Enrique Gil Robles

Enrique Gil Robles (1849–1908) was a Spanish law scholar and a Carlist theorist. In popular public discourse he is known mostly as father of José María Gil-Robles y Quiñones. In scholarly debate he is recognized principally as one of key ideologues of Traditionalism; some authors view him also as major representative of a theory of law known as iusnaturalismo.

Enrique Gil Robles
Born
Enrique Gil Robles

1849
Salamanca
Died1908 (aged 58–59)
Salamanca
NationalitySpanish
Occupationacademic
Known forscholar, politician
Political partyCarlist, Integrist

Family and youth
Enrique Gil y Carrasco

Enrique's paternal ancestors were a family of modest hidalgos from Leon. His grandfather, Juan Gil, settled in the town of Villafranca del Bierzo, serving as administrator of real estates belonging to Marqués de Villafranca and those owned by the local Catholic Church.[1] Though a conservative, during Trienio Liberal (1821-1823) Gil was particularly active enlarging Villafranca's holdings by massive purchases of former Church property, put on sale during the first wave of desamortización. Following the death of marqués, audit of his possessions performed by state officials revealed that there were 20,114 reales missing.[2] Though there were many doubts lingering, Gil left in disgrace and settled in Ponferrada.[3]

Juan's oldest son, Enrique Gil y Carrasco, served in the cristino army during the First Carlist War[4] and later became one of the best known Spanish authors of Romanticism. Before moving on diplomatic mission to Prussia he worked as local tax collector; since the job was inheritable, it was taken over by Juan's younger son and the future father of Enrique, Eugenio Gil y Carrasco (1819-?). Eugenio also demonstrated some knack for letters; following premature death of his brother he edited his works and published some himself. They were intended to preserve the memory of his late sibling, though Eugenio published also poems, few dedicated to his son.[5] He married Maria Robles Burruezo,[6] a native of Málaga.[7] The couple settled in Salamanca, where Eugenio continued as "administrador de rentas reales".[8]

José María Gil-Robles y Quiñones

There is very little information available on the childhood years of the young Enrique, except that he was very early orphaned by his mother.[9] He obtained bachillerato in Filosofía y Letras in Instituto de Segunda Enseñanza of Salamanca in 1864,[10] studied law at the Salamanca University but graduated in derecho civil y canonico in Universidad Central in 1868.[11] Upon the 1870 foundation of Instituto de Segunda Enseñanza in Ponferrada he was employed as "profesor interino" and commenced teaching historia universal, historia de España and retórica y poética, in the early 1870s assuming also the chair of psicología, lógica y ética.[12] Simultaneously he was pursuing doctoral research in Madrid; he defended the PhD thesis in 1872.[13] Already a doctor, in 1875 he became full titular professor of the Ponferrada Instituto.[14]

As a 45-year-old Enrique Gil Robles married Petra Quiñones Armesto,[15] originating from Ponferrada.[16] The couple had 3 children, born between 1894 and 1898; the oldest son died few days after birth. The second and the youngest son, José María, as leader of CEDA became one of the best known politicians of the Second Spanish Republic; acknowledging nationwide renown of his father, he adopted the name of José María Gil-Robles y Quinones.[17] His son and Enrique's grandson, José María Gil-Robles y Gil-Delgado, following the Spanish transition to democracy became one of the country leading politicians; active in Alianza Popular and Partido Popular, in 1997-1999 he was president of the European Parliament.[18]

Academic
Escuelas Menores patio, Salamanca

In 1874 Gil apparently intended to take part in contest for chairs of elementos de derecho publico y administrativo español, to be held by universities in Oviedo, Valencia and Granada. Though admitted, for reasons which are not clear he did not attend the hearings.[19] In July 1875 he did, however, participate in the contest for chairing cátedra de derecho político y administrativo in his native University of Salamanca, and emerged successful,[20] in 1876 nominated catedrático numerario.[21] He will occupy this post for the next 32 years, failing to show up at university premises only 4 days before death.[22] The only difference in his assignment was that at some point the cátedra was split in two, and Gil continued as chair of derecho político.[23]

A number of times Gil attempted to move away from Salamanca. In 1881 he was unsuccessful when applying for the same chair in Barcelona. The appeal was turned down by the ministry, but his victorious contender resigned and Gil was appointed in due course. However, shortly afterwards Gil resigned as well, quoting "unforeseen circumstances", and resumed his Salamanca duties.[24] In 1882-1883 he fielded his candidature for derecho publico at Universidad Central in Madrid; the attempt was unsuccessful following some repeated changes of the admission procedure, which might be interpreted as aimed against Gil.[25] In 1883-1886 he applied to enter the contest for cátedra de historia del derecho at Central, but was not admitted on legal grounds; similarly, he was rejected in 1885 for literatura jurídica and in 1886 for derecho canónico, always at Central. In 1891 he resumed his attempt for historia in Madrid, again to no avail. In 1901 Gil presented his bid for chair of Estudios Superiores de Derecho penal y de Antropología criminal, again in the capital, and was again unsuccessful.[26]

university chapel

Gil was building his academic position over time. In the early 1880s he had to suffer aggression from liberal circles both in the city and at the Salamanca university;[27] as late as in the mid-1880s he was referred to as "almost unknown" in the world of Spanish law scholars.[28] Gradually gaining recognition, throughout his career Gil was a number of times acting as judge in numerous contests for academic chairs across Spain and took part in national juridical congresses.[29] He was also popular among students, who appreciated his clear style combined with courtesy and benevolence.[30] Temporarily rising to dean of the law faculty,[31] in the early 1890s Gil, along Mariano Arés Sanz, was already among the most prestigious Salamanca scholars;[32] indeed by the end of the decade together with other neo-Thomists he dominated the Salamanca intellectual realm and was largely responsible for conservative reputation of the university.[33] At the turn of the centuries it was rather the newcomers with pro-socialist leaning, like Miguel de Unamuno, who had to struggle against overwhelmingly conservative ambience.[34] Largely aided by arrival of Pedro Dorado Montero, they gained ground in the 1900s,[35] though Gil Robles until his death remained an iconic Salamanca figure.[36]

Works
Tratado de derecho

Enrique Gil Robles was not a prolific writer; his written heritage is one major work, few booklets, a couple of articles in specialized reviews and a handful of manuscripts. He is known to have contributed to a number of periodicals, but exact scope of this activity is unclear; none of the scholarly studies consulted refers to him as "periodista".[37] His works fall into 3 categories: theory of state, theory of law and pedagogy. Though he started writing in the early 1870s, his best known works were written and published between 1891 and 1902.

Gil's opus magnum was Tratado de derecho político según los principios de la filosofía y el derecho cristianos (Treaty on political law according to the principles of Christian law and philosophy), published in Salamanca in two volumes respectively in 1899 and 1902. Spanning across over 1,100 pages, the work was intended to provide exhaustive lecture on organization of state in general and principles of public law in particular, though it grew into synthesis of author's view on politics, history and religion. Two other publications, incomparable in size but far more often quoted, are two booklets: El absolutismo y la democracia (1891, containing his address opening the academic year in University of Salamanca) and Oligarquía y caciquismo. Naturaleza. Primeras causas. Remedios. Urgencia de ellos (1901). Both were formatted as lectures on problems of current Spanish politics, enveloped in wider ideological and philosophical discourse. Much less known is his early work on theory of a lawful state, ¿Qué condiciones debe reunir la Jurisprudencia para disfrutar de la autoridad de doctrina legal? (1888).

El catolicismo liberal

Among a number of works related to education the first to be named is El catolicismo liberal y la libertad de enseñanza (1896), a book comparing Catholic and liberal educational models; it developed theses laid out earlier in La Libertad Universitaria (1882).[38] Less partisan and more technical studies were Ensayo de metodologia juridical (1893), Guía para el estudio del Derecho administrativo (1899), Advertencia preliminar a las "Recitaciones de Derecho Canónico y disciplina Eclesiástica de España" de Julián Portilla Martín (1900), Indicador y programa para la explicación en cátedra y la preparación fuera de ella de la asignatura de derecho político español comparado con el extranjero (1906), Método de enseñanza y programa de la asignatura de Elementos de Derecho político y administrativo español, Memoria acerca del método de enseñanza, plan, y programa de la asignatura de elementos de Derecho Político y Administrativo español and Razonamiento y programa de la asignatura de Historia general del Derecho español para las oposiciones de dicha Cátedra vacante en la Universidad Central (all in manuscript).[39]

Gil's written heritage is complete with very few scholarly articles on politics, education and law,[40] one translation from German (Friedrich Julius Stahl, Rechtsphilosophie) and an unspecified number of pieces contributed to local and national periodicals.[41] None of his works was issued again until 1961, when Tratado de derecho politico was re-edited by a Madrid publishing house.[42] One present-day student refers to his opus as "very ample".[43]

Thought
Donoso by Hernandez

Some suggest that Gil's doctrine formed part of regenerationism and was largely a response to the 1898 disaster;[44] most scholars claim that his thought continued earlier 19th Traditionalist works, especially those of Donoso Cortés, and developed mostly as reaction to the 1868 revolution.[45] All students agree that Gil diagnosed the key malady of Spain as Liberalism, which destroyed traditional structures and replaced them with bourgeoisie oligarchy, exercised systematically by means of industry and trade and personally by the network of caciques.[46] The prescription advocated was reversal to the spirit and partially institutions of Antiguo Régimen;[47] two key elements of Gil's vision were organic society and sovereign king.[48]

According to Gil men, who are not equally free and sovereign, form part of different groups.[49] Though being individuals, they are expressed by activity in various social entities and in the overall structure.[50] Society is not a sum of individuals, but a structure made of these groups; comparison to a living body consisting of vital organic wholes gave rise to the term "organic society", a pluralist and gradualist structure.[51] All groups retain their internal autonomy;[52] in Gil's nomenclature it was referred to as "autarquia"[53] and stood for self-government.[54] Society consists of 3 layers: noble class, middle class and working class, each with own roles and functions,[55] though there are also other horizontal and vertical lines making various groups distinct.[56] Democracy[57] is not a political regime, but a constituting principle of such a society;[58] it means recognition of roles performed by various groups and of their internal sovereignty,[59] which at times might include the right to coerce.[60] Society is held together by interdependence of its components and not by any social contract; contracts, by definition voluntary, temporary and reversible, would make such a commonality absurd.[61]

Aquinas by Herrera

Political representation is performed not by universal suffrage,[62] which is anti-democratic as it unduly elevates individual self[63] and gives rise to corruption and political oligarchy, but is to be channeled along corporative lines.[64] The diet – named "organicista"[65] or "corporatista"[66] - is to be entrusted with legislative initiative and consulting tasks.[67] It should consist of two chambers. The lower one is to host territorial and labor entities, the upper one is to be made of selected and noble nominees.[68]

The idea of state should be based on "monarquía bajomedieval",[69] a withdrawn structure[70] which performs only basic roles and cedes most governing to its social components.[71] The rise of potent state – like most European countries of the late 19th century, Spain included - was due to decomposition of the society, unable to govern itself. In case of sane society, the state structure should be topped by a sovereign, a person (monarchy) rather than entity (poliarquia),[72] limited in his powers by autarquia of social groupings, but enjoying political sovereignty – Gil rejected separation of powers into legislative, executive and juridical,[73] though he distinguished between social and political sovereignty.[74] He dismissed absolutist[75] and constitutional[76] monarchy alike. However, in extremis he was prepared to endorse coercion[77] and admitted that dictatorial monarchy was acceptable as a last resort.[78]

Politician
Ramón Nocedal, 1880s

None of the sources consulted clarifies how Gil adopted a conservative outlook.[79] Having been eyewitness to excesses of the 1868 revolution in Madrid he might have been influenced by the neocatólicos, especially that he forged a close relationship with Ramón Nocedal. In 1869 co-founder of local Juventud Católica,[80] starting 1870 he was delivering addresses with strong Traditionalist leaning and was quoted by Carlist newspapers.[81] No source confirms (or denies) that he took part in the Third Carlist War, though some obituaries ambiguously claim that he "led the brave youth of Salamanca [...] fighting to defend Spain" of his ideal;[82] it remains mysterious why he failed to attend 1874 hearings for academic posts he signed up to.[83]

Gil remained active in Juventud also after 1876,[84] and in late 1870s continued in its Salamanca executive.[85] Engaged in broad Traditionalist movement, he prepared a massive 1882 pilgrimage to Rome[86] and co-signed letters of support, addressed to ecclesiastical hierarchs and animated by the Nocedals.[87] Gil participated also in clearly Carlist initiatives, like 1883 attempt to build a monument of Zumalacarregui,[88] published in Carlist press[89] and in the mid-1880s was already among leaders of the Salmantine Traditionalism.[90] In 1886, he was rumored to run on the Carlist ticket for the Cortes,[91] but the party eventually decided to maintain their abstention strategy.

Carlos VII, 1898

During the 1888 crisis Gil decided to join the breakaway Nocedal-led Integrists,[92] signing up to Manifesto de Búrgos.[93] In 1889 Gil was among organizers of their Partido Tradicionalista, but did not enter its executive.[94] In 1891 he ran as Integrist for the Cortes in the Sequeros district;[95] initially reported victorious,[96] he was finally declared defeated[97] and did not renew his bid in the following campaign of 1893. During run-up to the 1896 campaign he led the provincial junta electoral[98] but did not run himself. At that time his relations with Nocedal were cooling down.[99] Apart from other reasons,[100] Gil was allegedly uncomfortable with virulent Integrist campaign against the Carlist claimant.[101] In early 1899 Gil attempted to arrange reconciliation between mainstream Carlists and the Integrists, but was greeted with ice cold response of Nocedal.[102] Later that year the two broke altogether,[103] their public altercation cheered by the Republican press.[104]

Having left Integrism Gil returned to "vieja mansión" of mainstream Carlism;[105] following 1899 exchange of cordial letters with Carlos VII[106] he started to publish in semi-official party daily Correo Español,[107] though he did not enter the party structures. For some time in 1901-1902 he kept working for reconciliation.[108] In 1903 he renewed his Cortes bid,[109] this time almost assured victory in the Carlist-dominated Pamplona.[110] In the diet he became the spokesman of the Carlist minority[111] and until 1905 was fairly frequently reported by the press as active on a variety of issues,[112] ranging from education[113] to Catalan question,[114] legal order,[115] organization of trade,[116] foreign policy,[117] internal rules of the Congress[118] and religion.[119] He did not run in the 1905 and 1907 elections and remained rather loosely involved in internal Carlist politics,[120] but kept publishing in Correo Español.[121]

Salmantino
Tomás Cámara y Castro

Gil was active in many fields of the Salmantine realm. In 1883 he entered the local Comisión de Reformas Sociales;[122] in 1887 he was admitted as member-correspondent to Académia de Legislación y Jurisprudencia de Salamanca;[123] in 1893 he was voted into the city ayuntamiento, where he led the conservative faction; this council was dubbed "ayuntamiento de notables";[124] in 1894 he was vice-president of the Salamancan Liga de Productores;[125] in 1902[126] he was nominated to Consejo Universitario in Salamanca[127] and other provincial educational bodies[128] and in 1903 he was proposed to represent the province in the Senate, delegated by the University.[129] He contributed to Salmantine Traditionalist periodicals, first La Tesis,[130] then La Región and finally La Información.[131] However, Gil left his trademark on the Salmantine life by means of two long-lasting conflicts with other local personalities.

The intransigent Integrists clashed with the Spanish ecclesiastical hierarchy, which advocated the platform of Catholic unity, almost from the onset, which finally led to calling off the 1882 pilgrimage to Rome.[132] Locally the conflict was aggravated with the 1885 arrival of the new Salamanca bishop, Tomás Cámara y Castro, a hierarch described as posibilista,[133] moderado and aperturista.[134] He launched onslaught on fundamentalist line of local Traditionalist periodicals,[135] which soon led to an open press war;[136] the most distinguished representative of Salmantine Integros, supported by the local Jesuits,[137] was Gil, dubbed "prohombre" of "camarilla jesuítica antiepiscopal".[138] The conflict climaxed in 1892, when Cámara banned local Catholics from reading La Región[139] and all periodicals edited by Manuel Sánchez Asensio and Gil Robles.[140] The latter fought back appealing to Rome,[141] kept referring to the bishop with venomous irony[142] and confronted him as late as in 1895.[143] In the late 1890s the conflict scaled down as Gil moved away from Integrism and Cámara turned his ally in showdown against liberal University scholars.

Miguel de Unamuno

After 1891 death of Mariano Arés Sanz the Salmantine academic realm was almost entirely dominated by conservatives like Gil Robles, Alejandro de la Torre Vélez and Nicasio Sánchez Mata.[144] It was exactly the funeral of Arés which produced confrontation with Miguel de Unamuno, then a young professor of Greek freshly landed in Salamanca.[145] Gil's address opening the 1891-2 course elicited another backlash, which took shape of 5 Unamuno's articles titled Un nocedalino desquiciado.[146] Written in very aggressive language quite untypical for public disputes between academics of the era, they denounced Gil as a reactionary intending to galvanize the long dead Middle Ages; Unamuno lambasted his opponent as "inepto, mediocre y indocto" and his address as "sudado, artificioso, falso, manera y no estilo".[147] Later on Unamuno backtracked, at least in terms of tone,[148] but relations between the two remained tense.[149] Unamuno soon found an ally in another newcomer academic, Pedro Dorado Montero, in 1897 endangered not only by expulsion from the university, but also by excommunication;[150] the two kept reclaiming the local academic realm from the conservatives, the task largely completed after the death of Gil Robles.[151]

Reception and legacy
Carlist standard

By the end of his life Gil emerged as key Traditionalist thinker and gained a prestigious scholarly position;[152] however, he did not make it to the top elite of Spanish law academics, as certified by his failures to obtain a chair in Madrid.[153] Following death[154] his memory was first eclipsed and later relegated into oblivion by prolific activity of another Carlist theorist, Juan Vázquez de Mella.[155] In the 1930s his image was reduced further on to merely "a father of José Maria Gil-Robles". After the war neither the regime nor any other political grouping admitted deference to Gil. During revival of the Carlist doctrine in the late Francoist era its key theorists focused on de Mella and referred to Gil casually,[156] though he was acknowledged as one of the giants of Traditionalism.[157] Following transición Traditionalism went dramatically out of fashion and a present-day student refers to Gil as "unknown figure, unjustly forgotten".[158] Apart from an unpublished 1969 PhD thesis and a handful of articles, he has earned no major monograph so far.

In the current scholarly discourse as a law theorist Gil is classified as 'iusnaturalista" belonging either to the neo-scholastic[159] or neo-thomist school,[160] indebted to Luigi Taparelli, José Prisco[161] and Luis Mendizabal Martín.[162] In dedicated works on natural law in Spain he is treated either marginally[163] or not at all,[164] though some authors appreciate his original contribution.[165] As a theorist of education he is presented as representative of Catholic fundamentalism,[166] enemy of krausism and heterodoxy.[167] As a state theorist he is usually referred to as Traditionalist,[168] sometimes also as "organicista",[169] "católico tradicional"[170] or representative of "corporativismo católico".[171] As a politician Gil is typically labeled either as Carlist[172] or Integrist.[173] As a public figure he is considered a reactionary.[174] According to his son[175] he was "a democrat to the core";[176] José María Gil-Robles admitted having been politically indebted to his father,[177] but their visions of Christian democracy were entirely incompatible.[178]

Scholars differ when assessing Gil's contribution to Traditionalism. In a very recent historiographical synthesis of the theory he is treated marginally;[179] some see him as merely a "sistematizador" of earlier thought;[180] others view him as a theorist who re-modeled the ideology[181] and one of the all-time Traditionalist greats.[182] One student names Gil "most systematic doctrinaire of Traditionalism of the early 20th century" and considers de Mella his follower.[183] In the Spanish public discourse Gil remains largely unknown[184] and hence, unlike some other Traditionalist thinkers, does not generate controversy.[185] In the international realm popular works of mostly foreign historians portrayed him as sort of proto-fascist.[186] Also specialized Spanish scholars, when discussing his general contribution to right-wing thought, despite Gil's vehement hostility towards omnipotent state admit that "generic organicist ideas that emerged in a general movement of reflux of individualism, put in front of the social question, eventually facilitated the arrival in the twenties to authoritarian or totalitarian corporatist solutions."[187]

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See also

Footnotes
  1. Raquel Pérez Valle, Biografía. D. Enrique Gil y Carrasco, part 1: Su nacimiento, [in:] Ricardo Gullón (ed.), Cisne Sin Lago. Vida y obra de Enrique Gil y Carrasco, Madrid 1951, p. 6, available here Archived 2017-01-12 at the Wayback Machine
  2. Pérez Valle 1951, p. 6
  3. Pérez Valle 1951, pp. 6-7
  4. Raquel Pérez Valle, Biografía. D. Enrique Gil y Carrasco, part 3: Su juventud, [in:] Ricardo Gullón (ed.), Cisne Sin Lago. Vida y obra de Enrique Gil y Carrasco, Madrid 1951, p. 7, available here
  5. Eugenio Gil, Un ensueño - biografia, [in:] (ed.), G. Laverde, Obras de Enrique Gil, Madrid 1855, especially a poem A mi hijo, p. XXXIII, available online here
  6. Felipe Alfonso Rojas Quintana, Enrique Gil y Robles: la respuesta de un pensadór católico a la crisis del 98, [in:] Hispania Sacra 53 (2001), p. 214
  7. Sebastián Martín, Gil y Robles, Enrique (1849-1908) entry, [in:] Diccionario de catedráticos españoles de derecho (1847-1943) 2014, available here
  8. Martín 2014
  9. Rojas 2001, p. 214
  10. Martín 2014
  11. in Madrid, Martín 2014
  12. Martín 2014
  13. Martín 2014; some sources claim the correct date is 1874, see Rojas 2001, p. 214. One of the assessors, Francisco Giner de los Ríos, was so impressed by the young scholar he visited Gil later the same day, offering him protection and friendship. Gil rejected the former and accepted the latter, which was maintained– despite sharp ideological differences – until the death of Robles, Revista católica de cuestiones sociales 163 (1908) p. 470, available here
  14. Martín 2014
  15. José María Gil Robles, [in:] Vida. Biografias anecdoticas 3 (1936), p. 3, available here
  16. Rojas 2001, p. 214
  17. and not José Maria Gil Quinones, as would have been usual according to the Spanish naming customs; detailed discussion of José María changing the surname in José María Gil Robles, [in:] Vida. Biografias anecdoticas 3 (1936), p. 7
  18. Excmo. Sr. Dr. D. José María Gil-Robles Gil-Delgado, [in:] Real Academia de Ciencias Economicas y Financieras website, available here
  19. Martín 2014
  20. Martín 2014; some sources claim in 1873, see Rojas 2001, p. 214
  21. Martín 2014
  22. Revista católica de cuestiones sociales 163 (1908) p. 470
  23. Martín 2014
  24. as the contest took place during the summer holiday period, Gil’s career in Salamanca has not been interrupted, Martín 2014
  25. Martín 2014
  26. it was a newly created chair within the faculty of law, Martín 2014
  27. José María Hernández Díaz, Maestros y escuelas en la Salamanca contemporánea, Salamanca 2001, ISBN SBN 8495327031, esp. the sub-chapter Agresión a Gil Robles por un "cate" en la Universidad (1884)
  28. "casi desconocido", Adolfo Posada, Fragmentos de mis memorias, Oviedo 1983, ISBN 9788474680706, p. 268
  29. e.g. in 1881 in Granada, 1886 and 1888 in Barcelona or 1902 in Seville, Martín 2014, also El Dia 25.08.86, available here or El Dia 18.08.88, available here
  30. his peculiarity was the obsession to know each student personally; for picturesque description of his lectures see Rojas 2001, pp. 216-217
  31. at unspecified time and as decano interino, temporary dean, Rojas 2001, p. 218
  32. Posada 1983, p. 270
  33. Luis Enrique Rodríguez-San Pedro Bezares, Historia de la Universidad de Salamanca, vol. 1, Trayectoria histórica e instituciones vinculadas, Salamanca 2002, ISBN 9788478001163, p. 254
  34. Unamuno wrote: "esta Salamanca era por entonces, cuando yo llegué acá, uno de los más activos focos – acaso el más activo – de las luchas intestinas de la derecha antiliberal", quoted after Ana Chaguaceda Toledano, Miguel de Unamuno. Estudios sobre su obra, Vol. 2, Salamanca 2005, ISBN 9788478005925, p. 74
  35. Posada 1983, p. 270
  36. Jean-Claude Rabaté, 1900 en Salamanca. Guerra y paz en la Salamanca del joven Unamuno, Salamanca 1997, ISBN 9788474818512, p. 15
  37. Gil is known to have contributed to La Informacion - see La Epoca 27.07.08, available here, to La Región - see José Andres Gallego, La politica religiosa en España, Madrid 1975, p. 41, to La Tradicion - see Rabaté 1997, p. 170, and to La Tesis, Carlos Manuel Sánchez Pérez, Manuel Sánchez Asensio (1860-1919) a través de los periódicos que fundó y dirigió, [in:] Documentación de las Ciencias de la Información 30 (2007), p. 152
  38. see La Ciencia Cristiana 37 (1884), available here
  39. Gonzalo Díaz Díaz, Hombres y documentos de la filosofía española, vol. 3, Madrid 1988, ISBN 9788400067038, p. 462
  40. Sobre el discurso de D. Antonio Cánovas en la Academia de Ciencias Morales y Politicas [in:] La ciencia cristiana (Madrid pp. 5-12, 103-107, 409-417, 502-506, year 1881,) Otro discurso académico del Sr. Cánovas del Castillo (Madrid 1882 pp. 385-395, 516-526), De Pedagogía [in:] La España Moderna (1894, pp. 39-47), Estudios socials sobre el código civil, [in:] Revista Católica de las cuestiones Sociales 97 (1903)
  41. usually signed, see El Siglo Futuro 06.11.95, available here, though also under pen names like E.G.y R., see El Siglo Futuro 21.06.99, available here
  42. by Casa Afrodisio Aguado and with punctuation corrected by Pablo Beltrán de Heredia
  43. Rojas 2001, p. 219
  44. like Rojas
  45. like García Canales, Gonzalez Cuevas or Montoro Ballesteros
  46. Rojas 2001, pp. 219-20
  47. Rojas 2001, p. 222
  48. Mariano García Canales, La democracia y el repliegue del individuo: organicismo y corporativismo, [in:] Espacio, Tiempo y Forma 27 (2015), p. 26
  49. Manuel Alberto Montoro Ballesteros, La idea de democracia en el pensamiento de don Enrique Gil y Robles, [in:] Revista de estudios políticos 174 (1970), p. 100
  50. Gil pursued a concept of dual relationship, as an individual is linked to groups he belongs to and to the entire society, Mariano García Canales, La teoría de la representación en la España del siglo XX: (de la crisis de la restauración a 1936), Madrid 1977, ISBN 9788460010531, p. 45, García Canales (2015), p. 25
  51. Pedro Carlos González Cuevas, Tradicionalismo, catolicismo y nacionalismo, [in:] Ayer 71 (2008), p. 32
  52. García Canales 1977, pp. 38, 43-4
  53. José J. Albert Márquez, Hacia un estado corporativo de justicia. Fundamentos del derecho y del estado en José Pedro Galvao de Sousa, Barcelona 2010, ISBN 9788415929284, p. 99
  54. Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, p. 367
  55. Montoro Ballesteros 1970, p. 93, Rojas 2001, p. 224
  56. horizontal ones are mostly territorial: family, municipio, region, province etc, while vertical are mostly functional, like gremios, asociaciones, parties etc., Garcia Canales 1977, p. 46, García Canales 2015, p. 26
  57. the term was used by Gil literally, as "democracia"
  58. Montoro Ballesteros 1970, p. 92
  59. "Llamemos, pues, democracia al total estado jurídico del pueblo, es decir, a la condición que resulta del reconocimiento, garantía y goce de todos los derechos privados, públicos y políticos que corresponden a la clase popular, la cual, si no es soberana, es también imperante y gobernante en proporción de su valor y fuerza sociales", quoted after Montoro Ballesteros 1970, p. 93
  60. "el derecho que corresponde a la persona superior de una sociedad para obligar a los miembros de ella a los actos conducentes al fin social, en cuanto, por naturaleza o circunstancias, sean incapaces esos miembros de ordenarse a dicho fin o bien", quoted after Montoro Ballesteros 1970, p. 95
  61. García Canales 2015, p. 26
  62. which was deemed as dictatorship of the plebs ("plebe"), Montoro Ballesteros 1970, pp. 99-100
  63. Montoro Ballesteros 1970, p. 95
  64. Garcia Canales 1977, p. 46, García Canales 2015, p. 26
  65. Javier Ordoñez, Utopía y distopía en el XIX español, [in:] Manuel Suárez Cortina (ed.), Utopías, quimeras, y desencantos: el universo utópico en la España liberal, Oviedo 2008, ISBN 9788481024821, pp. 38-9
  66. Pedro Carlos González Cuevas, Las tradiciones ideológicas de la extrema derecha española, [in:] Hispania 207 (2001), p. 119
  67. García Canales 2015, p. 26
  68. Garcia Canales 1977, p. 47
  69. Rojas 2001, p. 222
  70. Rojas 2001, p. 220
  71. Rojas 2001, p. 222; Gil strongly opposed the idea of omnipotent state, advancing theory of autarquic societies versus institutional power, Suárez Cortina 2008, pp. 38-9
  72. influenced by Karl Ludwig van Haller and Luigi Taparelli, Montoro Ballesteros 1970, pp. 96, 100
  73. Montoro Ballesteros 1970, pp. 96, 98
  74. Pedro Carlos González Cuevas, Tradicionalismo, [in:] Javier Fernández Sebastián (ed.), Diccionario político y social del siglo XX español, Madrid 2008, ISBN 9788420687698, p. 1163
  75. as cesarist, Rojas 2001, p. 221
  76. Gil distinguished between two types of constitutional monarchy: monarquía democrática (Spain according to the 1869 constitution; its article 32 declared sovereignty of the nation and assigned executive role to the king) or monarquía doctrinaria (Spain according to the 1876 constitution; its article 18 declared that powers reside jointly with Cortes and king), Montoro Ballesteros 1970, pp. 101-2
  77. Cristóbal Robles, Cristóbal Robles Muñoz, José María de Urquijo e Ybarra: opinión, religión y poder, Madrid 1997, ISBN 9788400076689, p. 73
  78. Rojas 2001, p. 221 Javier Esteve Martí, El carlismo ante la reorganización de las derechas. De la Segunda Guerra Carlista a la Guerra Civil, [in:] Revista de Historia Contemporánea 13 (2014), pp. 128-9
  79. Salamanca city and province were by no means a Carlist stronghold, though the movement retained significant force to be accounted for; it was powered by "notables rurales: medianos propietarios del campo, algunos comerciantes de relieve, pequeño artesanado y el añadido de unos profesionales liberales concentrados básicamente en la capital y en algunas cabezas de partido", Leopoldo-Santiago Diez Cano, Carlismo en Salamanca en el sexenio: notas sobre un movimiento "marginal", [in:] Studia historica. Historia contemporánea 4 (1986). pp. 43-4
  80. Diez Cano 1986. p. 46
  81. like La Regeneración 03.05.70, available here, La Regeneración 22.05.70, available here
  82. "figuró á la cabeza de aquella brava y animosa juventud salmantina que, respondiendo corno á una solemne evocación del espíritu de nuestra raza, peleaba con denuedo en defensa de la España de sus amores y de la religión de sus padres", Revista católica de cuestiones sociales 163 (1908) p. 469
  83. Martín 2014
  84. El Siglo Futuro 09.03.78, available here
  85. El Siglo Futuro 17.12.78, available here, also El Siglo Futuro 15.12.79, available here; one source claims that as one of the Madrid Juventud Católica leaders he was offered a place in the Cortes by Canovas, the only string attached that he did not endorse the rights of Carlos VII; Gil allegedly refused, Revista católica de cuestiones sociales 163 (1908) p. 470
  86. El Siglo Futuro 17.01.82, available here; the initiative was soon dissolved as pressed by the episcopal authorities, El Siglo Futuro 20.02.82, available here
  87. El Siglo Futuro 07.04.85, available here also El Siglo Futuro 26.05.85, available here
  88. El Siglo Futuro 03.03.83, available here
  89. mostly La Tradicion (subtitled Dios, Patria y Rey), issued in 1886, Rabaté 1997, p. 170
  90. El Siglo Futuro 12.05.83, here
  91. La Dinastia 06.02.88, available here
  92. Javier Real Cuesta, El carlismo vasco 1876–1900, Madrid 1985, ISBN 9788432305108, p. 113
  93. El Siglo Futuro 07.11.88, available here
  94. El Siglo Futuro 01.08.89, available here
  95. La Unión Católica 29.01.91, available here; Sequeros was the most Carlist district of the province, some 26% of the party militants used to come from the area, Diez Cano 1986, p. 36
  96. El Liberal 03.02.91, available here
  97. see the official Cortes service, available here
  98. El Siglo Futuro 15.10.95, available here
  99. around 1897 El Siglo Futuro ceased to publish his articles and to advertise his books
  100. initially cordial relationship between Nocedal and Gil, forged in the late 1860s, started to crack allegedly in 1891-1892, when Nocedal refused to appeal to the Roman Rota protesting episcopal measures against La Región, José M. Cuenca Toribio, Otras memorias jesuíticas de la Restauración, [in:] Anales de Historia Contemporánea 1 (1982), p. 168
  101. Cuenca Toribio 1982, p. 168
  102. El Siglo Futuro 21.06.99, available here
  103. El Siglo Futuro 30.06.99, available here
  104. which mocked Gil by referring to him as "catedrático de Salamanca por desgracia de la juventud española", El País 12.07.99, available here
  105. Cuenca Toribio 1982, p. 153, Román Oyarzun, Historia del carlismo, Madrid 1969, p. 511
  106. Gil wrote in November 1899: "Señor: No encuentro palabras bastante expresivas con que manifestar a V. M. La gratitud de que le soy deudor. El regio autógrafo con que V. M. se ha dignado honrarme, sería sobrada recompensa de los más ilustres y heroicos servicios a la Causa de Dios, de la Patria y del Rey, no habiendo tenido yo la dicha de prestarlos; mas obligado quedo a consagrarme a ella sin reserva ni restricción alguna, para que los renglones trazados de la real mano sean merecida ejecutoria de lealtad que transmitir sin mancha a mis hijos. Hora es ya de que no haya más que un programa y una hueste bajo la Cruz triunfadora de todas las desventuras y catástrofes bajo la Monarquía cristiana, que hoy, como después del Guadalete, es la única institución que flota sobre el naufragio", to which Carlos VII responded: "Mi querido Gil Robles: Quiero ponerte yo mismo dos letras, pues arrepentimientos y retractaciones como las tuyas prueban, además de un espíritu recto y elevado, un gran corazón. Cuento contigo, y quiera Dios que muchos de los engañados abran los ojos y sigan tan noble ejemplo, para bien de nuestra querida y tan desgraciada España. Tu afectísimo, Carlos", quoted after Maximiliano Garcia Venero, Historia de la Unificacion, Madrid 1970, p. 18
  107. Cuenca Toribio 1982, p. 168
  108. El Siglo Futuro 12.11.01, available here
  109. declining the offer of having been appointed to Senate by the Salamanca academics, Revista católica de cuestiones sociales 163 (1908) p. 470
  110. see the official Cortes service, available here
  111. Jesús Millán, La Retopía del carlismo: referentes y márgenes ideológicos, [in:] Manuel Suárez Cortina, Utopías, quimeras, y desencantos: el universo utópico en la España liberal, Oviedo 2008, ISBN 9788481024821, p 255, Rojas 2001, p. 225; in the Cortes Gil earned the nickname Don Tancredo, a reference to a peculiar bullfighting technique, Posada 1983, p. 269
  112. some considered him too elegant and subtle for the Cortes business: "D. Enrique; es usted muy puro para vivir en este ambiente", quoted after Revista católica de cuestiones sociales 163 (1908) p. 470
  113. El Globo 11.07.08, available here
  114. El Liberal 11.07.08, available here, also Evarist Olcina, El Carlismo y las autonomías regionales, Madrid 1974, p. 197, Andres Gallego 1975, p. 338, Melchor Ferrer, Historia del legitimismo español, vol. XXX, Sevilla 1979, p. 89
  115. El Día 17.07.03, available here
  116. e.g. speaking against working on Sundays, El Día 05.11.03, available here
  117. El Día 26.11.03, available here, the same episode (despatching a Spanish warship on courtesy visit to the United States) discussed in Rojas 2001, pp. 224-6
  118. El Siglo Futuro 26.11.03, available here
  119. La Dinastia 12.06.04, available here
  120. e.g. Gil Robles is not a single time mentioned in massive dissertation on marqués de Cerralbo as a Carlist leader, in length discussing Carlist politics of the 1890s and 1900s, Agustín Fernández Escudero, El marqués de Cerralbo (1845–1922): biografía politica [PhD thesis], Madrid 2012
  121. and maintaining firmly reaccionary stand, e.g. when discussing the Russian revolution of 1905, see El Imparcial 07.03.05, available here
  122. Rabaté 1997, p. 107
  123. Martín 2014
  124. Rabaté 1997, pp. 157-8
  125. and lobbied in favor of protective measures against foreign imports, El Siglo Futuro 03.01.95, available here
  126. having received the official title of consejero de instrucción publica. In 1901, in recognition of his merits in education, he was offered high posts in administration, the proposal rejected as he decided not to accept assignements beyond his academic path, Martín 2014
  127. Martín 2014
  128. Posada 1983, p. 270
  129. but declined opting for running on a Carlist ticket to the lower chamber of the diet, Rojas 2001, p. 218
  130. an intransigent periodical issued in 1885-1886 by Manuel Sánchez Asensio. He wrote: "Tendremos respeto, tolerancia y caridad para las personas. Seremos inflexibles e intransigentes con las miserias y los vicios", the latter a reference to liberalism, Sánchez Pérez 2007, p. 152
  131. La Región was issued in Salamanca between 1890 and 1892, La Información between 1892 and 1897, Sánchez Pérez 2007, p. 159
  132. El Siglo Futuro 20.02.82, available here
  133. Sánchez Pérez 2007, p 153; he declared acceptance of art. 11 of the 1876 constitution, which set a new model of church-state relations, and adhered to the "hypothesis" theory, logical pillar of the "Catholic unity" strategy, Posada 1983, pp. 268-9
  134. Mariano Esteban de Vega, Católicos contra liberales notas sobre el ambiente ideológico salmantino en la Restauración, [in:] Studia historica. Historia contemporánea 4 (1986), p. 51
  135. Posada 1983, p. 269
  136. de Vega 1986, p. 51
  137. "jesuitas de la Clerecía", Claude Rabaté 1997, pp. 169-170
  138. Sánchez Pérez 2007, p. 166
  139. La Unión Católica 05.04.92, available here; the episcopal order read: "esta prohibición se extiende, mientras otra cosa no ordenáramos, á cualquier papel periódico que redactaren D. Manuel Sánchez Asensio ó D. Enrique Gil y Robles"
  140. Andres Gallego 1975, p. 41
  141. Rabaté 1997, p. 179, Cuenca Toribio 1982, p. 168
  142. Rabaté 1997, p. 183
  143. El Siglo Futuro 24.01.95, available here
  144. Rodríguez-San Pedro Bezares 2002, p, 254
  145. 1891 signed a letter supporting the idea of denying funeral academic honors to Ares, quoting law which prevented honors other than those compliant with Religión del Estado, Rabaté 1997, p. 136
  146. Rabaté 1997, pp. 147-8
  147. Rabaté 1997, p. 149
  148. Rabaté 1997, p. 151
  149. Rojas 2001, p. 213
  150. the issue was a so-called "Tercera cuestión universitaria" (teaching in line with Catholic outlook); in 1897 students denounced Montero as not adhering to the religious principles. Camara demanded that Dorada be expulsed, but the rector quoted constitutional stipulation that no-one will be persecuted for his religious outlook, Rojas 2001, p. 218, Sánchez Pérez 2007, pp. 164-6
  151. Ana Chaguaceda Toledano, Miguel de Unamuno. Estudios sobre su obra, vol. 2, Salamanca 2005, ISBN 9788478005925, pp. 74-75. For an overview of Unamuno's somewhat complex and ambiguous stance towards Carlism see Jordi Canal, Un gran episodio nacional: Unamuno, el carlismo y las guerras civiles, [in:] Ana Chaguaceda Toledano (ed.), Miguel de Unamuno estudio sobre su obra IV: actas de las VII Jornadas unamunianas, Salamanca 2009, ISBN 9788478002931, pp. 207-214 and Jean-Claude Rabaté, Miguel de Unamuno y el carlismo, [in:] Imágenes: el Carlismo en las artes. III Jornadas de Estudio del Carlismo, Estella 2010, ISBN 9788423532278, pp. 13-28
  152. according to Francisco Giner de los Ríos, Gil "era el escritor y pensador de más sólida formación de la escuela católica española en lo referente a las ciencas políticas", quoted after Posada 1983, pp. 268-9, and his Tratado de Derecho Politico was above anything written in Catholic Hispanic literature, Rojas 2001, p. 215
  153. he has also never entered Real Academia de Jurisprudencia y Legislación
  154. he died due to hemiparesis and his death reverberated in the press of the era, for review of obituaries see Revista católica de cuestiones sociales 163 (1908) p. 470 and onwards
  155. José Luis Orella Martínez, El origen del primer Catolicismo social Español, [PhD thesis, Universidad de Educación a Distancia], Madrid 2012, pp. 36-7
  156. see e.g. the writings of Francisco Elias de Tejada or Rafael Gambra. The sole post-war Traditionalist scholar who ventured to develop some threads of Gil’s work was Marcial Solana; he focused on the autarchy thesis, Jacek Bartyzel, Nic bez Boga, nic wbrew tradycji, Radzymin 2015, ISBN 9788360748732, pp. 113, 189–201
  157. see the 1970 booklet ¿Que es el carlismo?, available here, p. 10
  158. "figura desconocida, injustamente olvidado", Rojas 2001, pp. 213, 227
  159. Indice Historico Espanol Vol. XVIII no 65, Barcelona 1972, p. 451
  160. Montoro Ballesteros, Filosofia y estilo de vida: apunte biografico y perfil intelectual del profesor Mariano Hurtado Bautista, [in:] Antonio Perez Martin (ed.), Funciones y fines del derecho: estudios en homenaje al profesor Mariano Hurtado Bautista, Murcia 1992, ISBN 9788476843260, p. 23
  161. Antonio Enrique Pérez Luño, El derecho natural en la España del siglo XX, [in:] F. Puig (ed.), El Derecho Natural Hispánico, Madrid 1973, p. 134
  162. Pérez Luño 1973, p. 138
  163. compare Pérez Luño 1973, pp. 140-1
  164. Enrique Pérez Luño, Natural law theory in Spain and Portugal, [in:] The Age of Human Rights Journal 1 (2013), pp. 1-24
  165. namely his elaboration of monistic "derecho objetivo" (aimed against duality of public and private law), noted by Albert Márquez 2010, p. 99, and distinction between derecho natural divino, a natural attribute of a being, and derecho natural adventicio, appearing in cases and deeds created by human activity, distinction which enables historic projection of natural law and which relates to doctrine of Francisco Suárez and his differentiating between lex (ius naturale praeceptivum) and dominium (ius naturale dominativum), - Pérez Luño 1973, pp. 140-1; detailed discussion of Suárez concept in J. A. Fernández-Santamaría, Natural Law, Constitutionalism, Reason of State, and War: Counter-reformation Spanish Political Thought, vol. 1, Madrid 2005, ISBN 9780820474274, p. 132
  166. education is to be managed by the Church, which guarantees unity and spirit of the nation, Rojas 2001, p 222
  167. Pedro Carlos González Cuevas, Las tradiciones ideológicas de la extrema derecha española, Hispania 207 (2001), p. 119
  168. one of "doctrinarios de tradicionalismo carlista" (Orella Martínez 2012, p. 449), "teoretico del tradicionalismo" (Juan Rodríguez Ruiz, José María Benavente Barreda, Tradicionalismo, [in:] Enciclopedia de la Cultura Española, Madrid 1968, pp. 456-459), also García Canales 2015, p 25, González Cuevas 2008, p. 1165; some claim that Gil "offers fruitful and original synthesis of neothomism and traditionalism" (Díaz Díaz 1988, p. 462. A peculiar approach is demonstrated by a historian militant in progressist Partido Carlista, who claims that Traiditonalists were aliens who infiltrated the genuine Carlism, compare José Carlos Clemente Muñoz, El carlismo en el novecientos español (1876-1936), Madrid 1999, ISBN 9788483741535, p. 56
  169. José Manuel Roca, La derecha furiosa, Madrid 2005, ISBN 9788493447472, p. 161
  170. Rojas 2001, p. 213
  171. Laureano López Rodó, Memorias, Madrid 1990, ISBN 9788478630097, p. 143
  172. Gonzalo Álvarez Chillida, El antisemitismo en España: la imagen del judío, 1812-2002, Madrid 2002, ISBN 9788495379443, p. 227, José Andrés-Gallego, Antón M. Pazos, La Iglesia en la España contemporánea 1800-1936, Madrid 1999, ISBN 9788474905199, p. 216, José Andrés Gallego, Historia general de España y América, Madrid 1982, ISBN 9788432121135, p. 694, Eric Storm, La perspectiva del progreso: Pensamiento político en la España del cambio de siglo (1890-1914), Madrid 2001, ISBN 9788470309090, p. 134, Paul Preston, Coming of the Spanish Civil War : Reform, Reaction and Revolution in The Second Republic, Barcelona 2001, ISBN 9788425335990, p. 102, Cristián Garay Vera, El tradicionalismo y los orígenes de la guerra civil española (1927-1937), Santiago de Chile 1987, p. 96.. Some scholars classify Gil (along Matías Barrio, Pascual Comín, Salvador Minguión, Bartolomé Feliú and others) as representative of "academic" Carlism, Bartyzel 2015, p. 12
  173. Alberto Gil Novales, Centenario de la "información de 1901" del Ateneo de Madrid sobre "oligarquía y caciquismo", Madrid 2003, ISBN 9788424509194, p. 140, Chaguaceda Toledano 2005, p. 74, Rabaté 1997, pp. 114-5, Luciano G. Egido, Salamanca, la gran metáfora de Unamuno, Salamanca 1983, ISBN 9788474812435, p. 19, Dolores Gómez Molleda, Unamuno "agitador de espiritus" y Giner de los Ríos, Salamanca 1976, ISBN 9788460069089, p. 11, Posada 1983, p. 221, José Javier López Antón, Arturo Campión entre la historia y la cultura, Pamplona 1998, ISBN 9788423517879, p. 106. Some refer to Gil as "ora integrista, ora carlista", see Victor Manuel Arbeloa, El quiebro del PSOE (1933-1934), vol. 1, Del gobierno a la revolución, Madrid 2015, ISBN 9788415705642, pp. 98-99
  174. "postura inequívocamente reaccionaria" (Ángel Menéndez Rexach, La jefatura del Estado en el derecho público español, Barcelona 1979, p. 199), "uno de los más reaccionarios" scholars in Salamanca (Víctor Ouimette, Los intelectuales españoles y el naufragio del liberalismo, 1923-1936, v. 1, Madrid 1998, ISBN 9788481911770, p. 246), "Católico reaccionario" (Manuel José Alonso García, Temas y protagonistas del pensamiento español del siglo XX, v. 1, Madrid 2003, ISBN 9788492177417, p. 113)
  175. who was orphaned by his father at the age of 10
  176. "demócrata en lo más profundo del alma", which does not prevent José María from calling his father "inquebrantable carlista", José María Gil-Robles, No fue possible la paz, Barcelona 1968, p. 20. He also declared that only lack of overt monarchism divided CEDA from Traditionalism, Garcia Canales 2015, p. 68
  177. during one of his Cortes addresses In the early 1930s a Carlist deputy exclaimed: "this is Traditionalism!", to which Gil-Robles responded by stating that the Carlists did not possess exclusive rights to Traditionalism
  178. Gil Robles viewed first papal references to Christian democracy as "acción social benéfica", sort of Catholic social actitivity and by no means acceptance of "the people" as a political sovereign, Montoro 1970, pp. 105-7. This approach to papal introduction of the term was fairly typical among Catholic conservatives first faced with the papal initiative, see Jacek Bartyzel, Demokracja chrześcijańska a konserwatyści (w świetle nauczania papieskiego), [in:] Jacek Bartyzel, Śmiertelny bóg demos, Warszawa 2009, ISBN 9788389812148, pp. 136-144. Another interpretation offered is that Gil viewed christian democracy as recognition that pueblo (hierarchized) shared sovereignty with a monarch, González Cuevas 2001, p. 119
  179. there are 7 rather casual references in Bartyzel 2015; in comparison, Vázquez de Mella is mentioned 67 times
  180. mostly Balmes, Cortes and Aparisi - Garcia Canales 1977, p. 44, García Canales 2015, p 25
  181. "remodelar los planteamientos del tradicionalismo", Javier Ugarte Tellería, El Nacionalismo vasco: Mitos, conmemoraciones y lugares de la memoria, Madrid 2006, ISBN 9788497425513, p. 258
  182. in Marcial Solana, El tradicionalismo político español y la ciencia hispana, Madrid 1951, Vázquez de Mella is mentioned 68 times, Gil Robles 46 times, Ramón Nocedal 25 times, Menendez Pelayo 25 times and Aparisi Guijarro 23 times, referred after Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 370
  183. "doctrinario más sistemático del tradicionalismo a comienzos del siglo XX" - González Cuevas 2008, p. 1163. For key differences between Gil Robles and Vázquez de Mella see Bartyzel 2015, p. 140 and García Canales 2015, p. 26
  184. the popular Madrid daily ABC mentioned Enrique Gil Robles only 3 times during 20 years between 1996 and 2016, compare here
  185. most controversial case having been Víctor Pradera
  186. especially Paul Preston; "sin duda, el historiador británico no ha leído ni a Enrique Gil Robles, ni a Juan Vázquez de Mella, ni a Víctor Pradera; y tiende, con su habitual ignorancia, a presentar el carlismo como una especie de remedo del fascismo, sin tener en cuenta el antiestatismo y antitotalitarismo característicos del tradicionalismo carlista", Pedro Carlos González Cuevas, En torno a la obra del hispanista Paul Preston, [in:] Catoblepas 91 (2009), available here
  187. García Canales 2015, p. 22

Further reading
  • Miguel Ayuso, El derecho natural hispanico: pasado y presente, Cordoba 2001, ISBN 9788479593698
  • Leopoldo-Santiago Diez Cano, Carlismo en Salamanca en el sexenio: notas sobre un movimiento "marginal", [in:] Studia historica. Historia contemporánea 4 (1986), pp. 33–49
  • Mariano García Canales, La democracia y el repliegue del individuo: organicismo y corporativismo, [in:] Espacio, Tiempo y Forma 27 (2015), pp. 21–36
  • Manuel Alberto Montoro Ballesteros, La idea de democracia en el pensamiento de don Enrique Gil y Robles, [in:] Revista de estudios políticos 174 (1970), pp. 89–112
  • Manuel Alberto Montoro Ballesteros, Las ideas filosófico-jurídicas y políticas de D. Enrique Gil y Robles (1859-1908) [PhD thesis Universidad de Murcia], Murcia 1969
  • Manuel Alberto Montoro Ballesteros, El pensamiento jurídico español del siglo XIX: Enrique Gil y Robles (1849-1908), [in:] Anales de la Cátedra Francisco Suárez 11 (1971), pp. 81–109
  • Antonio Enrique Pérez Luño, El derecho natural en la España del siglo XX, [in:] F. Puig (ed.), El Derecho Natural Hispánico, Madrid 1973
  • Jean-Claude Rabaté, 1900 en Salamanca. Guerra y paz en la Salamanca del joven Unamuno, Salamanca 1997, ISBN 9788474818512
  • Felipe Alfonso Rojas Quintana, Enrique Gil y Robles: la respuesta de un pensadór católico a la crisis del 98, [in:] Hispania Sacra 53 (2001), pp. 213–228
  • Felipe Alfonso Rojas Quintana, La Restauración perdida: Enrique Gil y Robles, [in:] Luis Eugenio Togores Sánchez, Alfonso Bullón de Mendoza Gómez (eds.), Cánovas y su época, vol. 1, Madrid 1999, ISBN 8488306563, pp. 547–566
  • Carlos Manuel Sánchez Pérez, Manuel Sánchez Asensio (1860-1919) a través de los periódicos que fundó y dirigió, [in:] Documentación de las Ciencias de la Información 30 (2007), pp. 149–172
  • Marcial Solana González-Camino, El tradicionalismo político español y la ciencia hispana, Madrid 1951
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