ayuntamiento,[90] which accepted the offer[91] and in a pompous ceremony few months later planted the shoot at a patio of a local school.[92] Navarrese press remained largely sympathetic, but a Liberal daily raised alarm, claiming that the local self-government fuels Basque separatism.[93] As nationwide press followed suit the issue turned into a scandal, especially that the ceremony was marked by Basque and Navarrese flavor with almost total absence of official references to Spain;[94] moderate Irujo's address[95] was interrupted by angry "Viva España!" cries from the disgusted crowd.[96] The council declared they had been unaware that the shoot originated from Centro Vasco and suggested having been maneuvered into a separatist affair, blaming Aranzadi and Irujo for the miscommunication.

Estella

At the council sittings and in the press Irujo claimed that ayuntamiento was perfectly aware of the shoot origins,[97] yet his arguments were rejected. The shoot was sent back to Centro Vasco and replaced by new ones, officially provided by the Biscay diputación.[98] They were planted 3 weeks after the first ceremony. The re-implantation was an equally public though somewhat less pompous event; this time the Spanish and Navarrese features were carefully balanced, while the Basque ones were absent.[99] Embittered with the city council blaming him for the affair, in the immediate aftermath Irujo ceased to attend its sittings, excusing himself for the absence.[100] Later in 1908 the ayuntamiento admitted he was right, but this did not make Irujo change his mind. In early 1909 the mayor and his deputy resigned; technically, as segundo teniente de alcalde Irujo was becoming the interim alcalde. At this point he formally resigned his counselor mandate and did not stand in the successive elections of May 1909.

From Carlist to Nationalist
Carlist standard from 1935

Initially the Carlist El Pensamiento Navarro acknowledged the first implantation with sympathy, praising the homage to "nuestras libertades tradicionales" and complaining only about lack of Irujo's references to Carlist champions of Navarrese rights like Llorens.[101] However, soon the party press – especially in Vascongadas – assumed a hostile tone; the Gipuzkoan La Voz de Guipúzcoa lambasted Irujo as "concejal reaccionario"[102] and El Correo de Guipúzcoa linked the event to venomous anti-Spanish separatism.[103] Carlist circles[104] and provincial leaders[105] were sending messages congratulating the ayuntamiento on their decision to send the original shoot back. Another Carlist in the council, Nicanor Larráinzar Senosiáin, led an all-out charge on Irujo, also publicly,[106] claiming that his support for the Aranistas was incompatible with Carlism.[107] Irujo denied separatist charges, charged his opponent with political opportunism[108] and initially confirmed his Carlist identity. Things changed when Tirso Olazábal congratulated Larráinzar on his stand.[109] In a public letter to Olazábal Irujo considered himself disauthorised; speculating that apparently he had been erroneous as to fuerista objectives of the Carlists, he declared leaving Carlism.[110]

In a letter to Luis Arana Irujo proclaimed that from then on he would not be any "carlo-bizkaitarra", but "nacionalista vasco a secas".[111] However, when in late 1908 offered a post in Navarrese Partido Nacionalista Vasco structures, he declined. The reasons are not clear. Some scholars speculate that aware of growing controversy between Arana and Aranzadi, Irujo could have not brought himself to taking a stand; another reason might have been growing rivalry between a radical Navarrese wing of Evangelista de Ibero[112] and a more moderate one championed by his brother-in-law.[113] Nevertheless, he remained in touch with PNV activists both in Navarre and in Biscay. When their new Navarrese periodical Napartarra was launched in 1911, Irujo featured as one of its collaborators.[114] Some students speculate that had it not been for his premature death,[115] Irujo would have represented the Nationalists in forthcoming elections.[116]

ikurriña

One scholar concludes that indeed, apparent Irujo's attempt to match Nationalist and Carlist objectives was mission impossible.[117] He identifies Irujo's political position as "radical fuerismo",[118] its essence being reversal to pre-1839 regime.[119] Deprived of anti-Spanish venom[120] and far from classic separatism, it envisioned Vasco-Navarrese area as sovereign entities united with other Spanish political bodies by a common monarch. It also did not include "los aspectos más negativos del aranismo", i.e. racism.[121] It is not clear to what extent Irujo embraced nationalism as emerging in Europe of the time. He certainly acknowledged and appreciated separated Basque identity, yet it seems that his vision of Basque commonality was based on geography, religion,[122] history and culture rather than on ethnicity.[123] On the other hand, he hailed the newly invented icon of Basque nationalism, ikurriña,[124] and called for unification of all Basques in "tierra euzkeriana". Another scholar considers Irujo a typical case of transitory identity from Carlism[125] to peripheral nationalism,[126] parallel to those of Vayreda (Catalonia), Brañas (Galicia) and Pereda (Cantabria).[127] One more author considers Irujo irrelevant when discussing relations between "fuerismo tradicionalista" and "nacionalismo vasco".[128]

gollark: Yep!
gollark: You forgot an `end` after `state = "Inaktiv"` and put one elsewhere, I assume.
gollark: It works fine.
gollark: No, you can, blackdragon.
gollark: Great at detectin g bugs.

See also

Notes
  1. Ángel García-Sanz Marcotegui, La adscripción ideológica de los antepasados de Manuel Irujo Ollo, [in:] Vasconia. Cuadernos de historia – geografía 32 (2002), p. 22
  2. one of them settled in Pamplona; its descandant was Daniel Irujo Armendáriz (1874-1927), in 1904-1909 serving as alcalde of Pamplona, not to be confused with Daniel Irujo Urra
  3. compare Matías de Irujo Pascual entry, [in:] Geni genealogical service, available here
  4. Angel Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui, Daniel Irujo Urra: 1862-1911: el carlo-nacionalismo imposible del defensor de Sabino Arana. Ensayo y testimonio, Tafalla 1995, ISBN 9788476812136, p. 22
  5. in 1779 to María Teresa Apastegui (1760-1826)
  6. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 23
  7. José María Esparza Zabalegui, Lexícografía de Tafalla, [in:] Cuadernos de Etnolgía y Etnografía de Navarra 11/31 (1979), p. 185
  8. García-Sanz Marcotegui 2002, p. 21
  9. in the office of a known lawyer, Manuel Solano, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 26
  10. in 1838 he was member of Diputación Provisional Carlista for Navarre and most likely resided in Estella, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 26. Some documents of the suggest by his opponents he was considered one of the among most influential Navarrese Carlists, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 27
  11. perhaps he spent some time on exile episod in France. Some of his Tafalla estates were expropriated, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, pp. 27-28
  12. in 1843 he was nominated by the ayntamiento to Junta de Escuelas; in the mid-1840s he served as teniente de alcade, with his older brother serving as alcalde
  13. García-Sanz Marcotegui 2002, p. 22
  14. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 21
  15. e.g. until death he was president of the board of La Agrícola, in 1917 succeeded by his grandson Manuel, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 101
  16. e.g. he representing local self-government and state in disputes against each other, which certainly helped him to learn the countryside specifics
  17. in 1857 he was elected to ayuntamiento but could not exercise as at the same time he was the municipal juez suplemente. In 1862 he was elected again and nominated alcalde; again he preferred retain the juez post and renounced the alcaldia, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, pp. 22, 31, 32
  18. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 33
  19. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 34
  20. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 29
  21. Estella spoke Basque in the late 18th century, but in 1842 "en Estella los jovenes no hablan en vasco, solo los viejos de los pueblos cercanos conocen ya ese idioma", José María Satrustegi Zubeldia, El euskera en Tierra Estella, [in:] Euskera 36/1 (1991), p. 120. In the late 19th century some Basque persisted among some people in Sierra de Urbasa and Sierra de Andia, Satrustegi 1991, pp. 121-122
  22. Manuel de Irujo sin florituras. Conversación mantenida en 1975 con D. Manuel de Irujo por Iñaki Anasagasti, p. 16, available here
  23. e.g. in 1865 Manuel Irujo in name of his own and all family members signed an address to the Pope and declared 20 reales per every family member for a related fundraising collection, El Pensamiento Español 08.09.65, available here, also Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 50
  24. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 43
  25. some claim that Irujo and Arana were schoolgroup, a theory doubted by others as Arana was 3 years Irujo’s junior; because of the age difference, their friendship was probably not very close, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 44
  26. Euskera: se empieza inventando un idioma, [in:] Bye Bye Spain service, available here
  27. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, pp. 44-46. Another source claims he graduated in 1885, Inocencia de un patriota. Notable defensa del fundador del partido nacionalista Don Sabino de Arana y Goiri ante el Tribunal por el ilustre Abogado D. Daniel de Irujo, Buenos Aires 1913, p. 5
  28. not sure on what basis, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 46
  29. in 1880 Estanislao Aranzadi married Irujo’s sister. Upon his settlement in Pamplona, Irujo lived in their house, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 46
  30. Lau-buru 20.12.85, available here
  31. she was daughter to Alsasua-born Eusebio Ollo Miranda and Manilla-born Carolina Elordi, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 49
  32. two of them died in early infancy
  33. Andres was responsible for re-organisation of Basque security forces. Some account highlight his role in bringing order to the militia-dominated security troops and their later organized withdrawal. Others highlight his role in rounding up political enemies, Pablo Larraz Andía, Víctor Sierra-Sesumaga (eds.), Requetés. De las trincheras al olvidio, Madrid 2011, ISBN 9788499700465, p. 286. Pello is known mostly for facilitaing escape of an endangered archbishop to the Nationalist zone, Iñaki Egaña, Quién es quién en la historia del país de los vascos, Tafalla 2005, ISBN 9788481363999, p. 263
  34. most of the family were arrested by the Nationalists either in Navarre on in Gipúzkoa in 1936, many of them sentenced to death. Females were exchanged for prisoners held by the Republicans in 1937, males were released in 1938. Jesús de Galíndez, Los vascos en el Madrid sitiado: memorias del Partido Nacionalista Vasco y de la Delegación de Euzkadi en Madrid desde septiembre de 1936 a mayo de 1937, Tafalla 1002, ISBN 9788481363340, p. 142
  35. Iñaki Egaña, Diccionario histórico-político de Euskal Herria, Tafalla 1996, ISBN 9788481360394, p. 447, Josu Checa, Prólogo a la presente edición, [in:] Manuel Irujo Ollo, Inglaterra y los vascos, Tafalla 2004, ISBN 8481363928, pp. 10-11. For exile record of Irujo’s widow see Aniana Ollo de Irujo entry, [in:] exiliadosrepublicanos service, available here
  36. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 50-2 García-Sanz Marcotegui 2002, pp. 34-5
  37. especially the older brother of Manuel, Matías, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, pp. 22-25
  38. a priest since 1854, he was professor at the Pamplona seminar in the 1860s. Actively engaged in Carlist administration in Navarre during the war, he was member of Diputación Foral del Reino de Navarra. Briefly on exile, since 1884 served as a catehdral canon in León
  39. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 35
  40. García-Sanz Marcotegui 2002, pp. 24-25
  41. Paul Vignaux, Manuel de Irujo: ministre de la République dans la guerre d'Espagne, 1936-1939, Paris 1986, ISBN 9782701011288, p. 84, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 43
  42. as he admitted later, "había yo mamado el carlismo, como también vosostros lo mamasteis", quoted after Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 59
  43. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 44
  44. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 102
  45. in 1883 Lau-Buru referred to Irujo as a close friend, Lau-Buru 05.06.83, available here
  46. the fueristas were hostile to Carlism; they rather considered the movement "mausoleum of the past", somewhat stuck in a millenarian format, compare Lau-Buru 17.09.86, available here
  47. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 48
  48. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, pp. 57, 207
  49. the manual was titled ¡Un hombre! Historia del Derecho vásco, escrita por el mismo y explicada a sus discípulos. The text was published in 1932 by one of Irujo’s disciples. It diivded the history of the region into 3 parts: 1) prior to incorporation into Castille, 2) until 1839, and 3) after 1839. Present-day scholars considers the 1932 printout a reliable insight into Irujo’s views, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, pp. 57-9
  50. María del Mar Larraza Micheltorena, La Gamazada en el contexto de la política navarra de fin de siglo, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 56/204 (1995), pp. 188-189
  51. Angel García-Sanz Marcotegui, La insurrección fuerista en 1893. Foralismo oficial vesus foralismo popular durante la Gamazada, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 49 (1988), p. 696
  52. El Tradicionalista 29.09.93, available here
  53. Gorka Fuentes Megina, El nacionalismo vasco en "El Eco de Navarra" [MA thesis Universidad Navarra], Pamplona 2013, pp. 20-21. In his article, published 9 years later and intended as homage to Arana, Irujo described the Castejon event as an exclusively nationalist affair, García-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, pp. 81-82
  54. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 61
  55. "soy de los tuyos, peró sin dejar de ser carlista". In a nutshell, his view on Vascongadas and Navarre towards Spain was "unidad de Rey e independencia de Reino", Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, pp. 59-61
  56. in 1895 there were lawsuits planned against Arana, for assault on Filomena Soltura, for articles published on 21.07.95 in Bizkaitarra, for his responsibility as president of Euskeldun Batzokija and for an anonymous article published on 05.09.95 (Arana refused to disclose its author), Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 61
  57. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, pp. 64-64
  58. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 64
  59. Irujo’s speech (or its version) went to print in 1913 as Inocencia de un patriota. Notable defensa del fundador del partido nacionalista Don Sabino de Arana y Goiri ante el Tribunal por el ilustre Abogado D. Daniel de Irujo
  60. Elías Amézaga, Biografía sentimental de Sabino Arana, Tafalla 2003, ISBN 9788481362725, p. 264
  61. Fuentes Megina 2013, pp. 26-27
  62. detailed discussion in José Ignacio Fínez García, Fuerismo tradicionalista y nacionalismo vasco [MA thesis Universidad de Salamanca], Salamanca 2013, pp. 83-93
  63. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 72
  64. one scholar claims that appearance of El Partido Carlista y los Fueros Vasko-Nabarros changed Carlist perception of the nascent Basque political movement; until 1897 Carlism did not consider the Basque nationalism any force to be reckoned with, Fínez García 2013, p. 94
  65. Irujo mediated between Arana and jefe of the daily, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 73. El Fuerista was originally founded in 1888 as a daily of an ofshoot Carlist branch, the Integrists, compare El Fuerista entry, [in:] Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia online, available here
  66. Mauro Elizondo, Sabino Arana. El hombre y su trayectoria, Bilbao 1992, ISBN 8488379021, p. 27
  67. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 73
  68. "Arana no busca la independencia sino el estado de libertades anterior a 1839; no existe delito en el telegrama puesto que no se cursó", quoted after Javier G. Chamorro, Bitarte: humanidades e historia del conflicto vasco-navarro , s.l. 2009, ISBN 9788461307111, p. 204
  69. Arantzazu Ametzaga Iribarren, Sabino Arana Goiri y su abogado defensor, Daniel Irujo Urra, juicio de 1896, [in:] Nabarralde service, available here
  70. Amézaga 2003, p. 269
  71. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 74, José Antonio de Aguirre y Lecube, Escape Via Berlin: Eluding Franco in Hitler's Europe, Reno 1944, p. 3
  72. 1902 Irujo defended also other in other lawsuits, namely against Centro Vasco and one of its members, Dámaso Arana; he was successful in both, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, pp. 76-7
  73. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 76
  74. following the death of Arana Irujo published one of his very few known literary pieces known, La bandera nacionalista vulgo Bikaitarra, reproduced in Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 80
  75. in 1901 Irujo was emong co-founders of Circulo Navarro in Bilbao and entered its Junta Directiva; he also remained inscriptred into the Pamplona Colegio de Abogados in Pamplona, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, pp. 77, 85. His visits were acknowledged in the Navarrese press, see El Eco de Navarra 17.06.00, available here
  76. Irujo owned some robadas of land near Estella, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 219; upon return he was growing vineyards, Anasagasti 1975, p. 16
  77. the issue is not entirely clear. Olazábal was the Carlist jefe in Vascongadas ,but not in Navarre, where the leader at the time was Francisco Martinez, Agustín Fernández Escudero, El marqués de Cerralbo (1845-1922): biografía politica [PhD thesis Complutense], Madrid 2012, p. 443
  78. Olazábal’s proposal is mentioned may time in Irujo’s biography, but never with a clear information that he accepted the offer, see Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 10, 15, 90, 153, 156. From the background it might be understood that he did
  79. in Estella named Ochoistas, after local Conservative leader Enrique Ochoa Cintora
  80. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 92
  81. some presented him as independent Carlist , Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 97
  82. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 95
  83. the Ochoistas won 5 tickets and the Carlists claimed 3. Possibly both parties closed a political deal beforehand, which guaranteed success of any of their candidates, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, pp. 95-96
  84. it was raised that Irujo was not resident in Estella and that as juez municipal he was not allowed to be a concejal at the same time. Irujo claimed he was resident and that as juez he was allowed to stand. Indeed, soon – and unlike his father 40 years earlier – he resigned his juez assignement, El Eco de Navarra 06.12.05, available here
  85. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, pp. 97-8
  86. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 90
  87. as a concejal he took part in ayuntamiento stand against the 1906 Ley de Asociaciones, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, pp. 107-108
  88. when Fernando Primo de Rivera was nominated minister of war in 1907, the Estella ayuntamiento planned to send him a routine congratulation note. Irujo and the Carlists opposed the motion; Primo was the military leader who drove the Carlists from Estella in 1876, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 226
  89. Centro Vasco offered 8 shoots to 8 different ayuntamientos in Vascongadas and Navarre
  90. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 108
  91. the offer itself was by no means unusual. In 1898 the Biscay Diputación Provinvial offered a shoot of the Guernica oak to the Navarrese Diputación Provincial; it was accepted and the shoot was planted, Fuentes Megina 2013, pp. 29-31
  92. exact location of the spot where the shoot was planted is not clear. Sources refer to it as "internal patio of Escuelas Pias". The school exists today as the Basque ikastola, yet it seems that the spot is at the courtyard of what is now the nearby Casa de Cultura Fray San Diego; it is not marked anywhow
  93. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, pp. 115-116, 229
  94. e.g. during an evening orchestra concert the same day the only songs played were those from a Basque and Navarrese repertoire, while the invitation letter commenced with "Gora Euzkadi!" When speaking, an invited guest from Centro Vasco made frequent references to "la nación pirenaica" and concluded with "Gora Nabarra! Gora Euzkadi!"
  95. Irujo he was specifically asked by the mayor, who at the last minute developed some anxiety about "certain flavor" of the planned feast, to avoid controversial and personal references. According to some scholars, it was the reason why he mentioned neither Carlism nor Llorens. On the other hand, some claim that Irujo most likely mentioned Arana in his address, Arantzazu Ametzaga Iribarren, El árbol de Gernika en Nabarra, [in:] Noticias de Navarra 15.02.17, available here
  96. perhaps the most controversial passage of Irujo’s address was his reference to "treason of Maroto", the 1839 accord concluded by the Carlist leader general Maroto with the governmental commander. It was at this point that several vivas to España were heard, apparently in disapproval of Irujo’s comments, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, pp. 112, 114, Fuentes Megina 2013, pp. 40-42
  97. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 126
  98. some suggests that the Estella council was genuinely concerned that shoots provided originally were not original, Fuentes Megina 2013, p. 42
  99. the original implantation took place on March 15, 1908. The second one took place on April 8, 1908. Among flags of Spain and vivas to España, Marcha Real was played a number of times, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 140. Exact fate of the shoot is not clear; according to one source, it grew into a tree and at unspecified time and in unspecified circumstances it was cut down. Another tree was planted in 2004, but it was cut down by unknown perpetrators in 2009, compare Hispanismo service, available here. Some identify the culprits as "fanaticos Navarristas", see e.g. Xabier Zabaltza, Gernikako arbola, un himno huerfano, [in:] Historia Contemporánea 54 (2017), p. 235. This would suggest that the oak keeps generating political controversies, in this case related to Navarrismo and its opposition to Basque nationalism
  100. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 155
  101. according to some scholars Irujo did not mention Llorens in his address complying with the mayor’s request to avoid controversial political references, and the Carlist press was perfectly aware of that, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, pp. 114, 124, Fuentes Megina 2013, p. 42
  102. this tag was later repeated by other titles elsewhere, see e.g. a Valencian daily El Pueblo, 17.03.08, available here, or as "individuo muy significado por sus tendencias reaccionarias", La Correspondencia Militar 17.03.08, available here
  103. including groups advancing the "muera España" cries, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, pp. 127-8
  104. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 121
  105. on March 27 the Carlist tycoon marqués de Valdespina congratulated the ayuntamiento for their "entusiasmo el patriótico acuerdo", ending his address with "vivas a España y a Euskeria", Fuentes Megina 2013, p. 41
  106. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, pp. 117, 133
  107. both Irujo and Larráinar address their opened letters to their opponents, virulently listing their official titles as received "por gracia de su Majestad don Alfonso XIII", Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 145. Such a phrase, normally quite innocent, sounded like an insult when penned by a Carlist
  108. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, pp. 142-143
  109. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 148
  110. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 156
  111. "en Bilbao me llamaban carlo-bizkaitarra y tenían razón; ahora no tengo nada de cario, y me abrazo en cuerpo y alma a Jel [Jaungoikoa Eta Lagizarrak], sin aditamento de ningún género", quoted after Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 157, see also here
  112. padre Evangelista de Ibero, who nurtured strongly anti-Carlist views, remained on close terms at least with Irujo’s sons, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 88
  113. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, pp. 158-9, 160-161
  114. Napartarra, [in:] Gran Enciclopedia Navarra online , available here
  115. Irujo and his wife developed pneumonia; she got better but he did not, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 164
  116. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 163
  117. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 15
  118. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 157
  119. García-Sanz Marcotegui 2002, p. 23
  120. e.g. in 1901, when organizing San Fermín feast in Circulo Navarro in Bilbao, he ended th event with Vivas to España, for which he was later criticised by militant Basque press, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 78
  121. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 17
  122. Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 203; he sent a postcarcd with sagrado corazón to his nephew and brought up own children in religious zeal
  123. claiming that the only ambition of "nacionalidades vascas" was return to pre-1839 rule, Irujo noted also that "en una palabra, todo cuanto una nación necesita para regirse y gobernarse por sí sin injerencias extrañas aunque constituya parte integrante de un Estado compuesto de nacionalidades distintas", Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 145
  124. referred to as "shroud which covers all Basques", Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, pp. 81-82
  125. according to a contemporary scholar, the Carlists of the time boasted restoration of fueros as their war cry, but in fact they adjourned it ad calendas graecas, and approached it mostly as means of mobilizing support, Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, p. 11. As one of the fuerista activists put it, before their own advent "la reintegración foral era un sueño dorado; nadie pensaba que pudiera llegar a ser una realidad. Confesémoslo: éramos fueristas, pero no teníamos fe, no teníamos esperanza. Bastaba para satisfacer nuestra conciencia afirmar el deseo de la reintegración foral y precisar bien el alcance de nuestro deseo", Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui 1995, pp. 11-12
  126. he also summarised Irujo’s political trajectory somewhat differently, namely that "carlista en sus orígenes, evolucionó hacia el nacionalismo vasco a finales del siglo xix, para regresar, a principios del Novecientos, a la órbita carlista", Jordi Canal, ¿En busca del precedente perdido? Tríptico sobre las complejas relaciones entre carlismo y catalanismo a fines del siglo XIX, [in:] Historia y Politica 14 (2005), p. 66
  127. Canal 2005, p. 62, Jordi Canal, El carlismo. Dos siglos de contrarrevolución en España, Madrid 2004, ISBN 9788420639475, p. 249, Jordi Canal, Marian Vayreda, entre el carlisme i el catalánisme, [in:] Revista de Girona 225 (2004), p. 45
  128. in a dedicated thesis specifically discussing mutual relations between fuerismo of Carlist origin and the nascent Basque nationalism, focused on the turn of the centuries, Irujo is not mentioned a single time, see José Ignacio Fínez García, Fuerismo tradicionalista y nacionalismo vasco [MA thesis Universidad de Salamanca], Salamanca 2013

Further reading
  • José Ignacio Fínez García, Fuerismo tradicionalista y nacionalismo vasco [MA thesis Universidad de Salamanca], Salamanca 2013
  • Gorka Fuentes Megina, El nacionalismo vasco en "El Eco de Navarra" [MA thesis Universidad Navarra], Pamplona 2013
  • Ángel García-Sanz Marcotegui, La adscripción ideológica de los antepasados de Manuel Irujo Ollo, [in:] Vasconia. Cuadernos de historia – geografía 32 (2002), pp. 19–38
  • Angel Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui, Daniel Irujo Urra: 1862-1911: el carlo-nacionalismo imposible del defensor de Sabino Arana. Ensayo y testimonio, Tafalla 1995, ISBN 9788476812136
  • Daniel Irujo Urra [?], Inocencia de un patriota. Notable defensa del fundador del partido nacionalista Don Sabino de Arana y Goiri ante el Tribunal por el ilustre Abogado D. Daniel de Irujo, Buenos Aires 1913
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