José María de Oriol y Urquijo

José María de Oriol y Urquijo, 3rd Marquis of Casa Oriol (1905–1985) was a Spanish entrepreneur and a Carlist and Francoist politician. During early Francoism a mayor of Bilbao, he is known mostly for his business activity, especially for his role in the Spanish energy industry, TALGO train development and the banking sector. He is counted among the most influential Spanish business managers of the 20th century.

José María Oriol Urquijo
Born
José María de Oriol y Urquijo

1905
Santurtzi
Died1985
Madrid
NationalitySpanish
Occupationbusiness executive
Known forbusinessman, politician
Political partyCT, FET, UNE, AP

Family and youth
José Luis Oriol

José María Lucas Eusebio de Oriol y Urquijo was born to a distinguished family of Catalan origins, its first members noted in the history of Spain in the 17th century.[1] Buenaventura de Oriol y Salvador sided with the legitimists during the First Carlist War. In recognition of his merits the claimant awarded him with Marquesado de Oriol in 1870;[2] he was elected to the Cortes in 1872.[3] The son of his brother and José María's paternal grandfather, José María de Oriol y Gordo (1845-1899),[4] the native of Tortosa, joined Carlos VII during the Third Carlist War and served as jefe de Ayudantes of general Dorregaray.[5] Following the amnesty he settled in Bilbao and married descendant of a local high bourgeoisie Urigüen family.[6] His son and José María's father, José Luis de Oriol y Urigüen (1877-1972), emerged as a Carlist political mogul in Álava, withdrawing from active politics after the Civil War. Having wedded Catalina de Urquijo y Vitórica, descendant to a liberal oligarchic family[7] controlling much of the Biscay finance,[8] he married into enormous wealth.[9] In the early 20th century he replaced his father-in-law as CEO of Hidroeléctrica Española[10] and in 1942 was co-founder of TALGO;[11] he is considered one of the most important Spanish entrepreneurs of the 20th century.[12] In 1958 he was declared 2nd marquis of Oriol.[13]

José Luis and Catalina initially lived in Biscay, but they soon moved to Madrid. The couple had 8 children, all brought up in a fervently religious ambience;[14] José María was the oldest one.[15] Though born in the Vascongadas, he was raised in the capital, frequenting the Jesuit Areneros college in Chamartin district until obtaining bachillerato in 1922.[16] Raised to be the future head of the family and especially key person to manage its huge and complex business, he entered the Madrid Escuela de Ingenieros Industriales. His studies progressed with some difficulty and were interrupted by military service in 1926-7;[17] he resumed academic career as unenrolled student and graduated as engineer in 1928.[18] A sportsman, he played football in Atlético Madrid[19] and won local Biscay laurels in tennis.[20]

Corpse of Fernando Oriol

In 1929 José María married a sevillana, María Gracia Ibarra y Lasso de la Vega (1908-1981),[21] daughter of 3rd conde de Ibarra.[22] The couple had 7 children, José Luis (1930), María de Gracia (1931), Miguel (1933), Iñigo (1934),[23] Maria del dulce Nombre (1937) Carlos (1940),[24] and Begoña.[25] José Luis, Iñigo and Carlos were active in family business and became recognized nationwide as entrepreneurs, while Miguel made his name as architect, author of Torre de Europa.[26] His daughter and José María's granddaughter, Mónica de Oriol Icaza, until 2015 headed the Spanish Círculo de Empresarios.[27] Brothers of José María grew to top Francoist dignitaries; Antonio María served as minister of justice (1965-1973)[28] and president of Consejo de Estado (1973-1979), while Lucas was consejero nacional of FET until its dissolution,[29] both active also as successful entrepreneurs. Another brother, Fernando, died as Carlist requeté volunteer.[30]

Carlist
Requeté on parade, 1936

Though some authors suggest that Oriol from the onset sympathized with Carlism,[31] none of the sources consulted confirms (or denies) that he was active in Carlist structures prior to 1931.[32] However, when 3 branches of Traditionalism united in Comunión Tradicionalista, in May 1932 José María was nominated to its Junta Vasco-Navarra.[33] Following re-organization of 1934 he was nominated assessor of Delegación Especial de Juventudes.[34] He is known mostly as supporting own father, successfully organising his electoral campaigns in Álava.[35] In 1936 Oriol became member of Junta Militar, a Saint-Jean-de-Luz based executive of Carlist conspiracy.[36] As a party envoy a few times he met the imprisoned José Antonio Primo de Rivera, negotiating details of a would-be Carlist and Falangist insurgent alliance.[37] Locally he served as a link between his parent and head of the military plot in Álava, teniente coronel Alonso Vega.[38] During the coup Oriol was in Bilbao,[39] where the rebels failed; he went into hiding and left the city on a ship, disguised as a foreigner.[40]

Having made it to the Nationalist zone Oriol resumed his duties in Carlist military executive, late August nominated member of Junta Nacional Carlista de Guerra;[41] some sources claim he was heading the Investigación y Información section,[42] some claim he directed the transport section.[43] It is not clear whether Oriol carried on with these duties when in November 1936 he was nominated alférez provisional[44] and joined an unidentified Carlist requeté battalion from Álava;[45] his 2 brothers were already serving as requeté volunteers.[46] He is known as present in Andalusia in early 1937;[47] it is not clear whether he took part in any combat activities before moving from the front units to directing Radio Requeté.[48] In February and March 1937 he took part in the Carlist gatherings in Insua and Burgos, intended to discuss the looming threat of a forceful amalgamation within a state party. Together with his father, Oriol advocated acceptance of what looked like a unification ultimatum from Franco;[49] in the last-minute attempt to stage an internal coup within Carlism, he was proposed to be head of Sección Administrativa.[50]

Carlist standard

Following the Nationalist conquest of all Vascongadas in June 1937 he was nominated the first jefe of FET y de las JONS in Biscay,[51] one of 9 Carlists out of 31 provincial nominees;[52] on this position he kept supporting the Navarrese Carlist junta financially.[53] Franco preferred not to appointed Oriol in Álava, sort of local fiefdom of his father, in what seemed like playing son against father in a bid to terminate the alavese "oriolismo".[54] In October 1937 as one of 12 Carlists he was appointed to the Falangist Consejo Nacional;[55] it is not clear whether he entered the FET 9-member executive, Junta Política.[56] The Carlist regent-claimant Don Javier demanded that his subjects do not accept; as carlo-francoists refused to follow the royal order, most of them were expelled from Carlism.[57]

Political climax
Falangist standard

Turn of the decades produced the climax of Oriol's political career,[58] marked mostly by his vacillation between Carlism and Falangism. Re-admitted to semi-legal Traditionalist structures,[59] at the same time as provincial FET jefe he was busy laying the foundations of the Francoist regime, especially supervising personal policy,[60] mobilizing support[61] and ensuring compliance.[62] Increasingly perplexed by syndicalist preponderance over Carlism in the new party, he demonstrated unease;[63] a single source claims that in early 1938 he resigned from Junta Política and together with other collaborative Carlists personally protested to Franco.[64] In 1939 he spoke against a Serrano-sponsored draft, intended to ensure totalitarian nature of Falangist domination.[65]

In April 1939 Oriol was nominated mayor of Bilbao,[66] later that year re-appointed to Consejo Nacional[67] and Junta Política.[68] Together with the Valencia alcalde, Joaquín Manglano y Cucaló, he was one of two Carlist mayors of major urban centres. As alcalde he was considered part of "neguridad", the affluent bourgeoisie group related to the resort of Neguri.[69] He is recognized as effective at gaining official subsidies and credits,[70] having repaired most war damages[71] and commenced major new initiatives, like construction of new bridges across the Nervion and re-setting of the Gran Via.[72] The most notable transport projects were the launch of the first municipal trolleybus network in Spain[73] and construction of the Sondica airport;[74] the former ended in failure, the latter turned into a lasting investment. Starting 1940 he initiated public works intended to address unemployment problem, resulting from collapse of European coal market following the outbreak of the Second World War.[75] The municipal budget was kept well under control.[76] Oriol contributed also to Bilbao sport by donating the San Mamés football ground, formally owned by the city, to the Athletic Club.[77]

Vetra CS 55, first Bilbao trolleybus

Oriol's tenure in Bilbao was marked by continuing political ambivalence. He excelled in organising venerating celebrations of Franco[78] and forged good working relationship with the Falangist civil governor of the province, Manuel Ganuza, himself a protégé of Serrano Suñer.[79] On the other hand, he blocked hardline Falangist initiatives,[80] never appeared in blue shirt, added a decisively Carlist flavor to his public style[81] and indeed was reported as turning Biscay into a Carlist fiefdom.[82] He fought whatever was left of Basque nationalism,[83] but permitted Carlism-styled Basque feasts.[84] As a result, he was disdained by both the Carlists and the Falangists. Oriol's rapport with a new civil governor, the Carlist sympathizer Juan Granell, was very poor[85] and most Traditionalists viewed him as a traitor. The Falangist rank-and-file resented him as well, the syndicalist radicals perfectly aware of his high bourgeoisie profile.[86] In December 1940 he ceased as provincial FET jefe and in February 1941 as alcalde of Bilbao;[87] his fate was conscious decision rather than a fall from grace. Oriol was appreciated by Franco for his loyalty and remained one of the few with fairly easy access to the dictator.[88]

Between juanismo, franquismo and carlismo
Juan de Borbón, 1958

Since 1936 leaning towards a dynastical pact between the Carlists and the Alfonsists,[89] in 1943 Oriol met Don Juan for the first time[90] and kept advocating him as a compromise royal candidate.[91] In 1945 he emerged as key liaison between caudillo[92] and the Alfonsist claimant,[93] attempting to arrange a meeting between the two.[94] Unlike most Juanista negotiators he did not intend to outsmart the dictator.[95] Genuinely committed to Franco,[96] instead of restoration he opted for a new, authoritarian[97] monarchy.[98]

As negotiator Oriol seemed unsuccessful; Don Juan's 1945 Manifest of Lausanne enraged Franco and his 1946 "Bases de Estoril" declaration was rejected by Don Javier;[99] Oriol did not enter Don Juan's Consejo Privado, formed in 1947.[100] However, gradually his efforts started to bear fruit. Some claim that the 1948 meeting between Franco and Don Juan was arranged mostly by Oriol,[101] opening a path for the Alfonsist restoration.[102] In case of the Carlists negotiations produced a schism.[103] In 1957 he joined a large group of juanista-minded Carlist politicians,[104] concerned about growing dynamics of the javieristas,[105] and formally abandoned Don Javier declaring Don Juan the legitimate Traditionalist king.[106] Though he remained on good terms with the claimant, little is known about Oriol's relation with his son, Juan Carlos.[107]

Ideologically Oriol remained an ultraconservative Catholic monarchist. A number of times he spoke against separation of state and the Church, envisioned sort of reversal of mid-19th century desamortización, opposed parliamentary elections and despised syndicalism,[108] claiming that representation should be exercised by traditional social bodies.[109] In the 1940s convinced that the Francoist regime must evolve towards an authoritarian monarchical solution, in the 1950s he realized that this path was a long-time perspective. In 1955 he entered the Francoist Cortes[110] and remained appointed to 6 successive legislatures also in 1958,[111] 1961,[112] 1964,[113] 1967[114] and 1971.[115] Oriol did not consider the quasi-parliament a forum of political exchange and approached it as a mere technical body of the regime.[116] He was a number of times considered a ministerial candidate,[117] in 1961 Lopez Rodó suggested him as member of Consejo del Reino.[118]

Elections in Spain, 1977

With his monarchical efforts crowned in 1969 Oriol assumed a moderately reformist stance. He was active in ANEPA,[119] a think-tank intending to ensure continuity of the system by introducing its timid rectifications.[120] When political associations were discussed in the early 1970s[121] he pondered upon creating a Carlist one.[122] Eventually he joined Unión Nacional Española,[123] and in 1976 he moved with the whole party to Alianza Popular;[124] he protested the constitutional plans of Suarez.[125] The same year he voted against Ley para la Reforma Política.[126] In 1977 he co-registered the Carlist grouping loyal to Don Sixto, Comunión Tradicionalista.[127] In 1982 he was suspected of taking part in conspiracy known as 27-Q; no charge was formally raised.[128] Holding vital business posts he remained on ice-cold terms with socialist government officials responsible for the energy sector.[129]

Patriarca de las eléctricas
José María de Oriol dam

There is little doubt that Oriol's key business focus was on Hidroeléctrica Española; he entered its Consejo de Administración in 1928, its Comisión Ejecutiva in 1930 and became its president in 1941, the post held until 1985.[130] When he commenced at the helm of the company it served 0,3m customers and produced 559m kWh annually, almost all generated by hydropower; when he resigned, the company served 7m customers, produced 14.773m kWh and was dependent in 28% on hydropower, in 48% on conventional thermal plants and in 24% on nuclear energy.[131] Its major business development thread was gradual shift of focus to the Tagus river;[132] with 6 dams constructed,[133] in the 1970s the river provided 70% of the HE hydropower.[134] Another key project was diversification of energy sources, commenced by the 1957 construction of the Escombreras thermal power plant near Cartagena.[135] This path was followed further on in the late 1960s; for 20 years a proponent of nuclear energy,[136] Oriol led HE into joint venture conglomerates which constructed the Almaraz, Cofrentes and Valdecaballeros nuclear power plants.[137] Last years of his presidency were dedicated mostly to conflict related to Valdecaballeros, confronting governmental regulatory plans[138] and proceeding with interchange of assets among companies forming Unesa.[139] He stepped down as iconic industry and corporate figure[140] with only few failures recorded.[141]

Nuclear power plant in Almaraz, Extremadura

Apart from activities in various HE subsidiaries and in Electras Marroquies, a family owned company he managed from 1941,[142] another major thread of Oriol's energy business was Unesa. In the early 1940s he was consumed by negotiations between private energy producers, totally dominating on the Spanish market, and Instituto Nacional de Industria. Anxious that the governmental project would reduce commercial companies to marginal role, he was the moving spirit and the first president of Unidad Eléctrica (Unesa),[143] an industry cartel set up in 1944 by 18 energy producers.[144] It was conceived not as a challenge to official plans, but as a complementary offer to reformat the energy utility market.[145] Personally guaranteeing viability of the scheme to Franco,[146] Oriol kept clashing with Suanzez and INI;[147] when his term expired in 1949 the threat of nationalization was largely averted and Unesa recorded enormous progress in terms of integrating private energy network, previously a patchy structure of overproduction and unmet demand areas.[148] Also later on, as HE representative in Unesa and as informal representative of private energy sector, he kept confronting INI plans of state domination on the energy utilities market,[149] though the pressure eased after the mid-1950s. When the rotating Unesa presidency again passed to HE, in 1973-1977 Oriol served his second term as its head;[150] in the late 1970s and early 1980s he again stood to fight off governmental consolidation plans, this time advanced by democratic cabinets.[151]

Other business and public engagements
ACF Talgo locomotive, 1948

As in mid-1940s TALGO transformed into the Oriol family business,[152] José María was heavily engaged in technical work related to construction of the rolling stock. Since the company was incapable of addressing the problems domestically, production was developed in the United States, with Oriol spending months at American Car and Foundry in New York.[153] In the early 1950s he was supervising development works until Talgo II entered commercial service. As his father and brother, primary managers of the company, stepped down in the mid-1950s,[154] in 1955 José María assumed presidency of the board and in 1957 he became CEO of the company.[155] His key projects were launching own rolling stock factories in Aravaca and Rivabellosa, constructing new generation bi-directional train Talgo III and negotiating co-operation details with Renfe.[156] Talgo served also as a show-case, intended to prove modernizing capacity of the regime and its industrial prowess.[157] Oriol remained at the helm of the company until his death.[158]

In 1941 Oriol entered Consejo de Administración of Banesto, which reflected financial engagement of the bank in Talgo.[159] Though initially banking duties were very time consuming,[160] Oriol has never considered them his prime activity. He saw his role as representative of the shareholders rather than a manager, supervising financial and operational soundness rather than setting the strategy and running the daily business. He remained in Banesto board until death,[161] periodically entering executive bodies of its daughter banks.[162] With other family members he also co-owned large agricultural estates in the South of Spain.[163]

In 1961 Oriol was elected president of Asociación Nacional de Ingenieros Industriales, the function held until the following year he became head of Instituto de Ingenieros Civiles de España, a supreme corporate organization grouping all engineering branches.[164] At this job he was involved in discussions on professional certificates, technical education, internal organization of the engineer corps and some specific questions related to national economy, like future of the nuclear energy in Spain. Re-elected 2 times, he stepped down in 1971.[165] Invited in 1959, he formally entered Real Academia de Ciencias Morales y Políticas as académico de número in 1961,[166] in course of 24 years having taken part in 396 of its sessions.[167] He also briefly directed Centro de Estudios Europeos and Comisión de Intercambio Cultural España-EE.UU.[168]

Banesto office

Together with other members of Oriol, Ibarra and Urquijo families he formed part of one of the most powerful Spanish oligarchic groups.[169] He is noted as exemplary case of Spanish entrepreneur who took advantage of his political profile, thriving in a peculiar business environment of Francoism.[170] His management style is described as bold, decisive and even authoritarian,[171] also towards other family members. Endurance, scope and complexity of Oriol-ran businesses, combined with his personal vision, energy and innovative knack, earned him place among the 100 most important Spanish entrepreneurs of the 20th century.[172] He was awarded a number of Spanish and international honors,[173] since 1959 officially acknowledged as 3rd marqués de Casa Oriol.[174]

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See also

Footnotes
  1. Pablo de Oriol y Lecha from Flix was recorded as "Ciudadano Honrado de Cataluña", Alfonso Ballestero, José Ma de Oriol y Urquijo, Madrid 2014, ISBN 8483569167, 9788483569160, p. 23
  2. Ballestero 2014, p. 23
  3. Ballestero 2014, p. 25
  4. see José María Oriol Gordo entry at Geni genealogical service, available here
  5. Joseba Agirreazkuenaga, Mikel Urquijo (eds.), Bilbao desde sus alcaldes: Diccionario biográfico de los alcaldes de Bilbao y gestión municipal en la Dictadura vol. 3, Bilbao 2008, ISBN 9788488714145, p. 189
  6. Gorka Pérez de la Peña Oleaga, Los Ensanches del muelle nuevo de Portugalete: (1869-1917), [in:] Cuadernos de sección. Historia-Geografía Donostia 21 (1993), p. 189
  7. despite politically liberal leaning of her family Catalina was very religious, donating to construction of Cerro de los Angeles, see Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 190
  8. for details see Onésimo Díaz Hernández Los marqueses de Urquijo: el apogeo de una saga poderosa y los inicios del Banco Urquijo, 1870-1931, Pamplona 1998, ISBN 8431316365
  9. her father, Lucas de Urquijo, was co-founder of Hidroeléctrica Española, co-owner of Banco Urquijo (set up by his brother) and a number of other companies (like La Salobreña in Granada or Compañía Minero-Metalúrgica Los Guindos); for details see Onésimo Díaz Hernández, Los primeros años del Banco Urquijo (1918-1931) [University of Navarre working paper], available here), Ballestero 2014, pp. 27-30
  10. Juan Carlos García Adan, Yolanda Diego Martín, El archive historic de Iberdrola y la industria eléctrica en España: fondos para la investigación histórica, [in:] Congreso de Historia Económica, Santiago de Compostela 2005, p. 9, also Francisco Cayón García, Hidroeléctrica Española: un analis de sus primeros años de actividad (1907-1936), [in:] Revista de Historia Económica 20 (2002), pp, 308-311
  11. see Talgo official website, available here
  12. Francisco Cayón García, Miguel Muñoz Rubio, José Luís de Oriol y Urigüen (1877-1972), [in:] Eugenio Torres Villanueva (ed.), Los 100 empresarios españoles del siglo XX, Madrid 2000, ISBN 848871727X, pp. 255-258
  13. the marquesado, awarded in 1870, apparently was not claimed by heirs of Buenaventura. Franco made Jose Luis the 2nd marquis of Oriol, which skipped his grandfather (entitled since Buenaventura’s death in 1891) and father (entitled since his father’s death in 1899); according to the orthodox Carlist reading, José Luis should have been considered the 4th marquis and Jose María the 5th one
  14. José Luis considered his life just a transitory phase, see Ballestero 2014, p. 53. Apart from a month spent in hiding in Bilbao in July–August 1936, his intimate experience with death included an aviation disaster; when travelling from Madrid to Bilbao on December 4, 1953, the aircraft crashed in Sierra de Guadarrama with 10 survivors, see ABC 05.12.53, available here
  15. Ballestero 2014, p. 49
  16. Ballestero 2014, p. 54
  17. the question of Oriol’s military status is not entirely clear. Ballestero 2014, p. 55 claims that he completed military obligations in 1927 "como sargento destinado en la Escolta Real de Alfonso XIII". A contemporary newspaper claims that in 1929 a certain Barcelona-related José María Oriol served as "capitán de aviación", see El Sol 03.03.29, available here
  18. Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 190
  19. In the 1927/8 season, when Atlético was a branch of Athletic Club of Bilbao, Ballestero 2014, p. 55. Probably he played either as amateur or in a reserve team, as none of numerous sites dedicated to Atlético Madrid lists his name, compare here
  20. Ballestero 2014, p. 55
  21. Ballestero 2014, p. 54
  22. El Siglo Futuro 09.01.29, available here
  23. El Pais 08.10.11, available here
  24. see Carlos Oriol Ybarra entry at Empresia service, available here
  25. Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 191
  26. see Torre Europa entry at Guia Turistica de Madrid service, available here
  27. see El Pais 12.03.15, available here, also Cinco Días 25.02.12, available here
  28. some sources wrongly claim it was José María, see Jeremy MacClancy, The Decline of Carlism, Reno 2000, ISBN 0874173442, p. 170. Born 1913, he was capitán de requetés and lawyer, nominated also Director General de Beneficencia in 1957, Delegado nacional de Auxilio Social and Presidente de Cruz Roja Española and Consejero Nacional del Movimiento
  29. born 1910, he was teniente provisional en la guerra civil, lawyer (graduated in Oxford), president of VALCA and Prensa Económica SA (publisher of Desarrollo and Nuevo Diario), owner pf Vitorian periodical Norte Exprés, collaborator of El Alcázar, El Imparcial and other periodicals
  30. heavily wounded during the fightings for Ochandiano in Biscay on October 9, 1936, he died in hospital 5 days later, Germán Ruiz Llano, Villareal de Alava e Isusquiza: imaginario e idalización del voluntariado alavés durante la guerra civil, [in:] Alejandra Ibarra (ed.), Actas del III encuentro de jóvenes investigadores de la AHC, Vitoria 2012 [CD-ROM], p. 11
  31. Ballestero 2014, p. 57
  32. and some suggest he was rather linked to the Alfonsist restoration system: "claramente vinculados al sistema de la restauracion liberal y alfonsina", Manuel Martorell-Pérez, Nuevas aportaciones históricas sobre la evolución ideológica del carlismo, [in:] Gerónimo de Uztariz 16 (2000), p. 104
  33. Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 191
  34. Robert Vallverdú i Martí, El Carlisme Català Durant La Segona República Espanyola 1931-1936, Barcelona 2008, ISBN 8478260803, 9788478260805, p. 162
  35. Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 190
  36. Javier Ugarte Tellería, La nueva Covadonga insurgente: orígenes sociales y culturales de la sublevación de 1936 en Navarra y el País Vasco, Madrid 1998, ISBN 847030531X, 9788470305313, p. 74
  37. Ballestero 2014, p. 57, Ugarte Tellería 1998, p. 74
  38. Ballestero 2014, p. 57; some fairly detailed sources claim he was personally negotiating with Mola, which seems to confuse the father and the son, see Juan Carlos Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós, El Carlismo, la República y la Guerra Civil (1936-1937). De la conspiración a la unificación, Madrid 1996, ISBN 8487863523, 9788487863523, pp. 33 and 333, also Stanley G. Payne, Politics and the Military in Modern Spain, Stanford 1967, ISBN 9780804701280, p. 334. Detailed and correct version in Iñaki Gil Basterra, Araba en 1936. Guerra y represion, p. 2, available here
  39. Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 191
  40. and accompanied by his British friend Ballestero 2014, p. 57, Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 191
  41. on 28.08.36, Ricardo Ollaquindia, La Oficina de Prensa y Propaganda Carlista de Pamplona al comienzo de la guerra de 1936, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 56 (1995), p. 502
  42. Vallverdú 2008, p. 296, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 20, Ollaquindia 1995, p. 502, Jordi Canal, El carlismo, Madrid 2000, ISBN 8420639478, p. 332
  43. Robert Vallverdú Martí, La metamorfosi del carlisme català: del "Déu, Pàtria i Rei" a l'Assamblea de Catalunya (1936-1975), Montserrt 2014, ISBN 9788498837261, p. 46f
  44. Ballestero 2014, p. 57
  45. some sources claim there were 5 tercios recruited from Álava, see the Carlist site dedicated to requeté available here. The units underwent massive organisational changes especially during first months of the war, see Julio Aróstegui, Combatientes Requetés en la Guerra Civil española, 1936-1939, Madrid 2013, ISBN 9788499709758, pp. 429-518
  46. Aróstegui 2013. For Antonio Maria see pp. 444, 718, 798, 800, for Fernando see p. 444, for José Maria see p. 718, for Lucas María see pp. 718, 720, 800, 802, 804; Note that when José María joined the ranks, his brother Luis Fernando was already dead, Ruiz Llano 2012, p. 11
  47. Arostegui 2013, p. 718
  48. Ballestero 2014, p. 57, see also Tercio de Radio Requeté de Campaña entry at requetes.es service, available here
  49. Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis], Valencia 2009, pp. 30-1. Already in late 1936 or early 1937 Oriol and Arauz de Robles represented Carlism when meeting in Portugal with Falangist representatives Sancho Dávila and Pedro Gamero del Castillo, discussing rapprochement of both groups; it is not clear whether they were authorised by the Carlist leader Manual Fal Conde, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 248, Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931-1939, Cambridge 2008, ISBN 9780521086349, p. 282
  50. shortly before the Unification Decree the key Navarrese Carlist, José Martínez Berasain, pushed with new membership team forming Junta de Guerra, see Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 259
  51. according to one source, his nomination was sort of pre-agreed between Carlists, Falangists and the military already in January 1937, see Javier Ugarte Tellería, El carlismo en la guerra del 36. La formación de un cuasi-estado nacional-corporativo y foral en la zona vasco-navarra, [in:] Historia contemporánea 38 (2009), pp. 71-2
  52. Aurora Villanueva Martínez, El carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo, 1937-1951, Madrid 1998, ISBN 848786371X, 9788487863714, p. 53. He is counted among the most prominent profrancoist Carlists, Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias: el carlismo, 1962-1977, Pamplona 1997, ISBN 8431315644, 9788431315641, p. 13
  53. Ugarte Tellería 2009, p. 72
  54. Iker Cantabrana Morras, Lo viejo y lo nuevo: Díputación-FET de las JONS. La convulsa dinámica política de la "leal" Alava (Primera parte: 1936-1938), [in:] Sancho el Sabio 21 (2004), 156; his grip on alavese politics is also dubbed "cacicato" there
  55. Canal 2000, p. 340, Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 192
  56. according to one scholar, Oriol entered the Junta with Esteban Bilbao, see Stanley G. Payne, Falange: A History of Spanish Fascism, Stanford 1961, ISBN 9780804700580, p. 207. Another author names Rodezno, Arellano, Mazón and conde de la Florida as the appointees, but does not mention Oriol, see Ballestero 2014, p. 59
  57. Ballestero 2014, p. 59. Already in March 1937 "Fal Conde tuvo que escribir a José María Oriol con fecha de 30 de marzo de 1937 instándole a que no hiciera política contra lo decidido por "el Príncipe y la Asamblea de Insua", y a que abandonara la Comunión Tradicionalista", Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 31
  58. late 1930s and early 1940s seem to have been a rather awkward period for the Oriols. While José María enjoyed his political climax in Biscay, influence of José Luis was being gradually eradicated in Álava, as Falange was bent on terminating the "oriolismo", perhaps a typical Franco’s strategy, compare Cantabrana Morras 2004 and Iker Cantabrana Morras, Lo viejo y lo nuevo: Díputación-FET de las JONS. La convulsa dinámica política de la "leal" Alava (Segunda parte: 1938-1943), [in:] Sancho el Sabio 22 (2005), pp. 139–169
  59. at unspecified time between late 1937 and 1940 Oriol he was re-admitted to the Comunión Tradicionalista following a personal meeting with Don Javier, Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 173, 223
  60. including purging local administration of the Republican and pro-Basque officials. Some 72% of employees were fired, Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 205
  61. he excelled in directing massive propaganda exercises, see Ballestero 2014, pp. 59-65
  62. while the war was ongoing Oriol kept supervising recruitment to Carlist tercios and Falangist banderas; afterwards he triggered setup of Brigada de Investigación y Vigilancia de FET, a feared party version of secret police, Cantabrana Morras 2005, p. 152, Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 192
  63. "no seria leal a mi conciencia si al hacer saber mi disconformidad con las orientaciones que sigue la actual politica del Movimiento, no presentase al mismo tiempo la renuncia al cargo de Vocal de la Junta Política", a letter from Oriol to FET jefe Muñoz Grandez of 20.11.39, quoted after Ballestero 2014, p. 61
  64. Cantabrana Morras 2004, pp. 168-9
  65. Ballestero 2014, p. 65; he is not known as having protested against derogation of traditional Biscay provincial establishments, especially the Concierto Economico, Ballestero 2014, p. 70
  66. Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 197
  67. as one of 13 Carlists among its 96 members, Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 192
  68. Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 192
  69. Ballestero 2014, p. 66
  70. Ballestero 2014, p. 74
  71. e.g. re-opening Puente de la Victoria, Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 122
  72. also setting new major streets, e.g. Avenida del Ejercito (now "Lehendakari Agirre") and new bridges, Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 201
  73. intended to cover 5 lines, see Un trolebus transformable [in:] Historias del tren 20.05.13, available here. The project was intended as solution to fuel shortages, aggravated by outbreak of the Second World War. Unlike conventional buses, trolleybuses would rely on electricity generated by coal-based power plants nearby. Switching from buses to trolleybuses was not uncommon in countries suffering from fuel shortages, e.g. the Nazis launched the same project in occupied Gdynia
  74. Ballestero 2014, p. 75
  75. Ballestero 2014, pp. 75-6
  76. Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 200
  77. Oriol became honorary member of the club in return; he also founded Club Deportivo de Bilbao, Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, pp. 202-204
  78. during his visit in June 1939, marking the second anniversary of Nationalist takeover of the city
  79. Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 199
  80. e.g. on June 18, 1940 Oriol banned a street demonstration planned by hardline Falangists, Martorell Perez 2009, p. 223
  81. he used to finish his public harangues with the customary Carlist "Viva Cristo Rey!" war-cry, Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 208
  82. according to an internal Falangist document, during Oriol’s tenure as FET jefe Biscay was "dominio absoluto del elemento tradicionalista", Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 222. At that time competition for power between the Falangists and the Carlists was taking place in all 4 vasco-navarrese provinces. For Navarre see Maria del Mar Larazza Micheltorena, Alvaro Baraibar Etxeberria, La Navarra sotto il Franchismo: la lotta per il controllo provinciale tra i governatori civili e la Diputacion Foral (1945-1955), [in:] Nazioni e Regioni, Bari 2013, pp. 101-120, Manuel Martorell Pérez, Navarra 1937-1939: el fiasco de la Unificación, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 69 (2008), pp. 429-458. For Gipuzkoa see Félix Luengo Teixedor, La formación del poder franquista en Guipúzcoa (1937-1945), [in:] Geronimo de Uztariz 4 (1990), pp. 82-95. For Alava see Cantabrana Morras 2004 and 2005
  83. he viewed Basque nationalism as contrived and instigated by the Madrid eggheads, Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 205
  84. e.g. celebrating single acts commemorating vascologists like Azkue or permitting stage shows of the then Carlist-controlled Pamplona Basque folk group, Muthiko Alaiak, see Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 207
  85. Ballestero 2014, p. 76
  86. Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 208
  87. Ballestero 2014, p. 77
  88. Paul Preston, Franco. A biography, London 2011, ISBN 9780006862109, p. 577
  89. in 1937 he allegedly proposed to Jaime del Burgo that Don Juan is "educated" in Traditionalism, Cantabra Morras 2004, p. 167, Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 192
  90. Oriol travelled to Switzerland advocating that Rodezno is appointed official Don Juan representative in Spain, Ballestero 2014, p. 79, Cantabrana Morras 2005, p. 145. At that time he seems to have been already expulsed from Carlism (for the second time), as in December 1942 Fal Conde offered to re-admit the expulsed provided they break any links with Falange, explicitly excluding Oriol from the scheme, Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 192
  91. Ballestero 2014, p. 90
  92. many sources underline that José María Oriol enjoyed the privilege of easy access to the dictator, but none clarifies how he gained it
  93. superseding the official Don Juan’s representative in Spain, Alfonso de Orleans
  94. Ballestero 2014, p. 88
  95. Ballestero 2014, pp. 80-83
  96. Ballestero 2014, p. 107
  97. Ballestero 2014, p. 98
  98. when discussing the 1950s, one work counts him among top representatives of "neodanvilismo", derived from the name of Julio Danvila, a faction which genuinely intended to combine Francoist structures with juanista monarchist restoration; within this scheme, carlists juanistas are counted among a different group, represented by Agustín Gonzalez Amézua and Arauz de Robles, Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, La oposición monárquica y su aproximación al franquismo a partir de 1954, [in:] Memoria y civilizacion 13 (2010), p. 36
  99. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 23-4
  100. Ballestero 2014, pp. 102-3. One source claims that Oriol was offered secretariado of Juan, but declined declaring that Franco must accept his role first, Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 193
  101. the opinion of Julio Danvila, referred after Ballestero 2014, p. 101. See also Mercedes Cabrera, Fernando del Rey Reguillo, The Power of Entrepreneurs: Politics and Economy in Contemporary Spain, New York 2007, p. 108, Preston 2011, p. 551
  102. Oriol was one of the few who welcomed the 10-year-old Juan Carlos at the Villaverde station, Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 193
  103. Manuel Martorell Pérez, Carlos Hugo frente a Juan Carlos. La solución federal para España que Franco rechazó, Madrid 2014, ISBN 9788477682653, p. 15
  104. their juanista leaning formally did not breach the loyalty to the regency of Don Javier, as theoretically under the regency various Carlist groups were free to advocate their own royal candidates
  105. in May 1957 the oldest son of Don Javier, Carlos Hugo, staged a fulminant entry at an annual Carlist gathering at Montejurra. The event galvanised Carlism and triggered response of the Juanistas, compare the letter sent by José María Oriol to Franco on October 11, 1958: "Entiendo, que es la contestación que la parte de mayor peso especifico del antiguo Carlismo, dá a la posición antilegitimista é ineficaz del sector que pudiéremos llamar Huguista. Es a su vez, la afirmación caliente y decidida de unos españoles, que de acuerdo con sus antecesores, han sabido mantener durante más de un siglo de bastardías políticas, una doctrina verdadera", quoted after Ballestero 2014, p. 219. By the javierista Carlists the so-called "estorilos" were unanimously declared traitors; the heading of their periodical demanded: "Quitaros la boina!", Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 25
  106. Ballestero 2014, p. 103; Canal 2000, p. 361 calls them "franco-juanistas"
  107. Oriol was proposed among the tutorial team supposed to supervise education of Juan Carlos; he was rejected by Don Juan’s entourage as "traído y llevado", Vázquez de Prada 2010, p. 41. In mid-1960s José María’s brother Lucas politically supported Juan Carlos and was anxious that the Francoist regime might be secretly financing a competitive potential king, the javierista prince Carlos Hugo, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 299
  108. Ballestero 2014, p. 109
  109. Ballestero 2014, p. 112
  110. as personal Franco’s nominee, see the official Cortes service available here
  111. as Franco’s nominee, see the official Cortes service available here.
  112. as Franco’s nominee, see the official Cortes service here and from 1963 as president of Instituto de Ingenieros Civiles, Ballestero 2014, p. 110
  113. as Franco’s nominee, see the official Cortes service available here from 1966 as president of Instituto de Ingenieros Civiles, Ballestero 2014, p. 111
  114. simulaltaneously as Franco’s nominee, see the official Cortes service available here and as president of Instituto de Ingenieros Civiles, Ballestero 2014, p. 111
  115. simulaltaneously as Franco’s nominee, see the official Corte service available here and as president of Instituto de Ingenieros Civiles, see here
  116. Ballestero 2014, pp. 111-112
  117. in 1945 (commerce, the offer which he allegedly turned down as not endorsed by Don Juan, Ballestero 2014, p. 83-86), 1957 (public works) and 1962 (industry)
  118. his candidature was rejected by Franco, Ballestero 2014, p. 113
  119. Asociación Nacional para el Estudio de Problemas Actuales
  120. Cristina Palomares, The Quest for Survival After Franco: Moderate Francoism and the Slow Journey to the Polls, 1964-1977, Sussex 2004, ISBN 9781845191238, p. 48
  121. for detailed discussion of extreme Right during transición see Ferran Gallego, Nostalgia y modernización. La extrema derecha española entre la crisis final del franquismo y la consolidación de la democracia (1973-1986), [in:] Ayer 71 (2008), pp. 175-209, also Cristian Ferrer Gonzàlez, Los Carlismos de la Transición – las idiosincrasias carlistas frente al cambio político (1963-1979), [in:] Juan Carlos Colomer Rubio, Javier Esteve Marti, Mélanie Ibáñez Domingo (eds.), Ayer y hoy. Debates, historiografía y didáctica de la historia, Valencia 2015, ISBN 9788460658740, pp. 151-156, Caín Somé Laserna, El voto útil de la derecha: las elecciones de 1982 y la Comunión Tradicionalista-Carlista, [in:] Actas del V Congreso de la Asociación de historiadores del Presente. Historia de la época socialista: España, 1982-1996, Madrid 2011, José Díaz Nieva, José Luis Orella Martínez, La derecha franquista en la transición, [in:] Carlos Navajas Zubeldia (ed.), Actas del III Simposio de Historia Actual, Logroño 2002, pp. 549-566. None of these works mentions Oriol as key figure, it is rather his brother Antonio highlighted
  122. with Lopez Rodó proposed to be a leader, Ballestero 2014, p. 118. Like Hermandad de Maestrazgo, the association was tailored to confront the socialist Partido Carlista, Vallverdú 2014, p. 255
  123. together with his brothers Antonio and Lucas, Canal 2000, p. 383, Ballestero 2014, p. 119
  124. Ballestero 2014, p. 120
  125. Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 193. During the government-forming process which finally led to appointment of Suarez, Oriol was listed as one of 39 candidates proposed by all members of Consejo del Reino, Ballestero 2014, p. 119
  126. amongst 59 procuradores who voted refused to commit "suicide of the Francoist cortes"; his brother Antonio did vote in favor, Ballestero 2014, p. 120
  127. formally registered on Feb 8, 1977
  128. Ballestero 2014, pp. 120-1
  129. Ballestero 2014, pp. 121-2. By extreme Left he was considered "superfascista", José Luis Rodriguez Jimenez, La extreme derecha en España: del tardofranquismo a la consolidación de la democracia (1967-1982) [PhD thesis Universidad Complutense], Madrid 2002, ISBN 9788484661290, p. 65
  130. Ballestero 2014, p. 146, ABC 05.11.85, available here
  131. Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 194
  132. the company was initially dependent mostly on the Júcar river, Ballestero 2014, p. 151
  133. opening of each dam was attended by Franco; the most powerful one was the Alcantara dam, named Central Hidroeléctrica José María de Oriol, Ballestero 2014, pp. 153-154
  134. Ballestero 2014, p. 153
  135. supplied by fuel oil. It was Oriol who opted for location near Cartagena, against counter-proposals of Valencia and Alicante, Ballestero 2014, p. 157
  136. Oriol was a keen supporter of the idea of nuclear energy since the late 1940s, participating in numerous commercial and state initiatives. In 1962-1969 he was the first president of Forum Atómico Español and in 1967-8 the rotating president of European Atomic Forum Foratom, Ballestero 2014, pp. 168-170, ABC 05.11.85, available here
  137. Almaraz opened in 1973 and Cofrentes in 1985; Valdecaballeros has never been opened
  138. ABC 30.04.78, available here
  139. Ballestero 2014, p. 164
  140. hailed as "Patriarca de las eléctricas", Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 196, ABC 05.11.85, available here
  141. perhaps the key ones were failure to take over the HE key competitor Saltos de Duero, suspension of the Valdecaballeros plant and nationalisation of Electras Marroquies; one might also ponder whether the 1992 merger of HE and Iberduero, which produced a new company named Iberdrola, was failure or success, compare here
  142. Ballestero 2014, pp. 123-4; Electras Marroquies started to consume Oriol efforts in the late 1950s, when Morocco gained independence. The 20-year struggle ended in nationalisation of the company in 1977
  143. Ballestero 2014, p. 130, Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 194, Michael Richards, A Time of Silence: Civil War and the Culture of Repression in Franco's Spain, 1936-1945, Cambridge 1998, ISBN 9780521594011, p. 118
  144. see Unesa website available here
  145. the ministerial decision approved of "plan de conjugación de sistemas regionales de producción de energia propuesto por don José María de Oriol y Urquijo, Presidente de Unesa, a quien se encomieda su ejecicción", quoted after Endesa en su historia, s. l. 2010, ISBN 9788461459063, p. 62
  146. Ballestero 2014, pp. 130-131
  147. Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 194
  148. Ballestero 2014, p. 127
  149. Ballestero 2014, p. 163, Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 194
  150. ABC 05.11.85, available here
  151. ABC 30.04.78, available here
  152. Ballestero 2014, pp. 177-181
  153. Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 194
  154. José Luis resigned due to health reasons and Antonio as he assumed political duties, Ballestero 2014, p. 184
  155. Ballestero 2014, p. 180
  156. Ballestero 2014, pp. 185-7
  157. see propaganda video footage here
  158. Ballestero 2014, p. 187
  159. El Pais 05.11.85, available here
  160. in the 1940s the board used to meet daily, Ballestero 2014, p. 190
  161. ABC 05.11.85, available here
  162. like Banco de Vitoria and Banco de Desarollo Económico Español Ballestero 2014, p. 190-1, compare also Jane's Major Companies of Europe, London 1976, pp. A-10, A-16, B-24
  163. mostly in Andalusia (5,000 ha) and Valencia (3,000), Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 194
  164. Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 194, ABC 05.11.85, available here
  165. Ballestero 2014, p. 203
  166. Ballestero 2014, p. 206
  167. Ballestero 2014, p. 209
  168. Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 195
  169. compare the list of family members sitting in boards of Spanish companies, Pablo Díaz Morlán, Los Ybarra: una dinastía de empresarios, 1801-2001, Madrid 2002, ISBN 9788495379436, pp. 289-290
  170. "It can be said that Basque industrialists and bankers enjoyed a proximity to power that was difficult to match during the dictatorship", quoting Oriol as one of 3 key examples: "he managed to keep politics his secondary interest, but certainly did not separate himself from it. [...] In reality, he had never stopped practicing politics", Mercedes Cabrera, Fernando del Rey Reguillo, The Power of Entrepreneurs: Politics and Economy in Contemporary Spain, New York 2007, p 108.
  171. "not so stringent in their remarks about managerial leadership as Barceló Matutano, but showed a distinct taste for authoritarianism and only a mild inclination to accept human relations concepts", Mauro F. Guillén, Models of Management: Work, Authority, and Organization in a Comparative Perspective, Chicago 1994, ISBN 9780226310367, p. 202
  172. ABC 05.11.85, available here; see also Francisco Cayón García, Miguel Muñoz Rubio, José María de Oriol y Urquijo (1905-1985), [in:] Eugenio Torres Villanueva (ed.), Los 100 empresarios españoles del siglo XX, Madrid 2000, ISBN 848871727X, pp. 419-423
  173. Encomienda de la Gran Orden Imperial de las Flechas Rojas (1939), Ordine della Corona d'Italia (from fascist Italy), Schwarzer Adlerorden (from Nazi Germany), Medalla de Oro de Bilbao, Medalla de Voluntario de Vizcaya y de Álava, Cruz del Mérito Militar, Gran Cruz de la Medhauia, Gran Cruz de la Orden del Mérito Civil and many honorary memberships, e.g. in Colegio Nacional de Economistas or Instituto de la Ingeniería de España
  174. Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 196

Further reading
  • Alfonso Ballestero, José Ma de Oriol y Urquijo, Madrid 2014, ISBN 8483569167, 9788483569160
  • Joseba Agirreazkuenaga, Mikel Urquijo (eds.), Bilbao desde sus alcaldes: Diccionario biográfico de los alcaldes de Bilbao y gestión municipal en la Dictadura vol. 3, Bilbao 2008, ISBN 9788488714145
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