Juan Olazábal Ramery

Juan Olazábal Ramery (1860–1937) was a Spanish Traditionalist politician, first as a Carlist, then as an Integrist, and eventually back in the Carlist ranks. In 1899-1901 he served in the Cortes, and in 1911-1914 he was a member of the Gipuzkoan diputación provincial. Between 1897 and 1936 he managed and edited the San Sebastián daily La Constancia. He is best known as the nationwide leader of Integrism, the grouping he led between 1907 and 1931.

Juan Olazábal Ramery
Born
Juan Olazábal Ramery

1860
Irún, Spain
Died1937
Bilbao, Spain
NationalitySpanish
Occupationjournalist
Known forPolitician
Political partyPartido Católico Nacional, Comunión Tradicionalista-Integrista, Comunión Tradicionalista

Family and youth
1872: a Carlist, a boy, a pottok and a dog

Juan José León Félix Ramón Olazábal Ramery was born to a very distinguished Gipuzkoan dynasty,[1] much branched and intemarried with a number of other well known local families.[2] His father, Juan Antonio Olazábal Arteaga, held a number of estates in Eastern part of the province.[3] Following his early death in 1867,[4] Juan and his siblings were raised by their mother, Prudencia Ramery Zuzuarregui.[5] At the outbreak of the Third Carlist War the family sought refuge in France.[6] Following their return to Spain Juan was educated in the Jesuit college in Orduña, where he met and befriended Sabino Arana,[7] to proceed with law studies in another Jesuit institute, Colegio del Pasaxe in the Galician A Guarda.[8] He then moved to Universidad Central in Madrid,[9] to graduate in 1885.[10]

Though the family in some sources is described as Carlist,[11] in fact its different branches adhered to different political options. Juan's paternal uncle, Ramón Olazábal Arteaga, as coronel of miqueletes[12] sided with the Isabelinos during the Third Carlist War, growing to commander of the entire formation[13] and also the civil governor of Irun.[14] On the other hand, Juan's maternal uncle, Liborio Ramery Zuzuarregui,[15] made his name as a Carlist politician, Gipzukoan deputy to the Cortes and a Traditionalist writer. A distant relative from paternal branch, Tirso de Olazábal y Lardizábal,[16] became head of Gipuzkoan Carlism and one of the national party leaders.[17] It was rather the influence of Juan's maternal family, especially Liborio, which combined with the Jesuit education formed him as a Carlist. Juan Olazábal has never married and had no children. Some members of the Olazábal family were active as Carlist politicians in the early Francoist era, though they were very distant Juan's relatives.[18]

Early career
Ramón Nocedal

Already as a student Olazábal engaged in public activity taking part in Carlist-sponsored Catholic initiatives,e.g. protests against krausism-flavored heterodoxy in education[19] or against promotion of figures like Giordano Bruno;[20] instead, he advocated Catholic orthodoxy as fundament of public education in Spain. In 1888 both Olazábal Ramery brothers, Juan and Javier,[21] defected from mainstream Carlism and joined its breakaway branch led by Ramón Nocedal, known as Integrism;[22] they followed the example of their uncle Liborio, who entered the Integrist executive as secretario of junta central.[23] In 1889 they were already active in various minor Integrist public initiatives.[24] Juan returned to Gipuzkoa, building the party structures and mobilising its popular support in the province, which soon turned out to be a national Integrist stronghold.[25] In the 1891 elections the party gained 2 mandates in the province, one conquered by Juan's uncle Liborio[26] and one by the party leader Nocedal.[27] Since at that time Integrism and mainstream Carlism competed with vehement hostility, the latter success looked triumphant: Nocedal defeated the Gipuzkoan mainstream Carlist leader, Tirso Olazábal.[28] Nocedal was also re-elected in the subsequent elections of 1893.[29]

Following the death of Liborio Ramery in 1894,[30] Juan Olazábal took his place in provincial party leadership. The same year he was already representing the province at national party gatherings,[31] hosting party meetings at his Mundaiz estate in 1895[32] and formally growing to segundo adjunto of the Gipuzkoan branch in 1896.[33] He was engaged in negotiations with other parties during local electoral campaigns. An alliance with the conservatives, known as Union Vasconavarra, produced 3 Integrist mandates into the San Sebastian ayuntamiento in 1893;[34] the same coalition produced the same outcome in 1895, this time Olazábal elected as concejal.[35] He made himself renowned for defending traditional local establishments against the centralising and modernising designs of the Madrid government. In 1896 he was forced to resign after a failed attempt to block ministerial legislation he considered detrimental to the interests of the city, but was reinstated following a successful appeal and served until 1899.[36]

La Constancia
La Constancia, 1903

In the late 1890s the Gipuzkoan Integrism underwent a major crisis, though its nature remains disputed. One theory highlights the alliance strategy; Nocedal changed his recommendations, suggesting coalitions with parties offering the best deal instead of the most approximate ones. Another theory attributes the conflict to nationalist penchant of the dissenters.[37] As they refused to step in line, the rebels, headed by Pedro Grijalba, Ignacio Lardizábal and Aniceto de Rezola, were expulsed by the provincial Junta.[38] Since the outcasts[39] controlled a provincial Gipuzkoan Integrist daily El Fuerista,[40] Olazábal was asked to compensate for the loss; in 1897 he set up a new party newspaper, the San Sebastian-based La Constancia; initially it appeared with a sub-title Diario Integro Fuerista, later changed to Diario Integrista,[41] Diario Integro-Tradicionalista[42] and finally, Diario Tradicionalista.[43] His personal property,[44] it was published until 1936 and, apart from being an official paper of Gipuzkoan Integrism for 34 years,[45] until the end it remained sort of Olazábal's personal political and ideological tribune.[46]

Named after a Nocedalist daily of 1867–68,[47] La Constancia was one of 4 dailies published in Gipuzkoa[48] and one of 14 periodicals controlled by the Integrists in Spain.[49] It remained a modest enterprise, with 2 journalists and 3 permanent collaborators.[50] Its circulation remained unimpressive; in 1920 it was 1,650 copies,[51] compared to 12,000 of the leading Gipuzkoan dailies, La Voz de Gipuzkoa and El Pueblo Vasco,[52] though still above this of an Integrist daily from neighboring Navarre, which went out of print in some 850-1000 copies.[53] Given a semi-private nature of the paper, there is little doubt its longevity was sustained financially by industrial tycoons[54] of Integrist sympathies. Over the years it gradually became an icon of Traditionalist Spanish press.[55] La Constancia combined traditionalist Catholic ultraconservatism launched as Integrism by Nocedal with the defence of local Gipuzkoan identity and loyalty. During the Republican years it was subject to suspensions and other administrative measures.[56] In the early 1930s it was integrated into the modern Carlist propaganda machinery and Olazabal ceded its directorship to Francisco Juaristi:;[57] since 1934 it included one page in Basque.[58] After the outbreak of the Civil War its premises were seized by the Republican militias. Once the Carlists conquered San Sebastian its linotype machines were used to launch La Voz de Espańa, which employed also some of the La Constancia's editorial staff.[59]

Deputy
Diputacion Foral building

In the last years of the 19th century venomous hostility between Integrists and mainstream Carlists gave way to rapprochement,[60] commenced in Gipuzkoa. Its result was a provincial electoral alliance. In Azpeitia, where two branches of Traditionalism used to compete, the Carlist candidate Teodoro Arana Belaustegui was withdrawn[61] in favour of the Integrists. Their candidate turned out to be Olazábal,[62] elected also by Carlist votes[63] to the Cortes.[64] The years of 1899-1901 were his only term in the parliament; during the successive elections the Azpeitia mandate – virtually ensured for the party – was claimed by other Integrist politicians.

For reasons which remain rather unclear[65] in the early 20th century Olazábal abandoned national politics and dedicated himself to the local Gipuzkoan issues. In 1904-1906 he engaged in a broad coalition[66] named Liga Foral Autonomista de Guipúzcoa and became its second vicepresident.[67] The alliance declared itself dedicated to traditional provincial fueros and identified fiscal and administrative autonomy as its goals.[68] Its immediate objective was negotiating a new Concierto económico with Madrid and indeed, a contemporary scholar considers the grouping simply a vehicle for pursuing economic goals of local industry tycoons.[69]

Broad and loose political rapprochement of Gipuzkoan parties pursuing regionalist[70] goals produced Olazábal's success in elections to Diputación Provincial[71] in 1907[72] and 1911,[73] in 1914 serving as member of its Comisión Provincial.[74] He is noted not only for work promoting traditional local legal establishments,[75] but also for efforts to sustain typical Gipuzkoan agriculture, like protecting Pyrenaic cattle breeds by means of introducing herdbooks,[76] supporting the Fraisoro agronomy school and supervising provincial veterinary services.[77] Though lacking technical knowledge and somewhat incapacitated by a framework of political alliances, he nevertheless tried to promote the experts against incompetence of the politicians.[78]

Jefe
San Sebastian, early 20th century

In the early 20th century Olazábal emerged as one of key Integrist politicians.[79] His position was ensured as since the death of Ramón Zavala Salazar in 1899[80] he was heading the party in its national stronghold.[81] Following the death of Ramón Nocedal early 1907, leadership of the Integrist organization, Partido Católico Nacional, was assumed by a triuumvirate,[82] though few months later Olazábal became Presidente del Consejo.[83] In 1909[84] he was elected the official party leader,[85] also nominated honorary president of a number of local Integrist juntas.[86]

Olazábal's leadership style was rather unobtrusive. Residing in San Sebastian he was away from great national politics; he did not compete for the Cortes and it was minority parliamentarian speaker, Manuel Senante, acting as party representative in Madrid. Though formally the owner of national Integrist daily, El Siglo Futuro,[87] he left Senante to manage the newspaper and seldom contributed as an author, concentrating rather on La Constancia. Finally, during political negotiations with other parties, he authorised the others to represent Partido Católico Nacional.[88]

In terms of political course Olazábal followed Nocedal closely. The fundamental assumption was that all public activity should be guided by Catholic principles and executed in line with the Roman Catholic teaching. In day-to-day activities it boiled down to opposing secularisation and defending the Church, as demonstrated during Ley de Candado crisis.[89] Secondary threads were promoting traditional regional establishments[90] and fighting democracy, especially parties combining nationalism and socialism.[91] Towards the monarchy Integrism remained ambiguous, with some sections of the party favoring different dynastical visions[92] and some leaning towards accidentalism, prepared to accept a republican project.[93]

primate Aguirre

Integrism, conceived by Nocedal as political arm of Spanish Catholicism,[94] has never gained more than lukewarm support of the bishops, alienated by its belligerent intransigence.[95] During the Olazábal leadership things went from bad to worse, as the party was increasingly out of tune with the new Church policy. In the early 20th century the Spanish hierarchy abandoned its traditional strategy of influencing key individuals within the liberal monarchy,[96] and switched to mass mobilisation[97] carried by means of broad[98] popular structures and party politics.[99] The Integrists were reluctant to be one of many Catholic parties,[100] despised the democratic format of policy-making[101] and refused to accept "malmenorismo".[102] Since Olazábal cultivated traditionalist vision of Catholic political engagement,[103] in 1910s and 1920s Partido Católico Nacional was dramatically outpaced by new breed of modern christian-democratic organizations.[104]

Refusing to take part in primoderiverista structures Olazábal focused on La Constancia;[105] his 10-hectare[106] Mundaiz estate[107] became an Integrist shrine.[108] Though Partido Católico Nacional was suspended, its offshoot organizations continued to function. Controlling them was getting increasingly difficult. In 1927 Olazábal expulsed the entire San Sebastian branch of Juventud Integrista,[109] a severe loss given its leader, Ignacio Maria Echaide, launched the Juventud in 1910–1914.[110] In 1930 Integrism re-emerged as Comunión Tradicionalista-Integrista. Still headed by Olazábal[111] it maintained local branches in almost all Spanish provinces[112] and re-affirmed its traditional principles, though with little electoral success.[113]

Republic and war
Bernardo Elío y Elío

Militant republican secularism was acknowledged by the Integrists as a barbarian onslaught against the very foundations of civilisation.[114] Overwhelmed be the Leftist sway, Olazábal realized that his party stood little chance of surviving on its own.[115] The row between traditionalist Integrism and modern christian-democratic groupings was already too wide and very few in the party considered rapprochement.[116] On the other hand, ultraconservative vision of religion was shared by mainstream Carlists; as a result, Integristas rather unanimously[117] decided to swallow their accidentalism. Following 44 years of separate political existence Olazábal led them[118] to 1932[119] reunification within Carlism, into the party named Comunión Tradicionalista.[120] Though formally the provincial party leader was Bernardo Elío y Elío, in fact Olazábal formed a local ruling duumvirate.[121]

Within consolidated Carlism the former Integrists remained a very influential group. By means of a new publishing house, Editorial Tradicionalista, they continued to control El Siglo Futuro, which became a semi-official Carlist daily.[122] Many former Integros, like a Cantabrian Jose Luis Zamanillo, Castillano José Lamamie, Alicantino Manuel Senante or Andalusian Manuel Fal assumed top positions within the party.[123] Olazábal, due to his age hardly involved in day-to-day business, became sort of a mentor and moral authority. The visible Integrist impact on Comunión Tradicionalista triggered some grumblings among Carlists, especially among the Navarrese.

Olazábal kept lambasting secular republicanism,[124] which cost El Siglo Futuro and La Constancia periodical administrative suspensions (the first one in August 1931) and Olazábal himself a police detention;[125] he spent three days in jail.[126] Always championing local traditional establishments, he was profoundly disappointed by turn of the Basque cause.[127] He denounced the initial autonomy draft[128] as godless, considering also the Estella Statute version anti-religious[129] and anti-fuerist.[130] Within the united Carlist community he and Victor Pradera led the anti-statute group, as opposed to the pro-statute Carlists represented by José Luis Oriol and Marcelino Oreja.[131] The divided Carlists refrained from taking a clear political stance, which eventually contributed to failure of the autonomy project.[132]

Carlist standard

It is not clear whether Olazábal was engaged in Carlist preparations to rebellion and whether he was even aware of the forthcoming insurgency.[133] Following the outbreak of hostilities he remained in San Sebastian, where the coup failed, and went on editing La Constancia.[134] He was detained on one of the ships anchored in San Sebastian and later moved to the Bilbao Angeles Custodios prison. Since the Basque government did not deploy autonomous police to protect the building during the unrest,[135] caused by the nationalist bombing raid over the city, the prison was entrusted to the UGT militia unit. On January 4 the socialist militiamen executed around 100 prisoners;[136] some were killed by hand grenades thrown into the cells, some were shot and some were reportedly slashed with machetes.[137] It is not clear how exactly Juan Olazábal died.[138]

gollark: Let me check.NOPE.
gollark: no.
gollark: Ah, "banter", what people say if they have no other justification.
gollark: Mostly unsuccessfully.It's not exactly that you're nasty, just annoying.
gollark: It would involve actual work on your part.

See also

Footnotes
  1. see Ana Galdós Monfort, Mercedes Tranche Iparraguirre, Los Olazábal. Un ejemplo del surgimiento, persistencia y transformación de las élites locales en Irun (Siglos XV-XX), [in:] Boletín de estudios del Bidasoa, 26 (2010), pp. 167-183
  2. see euskalnet service available here; see also Geni genealogical service here, Geneanet service here, and much worse Geneallnet entry here
  3. Javier Real Cuesta, El Carlismo Vasco 1876-1900, Madrid 1985, ISBN 978-84-323-0510-8, pp. 117-118, 250
  4. Juan Antonio Olazábal Arteaga entry at Geni service here
  5. there seems to be some confusion as to the correct spelling of her segundo apellido. Most sources prefer the “Zuzuarregui” version, see e.g. the Ramery y Zuzuarregui, Liborio entry at Indice Historico de Diputados at the official Cortes service available here. There are authors, however, who prefer the “Zuazarregui” version, see José Antonio Vaca de Osma, Los vascos en la historia de España, Madrid 1995, ISBN 8432130958, 9788432130953, p. 178. Some sources are inconsistent; the genealogical Geni service refers to most of the siblings “Zuazarregui”, with the exception of Prudencia, who is named “Zuzuarregui”, see here. The contemporary press used "Zuzuarregui", see El Siglo Futuro 13.01.94 here
  6. Jose Urbano Asarta Epenza, Juan de Olazábal Ramery entry, [in:] Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia online, available here
  7. Euskera: se empieza inventando un idioma… [in:] Pais Vasco 01.02.05 available here
  8. Asarta Epenza, Juan de Olazábal Ramery
  9. in an open letter of 1884 he is signed as "estudiante católico de Madrid", El Siglo Futuro 11.12.84, available here
  10. in El Siglo Futuro 21.03.85 he is already signed as "licenciado", see here
  11. Asarta Epenza, Juan de Olazábal Ramery
  12. Francisco Apalategui Igarzabal, Karlisten eta liberalen gerra-kontaerak, San Sebastian 2005, ISBN 8479074876, pp. 41, 43, available here
  13. Serapio Mugica Zufiria, Geografía de Guipúzcoa, available at Instituto Geografico Vasco site here
  14. Apalategui 2005, p. 298
  15. Asarta Epenza, Juan de Olazábal Ramery, see also Liborio Ramery Zuzuarregui entry at Geni service here
  16. Juan de Olazábal Ramery (b. 1702) and Domingo de Olazábal Ramery (b. 1703) were brothers; Juan Olazábal Ramery was the great-great-great-grandson of the former, while Tirso de Olazábal y Lardizábal was the great-great-grandson of the latter, see euskalnet; for simplified genealogical tree showing relationship between the two, see here
  17. Carlos Cortabarria Igartua, Tirso de Olazábal Arbelaiz Lardizabal entry at Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia available here, see also genealogical tree and numerous detailed info pieces at Luis Maria Zavala (ed.), La sociedad Vasca del siglo XIX en la correpondencia del archivo de la casa de Zavala, Lasarte 2008, ISBN 9788496288706, p. 67 and passim
  18. the best known is Rafael Olazábal Eulate, active in Carlism between the 1930s and 1950s, see euskalnet
  19. El Siglo Futuro 11.12.84 available here
  20. El Siglo Futuro 21.03.85 available here
  21. he was head of public works department in Gipuzkoa, civil engineer specialising in road construction, and head of Integrism in Toledo; died in 1926, see El Siglo Futuro 21.12.27 available here, El Siglo Futuro 19.04.28 available here and El Siglo Futuro 10.01.89 available here. His sister Caya was also a Carlist activist, see El Siglo Futuro 16.05.08, available here
  22. in historiography the Integrist secession is interpreted in 4 different ways. Jordi Canal presents 3 of them: as a result of personal conflict between Nocedal and Carlos VII, as a result of ideological conflict within Carlism, as a result of wider European trend - see Jordi Canal i Morell, La masonería en el discurso integrista español a finales del siglo XIX: Ramón Nocedal y Romea, [in:] José Antonio Ferrer Benimeli (ed.), Masonería, revolución y reacción, Alicante 1990, ISBN 844047606X, p. 774, also his Las “muertes” y las “resurrecciones” del carlismo. Reflexiones sobre la escisión integrista de 1888, [in:] Ayer 38 (2000), pp. 115-136. Another proposal is advanced by Clemente, who presents Integrism as antidemocratic ideology of the wealthy few who parasitised on popular and democratic Carlism, see Josep Carles Clemente, Los días fugaces. El carlismo, de las guerras civiles a la transición, Cuenca 2013, ISBN 9788495414243, p. 28, also his Breve historia de las guerras carlistas, Madrid 2011, ISBN 8499671691, 9788499671697, pp. 7-18
  23. Jordi Canal i Morell, Banderas blancas, boinas rojas: una historia política del carlismo, 1876-1939, Madrid 2006, ISBN 8496467341, 9788496467347, p. 88
  24. El Siglo Futuro 17.06.89 available here
  25. detailed account in María Obieta Villalonga, Los integristas guipuzcoanos. Desarrollo y organización del Partido Católico Nacional en Guipúzcoa (1888-1898), Bilbao 1996, ISBN 8470863266, 9788470863264
  26. Ramery y Zuzuarregui, Liborio at Indice Historico de Diputados
  27. see Nocedal y Romea, Ramon entry for 1891 at Indice Historico de Diputados at the official Cortes service available here
  28. Agustín Fernández Escudero, El marqués de Cerralbo (1845-1922): biografía politica [PhD thesis], Madrid 2012, p. 237
  29. see Nocedal y Romea, Ramon entry for 1893 at Indice Historico de Diputados at the official Cortes service available here
  30. see El Siglo Futuro 13.01.94 available here
  31. together with Benito Ameztoy, Ignacio Echaide and Luis Maria Echeverria, El Siglo Futuro 03.08.94 available here
  32. La Iberia 15.07.95, available here
  33. presided by Ramón Zavala y Salazar, El Siglo Futuro 06.07.96 available here
  34. Real Cuesta 1985, p. 123
  35. Asarta Epenza, Juan de Olazábal Ramery, see also El Siglo Futuro 16.05.95 available here
  36. Asarta Epenza, Juan de Olazábal Ramery
  37. see Integrismo entry at Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia, available here
  38. Real Cuesta 1985, pp. 122-127
  39. the rebellious group, named Fueristas, tried to consolidate their position on the platform of regionalism and falling short of embracing Basque nationalism. It eventually disintegrated in 1898-1899, Real Cuesta 1985, pp. 122-127
  40. few years earlier, during the crisis within Navarrese Integrism related to the stance taken by Arturo Campion, El Fuerista remained firmly in line with the party and lambasted the dissenters, see María Obieta Vilallonga, La escisión del «Tradicionalista» de Pamplona del seno del Partido Integrista(1893): la actitud de «El Fuerista» de San Sebastián, [in:] Principe de Viana 49 (1988), pp. 307-316
  41. since August 1921
  42. since September 1930
  43. since June 1932
  44. Eduardo González Calleja, La prensa carlista y falangista durante la Segunda República y la Guerra Civil (1931-1937), [in:] El Argonauta español 9 (2012), available here, also Antonio Checa Godoy, Prensa y partidos políticos durante la II República, Salamanca 1989, ISBN 8474815215, 9788474815214, p. 281
  45. until 1932, when Integrism amalgamated within mainstream Carlism
  46. digital La Constancia archive for 1900-1936 is available here
  47. Germán Bleiberg, Maureen Ihrie, Janet Pérez, Dictionary of the Literature of the Iberian Peninsula, vol. 2, Westport-London 1993, ISBN 0313287325, 9780313287329, p. 1166
  48. along La Voz de Guipúzcoa (republican), El Pueblo Vasco (monarchical), and El Día (autonomist), Arantxa Arzamendi Sese, Introducción a la prensa guipuzcoana: desde sus orígenes hasta 1936, [in:] I Seminario sobre Patrimonio Bibliográfico Vasco, Vitoria-Gasteiz 2005, ISBN 8445723154, p. 284
  49. or at least claimed so, El Siglo Futuro 11.06.07, available here
  50. Félix Luengo Teixidor, La prensa guipuzcoana en los años finales de la Restauración (1917-1923), [in:] Historia contemporánea 2 (1989), p. 232, available here Archived 2014-10-31 at the Wayback Machine
  51. most of them going to subscribers, presumably lower parochial clergy, Luengo Teixidor 1989, p. 232
  52. Miguel Artola, Historia de Donostia-San Sebastián, Donostia 2000, ISBN 8489569495, 9788489569492, p. 534
  53. see Carlos Barrera del Barrio, La prensa navarra a través de las estadísticas oficiales (1867-1927), [in:] Principe de Viana 49 (1988), p. 48
  54. from Vale de Urola, Luengo Teixidor 1989, p. 232-3
  55. the daily is described as "uno de los decanos de la prensa tradicionalista", José Luis Orella, Cristina Barreiro Gordillo, El carlismo y su red de prensa en la Segunda República, [in:] Arbil 79 (2004), available here
  56. its first closure came in August 1931, 4 months after proclamation of the Republic, see El Siglo Futuro 22.08.31 available here, see also Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931-1939, Cambridge 1975, ISBN 9780521207294, p. 62
  57. see El Siglo Futuro 22.04.35, available here
  58. see La Constancia entry at digital San Sebastian library site
  59. dates differ,some claim La Voz was launched on September 16, José Andrés Gallego, Antón M. Pazos, Archivo Gomá: Abril-junio de 1938, Madrid 2001, ISBN 8400084608, 9788400084608, p. 36, some claim it was September 15, see González Calleja 2012. At that time, Olazábal was kept prisoner in Bilbao
  60. Jose María Remirez de Ganuza López, Las Elecciones Generales de 1898 y 1899 en Navarra, [in] Príncipe de Viana 49 (1988), pp. 384
  61. Teodoro Arana Belaustegui entry at Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia available here; during the 1899 elections the Carlists, considering another insurgency, did not field official candidates, though individual candidates were allowed ("no habrá diputados carlistas en las próximas elecciones, pero podrá haber carlistas diputados"), Remirez 1988, p. 382, see also Real Cuesta 1985, pp. 189-191
  62. initially the Integrist candidate was Joaquin Pavia, replaced shortly before the elections for unknown reasons, see Real Cuesta 1985, p. 191, also El Siglo Futuro 18.04.99 available here
  63. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 360; mainstream Carlists claimed that victorious Olazábal was their candidate, which, given the alliance concluded, was formally correct, El Siglo Futuro 18.04.99
  64. see Olazabal y Ramery, Juan entry at Indice Historico de Diputados official Cortes service, available here
  65. none of the sources consulted offers any information as to why Olazábal did not prolong his parliamentary career; it appears to be his choice and not the result of electoral defeats, as neither scholarly works nor contemporary press mentions Olazábal running for the Cortes after 1901
  66. including the Liberals, Conservatives, Integrists, mainstream Carlists and Republicans, but excluding the Nationalists and Socialists, Javier G. Chamorro, El Grande Oriente. Episodio Nacional, Madrid, 1821, Donostia 2009, ISBN 8461323955, 9788461323951, p. 207
  67. Asarta Epenza, Juan de Olazábal Ramery
  68. see its program at gipuzkoa.net service available here
  69. Chamorro 2009, p. 207; for detailed account see Luis Castells, Fueros y conciertos económicos. La Liga Foral Autonomista de Gipúzcoa(1904-1906), San Sebastián, 1980, ISBN 978-8474070774
  70. i.e. Gipuzkoan, not those covering Vascongadas or the broader Vasco-Navarrese region
  71. consisting of 12 members,4 from each of 3 districts: Irun, Tolosa and Sebastian, Antonio Cillán Apalategui, Elecciones a diputados provinciales en Guipuzcoa el año 1911, [in:] Historia 22 (1977), p. 127, available here
  72. Asarta Epenza, Juan de Olazábal Ramery
  73. Cillán Apalategui 1977, p. 123, also Asarta Epenza, Juan de Olazábal Ramery
  74. Guia Oficial de España 1914, p. 622, available here
  75. see numerous references to Olazabal's activity on autonomy in Idioia Estornés Zubizarreta, La construction de una nacionalidad Vasca. El Autonomismo de Eusko-Ikaskuntza (1918-1931), Donostia 1990, ISBN 8487471048, 9788487471049, available here
  76. Pedro Berriochoa Azcárate, Un centenario: Ignacio Camarero-Nuñez Arizmendi (1881-1910), [in:] Boletin de estudios historicos sobre San Sebastian 43 (2010), p. 142; relations with the Carlists remained good, see José Luis Orella Martínez, El origen del primer catolicismo social español [PhD thesis at Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Madrid 2012, pp. 101, 102, 114
  77. Pedro Berriochoa Azcárate, 1911: Incompatibilidades burocráticas sobre fondo caciquil en la Diputación de Gipuzkoa, [in:] Historia Contemporánea 40 (2010), pp. 29-65
  78. "se defiende la postura del diputado Juan Olazábal (que era la de Olalquiaga) a través de sus intervenciones en el Consejo de diputados", quoted after Berriochoa Azcárate 2010, pp. 57
  79. along José Sanchez Marco, Juan Antonio Sanchez del Campo, Juan Lamamie de Clairac and Manuel Senante
  80. see Ramón Miguel María Julián Severino de Zavala y Salazar entry at Geni service, available here
  81. some claim that it was Olazábal who built the party strength in Gipuzkoa after the death of Nocedal, see Ignacio Arana Pérez, Historia contemporánea del Pais Vasco, section 4.45.5. La lucha por la autonomia, Leioa 2008, p. 4, available here. The issue of Gipuzkoan leadership is not entirely clear; the 1906 organigram of the provincial party structures names Olazábal merely as secretary of the local San Sebastian junta and president of the local Irun junta, see El Siglo Futuro 22.05.06, available here
  82. José Sanchez Marco, Benito de Guinea and Juan Olazábal, El Siglo Futuro 11.04.07 available here; Asarta Epenza, Juan de Olazábal Ramery claims the triuumvirate consisted of Juan de Olazábal, José Sánchez Marco y Manuel Aznar
  83. apart from leadership of the Gipuzkoan branch, see El Siglo Futuro 11.06.07, available here
  84. During Asamblea de Zaragoza
  85. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 220
  86. like those in Navarre, El Siglo Futuro 16.07.09, available here, in Andalusia, see El Siglo Futuro 26.07.12, available here or in Murcia, see El Siglo Futuro 09.01.13, available here
  87. González Calleja 2012
  88. e.g. during the 1914 talks on forging a broad Catholic alliance with the conservatives and the Jaimistas it was Senante representing Integrismo, Cristóbal Roblez Muñoz, Jesuitas e Iglesia Vasca. Los católicos y el partido conservador (1911-1913), [in:] Príncipe de Viana (1991), p. 224
  89. Asarta Epenza, Juan de Olazábal Ramery
  90. the party sided with the Catalanists in wake of the Ley de Jurisdicciones crisis , Asarta Epenza, Juan de Olazábal Ramery
  91. see Olazábal’s Errores nacionalistas y afirmacion Vasca (1919), available here. Josep Carles Clemente, Historia del carlismo contemporaneo, Barcelona 1977, p. 15 summarises Integrism as combination of 6 threads: adherence to French traditionalism (reason and natural law marginalised), manicheism, falsification of history, inquisitorial instincts, hostility to freedom of opinion, conservatist and capitalist ideology
  92. it is not unrelated that during the First World War Olazábal joined Liga Neutralista, a lobbying group acting in favour of the Central Powers, considered closer to traditional model than the democratic Entente, see Pedro Barruso Barés, San Sebastian en los siglos XIX y XX, [in:] Geografia e historia de Donostia-San Sebastian, available here
  93. "Tres tendencias se van señalando entonces en el integrismo. Una, de acercamiento dinástico,generalmente de católicos procedentes de la aristocracia; otra, más señalada como antidinástica y tendentea pactar con los carlistas, pero sin refundirse con ellos, y una tercera, que partiendo de la accidentalidad delas formas de gobierno, aceptaría incluso una república del tipo de la de García Moreno en el Ecuador. Sin embargo,la unidad del partido integrista no se quebrantó, por la misma accidentalidad de las formas degobierno", Melchor Ferrer, Historia del tradicionalismo Español, vol. XVIII, Sevilla 1959, pp. 302-303
  94. Ignacio Fernández Sarasola, Los partidos políticos en el pensamiento español: de la Ilustración a nuestros días, Barcelona 2009, ISBN 8496467953, 9788496467958, p. 152
  95. Ferrer 1959, pp. 302-303
  96. some scholars claim that the 19th century reluctance of the Church to sponsor its own Catholic political movement might have contributed to persistence of Integrism, see Feliciano Montero García, El movimiento católico en la España del siglo XX. Entre el integrismo y el posibilismo, [in:] María Dolores de la Calle Velasco, Manuel Redero San Román (eds.), Movimientos sociales en la España del siglo XX, Salamanca 2008, p. 178
  97. the process was divided into 4 phases: 1) congresos catolicos of 1890-1903, 2) Lligas Católicas of 1903-1905, 3) malmenorismo of 1905-1910 and 4) targeted campaigns from 1910 onwards, see Rosa Ana Gutiérrez Lloret, ¡A las urnas. En defensa de la Fe! La movilización política Católica en la España de comienzos del siglo XX, [in:] Pasado y Memoria. Revista de Historia Contemporánea 7 (2008), pp. 240-241
  98. in 1906 integrism was disqualified by the Spanish hierarchy as a political option; the church opted for possibilism, Montero Garcia 2008, p. 177
  99. since Congreso de Burgos (1899) Leon XIII intended to create a common front of Catholic parties, co-ordinated by some sort of Junta central coordinadora and based on a program titled Bases y un programa común, Montero Garcia 2008, p. 178, Gutiérrez Lloret 2008, p. 242
  100. though they participated in different Catholic alliances, for 1914 see Roblez Muñoz 1991, p. 224, for 1921 see Orella Martinez 2012, p. 238, also pp. 73, 80, 81
  101. Olazábal many times intervened with the primate and even in Vatican against what he perceived as promoting liberalism, see his actions against Gonzalo Coloma (brother of Padre Coloma) by Roblez Muñoz 1991, pp. 208-209, and in conflict with some bishops, see Cristóbal Robles, Cristóbal Robles Muñoz, José María de Urquijo e Ybarra: opinión, religión y poder, Madrid 1997, ISBN 8400076680, 9788400076689, pp. 329. The Integrists straightforwardly condemned Grupo de la Democracia Cristiana (Maximiliano Arboleya Martíne, Severino Aznar) in 1919 and maintained anti-modernist stance, Montero Garcia 2008, p. 180
  102. papal document Inter Catolicos Hispaniae advised accidentalism and the politics of lesser evil; it was followed by Las Normas para la acción social y política de los católicos españoles, issued by the primate, Montero Garcia 2008, pp. 179-180; Gutiérrez Lloret 2008, pp. 249-250 presents the document as tailored to avoid divisions among Spanish Catholics, though its advocacy of malmenorismo was anyway rejected by Integrism
  103. confronted by the new christian-democratic strategy as reactionary and outdated, Montero Garcia 2008, pp. 244-5
  104. like Asociación Católica Nacional de Propagandistas, Acción Catolica, Confederación de Estiudantes Católicos or Juventud Católica Española; the new strategy initially fared badly in Gipuzkoa, where the Catholic Lligas were losing to Integrism, see Montero Garcia 2008, p. 247
  105. publishing also separate booklets: Historia contemporánea: liquidando cuentas: cuestiones candentes que interesan a todos los vascos (1918), Errores nacionalistas y afirmación vasca (1919), El sufragio universal, el nacionalismo y los fueros (1919), En defensa del propietario rural guipuzcoano: colección de articulos (1930), Nuestro fuero y reyes de Castilla (1932); the most notable is, however, a 650-page El cura Santa Cruz guerillero (1928), intended as polemics with a competitive vision of the famous priest, presented by Pío Baroja in La Voz de Guipúzcoa; see Catálogo del fondo histórico vasco, Bilbao 2009, ISBN 8498308526, 9788498308525, p. 251, available here
  106. Luisa Utanda Moreno, Francisco Feo Parrondo, Propiedad rústica en Guipúzcoa según el registro de la propiedad expropiable (1933), [in:] Lurralde: Investigación y espacio, 18 (1995); the authors erroneously claim that Rafael Olazábal Eulate was Juan’s son
  107. where he lived together with his senile mother (she died in 1932 at the age of 90, see El Siglo Futuro 16.04.32) and two sisters
  108. dubbed "alcázar del Integrismo", see Apalategui Igarzabal 2005, p. 57, or "Kremlin del Integrismo", see Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis], Valencia 2009, p. 319; in 1956 the Olazábal family sold part of the estate, enabling construction of a Catholic college, see here; another part of the estate forms a Cristina Enea park, see here
  109. El Siglo Futuro 24.09.27, available here
  110. he left to pursue the independent politics of Basque Christian-Democracy, see euskonews service available here, also euskaltzaindia available here
  111. El Siglo Futuro 11.04.30 available here
  112. except Canary Islands, see El Siglo Futuro 20.03.30, available here
  113. in the last elections before advent of the Republic, the municipal vote of April 1931, the Integrists, apart from some success in the Vasco-Navarrese area, recorded few seats won also in Catalonia and Andalusia, Blinkhorn 1975, p. 42
  114. compare El Siglo Futuro 12.05.31, available here
  115. there were 3 Integrist politicians elected in the 1931 elections, but they were all running as “agrarian” candidates: Jose Maria Lamamie de Clairac in Salamanca, Ricardo Gómez Roji and Francisco Estévanez Rodrigues in Burgos, Blinkhorn 1975, p. 57
  116. there has never been any serious debate whether the Integrists should join any of the Catholic parties instead of Carlism, Montero Garcia 2008, pp. 186-190
  117. in some provinces of Spain it was even the Integros leading the way in the unification talks, Blinkhorn 1075, p. 73
  118. he was heading the reunification talks personally, see interview with Manuel Fal Conde by José Carlos Clemente, [in:] Tiempo de historia 39 (1978), pp. 13-23, referred after this site
  119. Olazábal formally resigned as head of the Integrist party in February 1932, Manuel Ferrer Muñoz, Los frustrados intentos de colaboración entre el partido nacionalista vasco y la derecha navarra durante la segunda república, [in:] Principe de Viana 49 (1988), p. 131
  120. and dubbed "Guardia Civil de la Iglesia" by an unsympathetic historian, see Fermín Pérez-Nievas Borderas, Contra viento y marea, Estella 1999, ISBN 8460589323, p. 97
  121. in 1932 the Carlist command structure included a body named Junta Suprema Vasco Navarra; it consisted of 4 men, each for every province, and Gipuzkoa was represented but Juan Olazabal. However, formally jefé provincial for Gipuzkoa was Elío, Antonio M. Moral Roncal, La cuestión religiosa en la Segunda República Española: Iglesia y carlismo, Madrid 2009, ISBN 9788497429054, p. 78
  122. Editorial Tradicionalista was set up specifically to neutralize the Integrist influence, but the plan came to nothing as Senante and Lamamie dominated in the board. It was only its new composition, reconstituted in December 1933, which ensured closer amalgamation of El Siglo Futuro within the Carlist propaganda machinery, Blinkhorn 1975, p. 336
  123. Fal became the party leader, Zamanillo head of the Requete section, Lamamie presided over the Secretariat and Senante kept editing El Siglo Futuro
  124. he became notorious for explaining floods as God’s punishment, measured against peasants working on Sundays, see William A. Christian, Visionaries: The Spanish Republic and the Reign of Christ, Berkeley 1996, ISBN 0520200403, 9780520200401, p. 361
  125. Carlist press compared the republican detentions to fascist or soviet measures, see the "como Mussolini! como Lenin!" heading of El Siglo Futuro 22.08.31 here
  126. Blinkhorn 1975, p. 62
  127. until 1932 Olazabal hoped that the Basques would return to the Integrist core, see Euskera: se empieza inventando un idioma…
  128. produced by the Academy of Basque Studies, Blinkhorn 1975, pp. 48-9
  129. Asarta Epenza, Juan de Olazábal Ramery
  130. he criticised the unitarian nature of autonomy, which he deemed to have been against traditional vision of separate provincial laws and institutions
  131. Blinkhorn 1975, p. 82
  132. detailed analysis in Santiago de Pablo, El carlismo guipuzcoano y el Estatuto Vasco, [in:] Bilduma Rentería 2 (1988), p. 193-216, available here
  133. he is not named by any of the sources consulted, especially by the most detailed study, Juan Carlos Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós, El Carlismo, la República y la Guerra Civil (1936-1937). De la conspiración a la unificación, Madrid 1996, ISBN 8487863523, 9788487863523
  134. Asarta Epenza, Juan de Olazábal Ramery
  135. some sources claim there were no police units available, see José Manuel Azcona Pastor, Julen Lezamiz Lugarezaresti, Los asaltos a las cárceles de Bilbao el día 4 de enero de 1937, [in:] Investigaciones históricas 32 (2012), pp. 230; some sources claim the Basque government refused to deploy police troops fearing outbreak of hostilities between UGT and PNV, see Jon Juaristi, Turbas [in:] El Imparcial 25.06.14, available here
  136. full list in Azcona, Lezamiz 2012, pp. 235-6
  137. Juaristi 2014
  138. detailed accounts differ; Pedro Barruso Barés, La represión en las zonas republicana y franquista del País Vasco durante la Guerra Civil, [in:] Historia Contemporánea 35 (2007), pp. 653-681 identifies the perpetrators as "incontrolados" militants of CNT and UGT, while the anarchists denied any responsibility, see their account La manipulación de la Memoria Histórica, [in:] CNT Gipuzkoa, available here

Further reading
  • Cristina Barreiro Gordillo, El carlismo y su red de prensa en la Segunda República, Madrid 2003, ISBN 8497390377
  • Pedro Berriochoa Azcárate, 1911: Incompatibilidades burocráticas sobre fondo caciquil en la Diputación de Gipuzkoa', [in:] Historia Contemporánea 40 (2010), pp. 29-65
  • Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931-1939, Cambridge 1975, ISBN 9780521207294
  • Luis Castells, Fueros y conciertos económicos. La Liga Foral Autonomista de Gipúzcoa (1904-1906). San Sebastián, 1980, ISBN 978-8474070774
  • Antonio Cillán Apalategui, Elecciones a diputados provinciales en Guipuzcoa el año 1911, [in:] Historia 22 (1977), pp. 121-127
  • Idioia Estornés Zubizarreta, La construction de una nacionalidad Vasca. El Autonomismo de Eusko-Ikaskuntza (1918-1931), Donostia 1990
  • María Obieta Vilallonga, Los integristas guipuzcoanos. Desarrollo y organización del Partido Católico Nacional en Guipúzcoa (1888-1898), Bilbao 1996, ISBN 8470863266, 9788470863264
Mundaiz estate today
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