Jaime Abdul Gutiérrez
Jaime Abdul Gutiérrez Avendaño (April 5, 1936 - August 9, 2012) was a political and military figure of El Salvador. He was one of the leaders of the military coup on October 15, 1979, and the head of the 1980 Revolutionary Government Junta.
Jaime Abdul Gutiérrez Avendaño | |
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| Chairman of the Revolutionary Government Junta | |
| In office 14 May 1980 – 13 December 1980 | |
| Preceded by | Adolfo Arnoldo Majano |
| Succeeded by | José Napoleón Duarte (as President of the Revolutionary Government Junta) |
| Vice President of El Salvador | |
| In office 13 December 1980 – 2 May 1982 | |
| President | José Napoleón Duarte |
| Preceded by | Julio Ernesto Astacio |
| Succeeded by | Raúl Molina Martínez |
| Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of El Salvador | |
| In office 12 May 1980 – 12 May 1982 | |
| Personal details | |
| Born | Jaime Abdul Gutiérrez Avendaño 5 April 1936 Sonsonate, El Salvador |
| Died | 12 September 2012 (aged 76) La Libertad, El Salvador |
| Nationality | Salvadoran |
| Profession | Military |
| Military service | |
| Allegiance |  |
| Branch/service |  |
| Rank | Commander-in-Chief |
| Commands | Salvadoran Army |
| Battles/wars | Football War 1979 Salvadoran coup d'état Salvadoran Civil War |
Biography
Jaime Abdul Gutiérrez Avendaño was born on April 5, 1936 in Sonsonate. He graduated from the Military School in San Salvador. He served in the Salvadoran Army as an engineer in the chemical forces. In 1968 he received his degree at the Higher Military Engineering School of Mexico. In July 1969, he returned to El Salvador and took part in Football War with neighboring Honduras.
In 1979, Colonel Gutiérrez was involved in a military conspiracy to overthrow the regime of Carlos Humberto Romero. After the coup on October 15, 1979, Gutiérrez became one of two army representatives in the Revolutionary Government Junta of El Salvador. Gutiérrez was considered the second most important person in the junta after Colonel Adolfo Arnoldo Majano. Soon, disagreements began to grow between the two leaders of the country: Majano saw a solution to the deepening political crisis in radical social reforms. Gutiérrez, representing the interests of the conservative-minded army, relied on military methods to solve El Salvador's political crisis. In May 1980, the right-wing military achieved the removal of Adolfo Majano from power, and on May 12, 1980, Jaime Abdul Gutiérrez took over as commander in chief of the armed forces. Two days later, he headed the Revolutionary junta. The elimination of dual power and the victory of the right in the leadership of El Salvador led to the transition to an open civil war. Over the following months, terror escalated and hostilities spread throughout the country.
On December 13, 1980, after Majano's complete resignation, it was decided to form the third Revolutionary Government Junta. Christian Democrat José Napoleón Duarte was appointed President of El Salvador while Colonel Gutiérrez took over as Vice President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. Over the next year and a half, the new government managed not only to maintain a military advantage and retain power, but also to hold elections to the Constitutional Assembly on March 28, 1982. On May 2, 1982, José Napoleón Duarte and Jaime Abdul Gutiérrez resigned, transferring power to the interim president-elect Álvaro Magaña.
Jaime Abdul Gutiérrez resigned from the army with the rank of general. He took over as president of the National Communications Administration, was chairman of the Executive Commission of the Hydroelectric Complex on the Lempa River, and held a number of other important posts.
Jaime Abdul Gutiérrez Avendaño died on August 9, 2012 at his home in La Libertad. His death was soon reported by military authorities. Gutiérrez was buried on August 10, 2012 after parting and the funeral Mass. A Military Academy named after General Manuel José Arce expressed condolences to the family of Gutiérrez.
Jaime Abdul Gutiérrez causes controversy in Salvadoran society: some consider him a dictator and conductor of state terror, others consider him an honest military man who “did not sit down at the negotiating table with criminals” and provided stability to the country. Participation in the 1979 coup is also put to merit and blame: someone believes that he put an end to the bloody dictatorship of Carlos Romero, and someone accuses him of eliminating the regime of “military stability” that existed since 1962.
References
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