Melchor Ferrer Dalmau

Melchor Ferrer Dalmau (1888–1965) was a Spanish historian and a Carlist militant. He is known mostly as principal author of a massive, 30-volume series titled Historia del tradicionalismo español, considered fundamental work of reference for any student of Carlism. Ferrer is recognized also as "periodista" (journalist), chief editor of a national and a few local traditionalist dailies and contributor to a number of others. Politically he maintained a low profile, though periodically he was member of the party executive, and during internal party strife of the early 1960s his support might have tipped the balance in favor of the progressist faction.

Melchor Ferrer Dalmau
Born
Melchor Ferrer Dalmau

1888
Mataró, Spain
Died1965
Valencia, Spain
NationalitySpanish
Occupationpublisher, writer
Known forhistorian, publisher
Political partyCarlism

Family and youth
Ferrer Arman teaching, 1870

Ferrer counts among the oldest and most common names in Catalonia; one family lived in the town of Mataró, where in the 14th century it was first noted when turning from "lo ferrer" to "lo Fferrer".[1] They grew into prominence as traders and bankers in the 15th century, dubbed "primera familia de patricis de Mataró". Some of them held high posts in the Principality, e.g. emerging as its general treasurers in the 16th century[2] and becoming key representatives of the emerging Catalan bourgeoisie in the 17th and 18th century. The family got very branched later on, also in the Latin America.[3] None of the sources consulted specifies which branch Melchor descended from and little is known about his grandfather, Antonio Ferrer, a cord manufacturer ("cordonero").[4]

The father of Melchor, Antonio Ferrer Arman (1845?–1899),[5] in the 1860s studied engineering in Barcelona[6] In 1870 he applied for a job at Instituto de Tarragona but failed,[7] eventually he landed a teaching position in the Valldemia college, which at that time was already run by the Piarists.[8] Though during his youth he demonstrated some penchant for Liberal ideas,[9] during the Third Carlist War he sided with the legitimists and volunteered to Carlist troops; details of his service are unknown, except that he grew to an officer and served under command of Rafael Tristany.[10] Having returned to Mataró in the mid-1880s he became first headmaster of the newly founded Escuela de Artes y Oficiales[11] and remained at this post until his death,[12] teaching mathematics.[13] In the 1890s he was also active as ingeniero municipal,[14] land surveyor and tonnage inspector,[15] co-founder of Associació Artístich-Arqueológica Mataronesa[16] and author of semi-scientific works, like Geometria analítica (1898). He is counted among local Mataró intellectuals who contributed to conservative Catholic Catalanism in the area, collaborating e.g. with Josep Puig i Cadafalch.[17] Ferrer Arman married Teresa Dalmau Gual, originating from Matanzas in Cuba;[18] nothing is known about her family, apart from the fact that they were also of Catalan origin and may have had a Naviera business.[19]

Ferrer-Dalmau Nieto at work, 2013

The couple had at least 4 children; Melchor was born among the youngest ones.[20] His older brothers, Antonio and Augusto, graduated as engineers and developed own textile and chemical businesses in Barcelona and Valencia.[21] Melchor was first educated in the Mataró Piarist college[22] and then in Instituto de Barcelona.[23] Like his siblings he trained to become an engineer and received technical education at Escuela de Ingenieros Industriales y Textiles in the nearby Terrassa.[24] It is not clear if he graduated, yet Melchor has never pursued a related career; in 1910 he commenced co-operation with Catalan journals. In 1920 he married Paquita Rubio García; nothing is known about her except that she came from a military family.[25] The couple remained childess, yet Melchor and his sister-in-law[26] Elvira Bonet had one son, Xavier Ferrer Bonet, a later Partido Carlista acitivist and writer.[27] Augusto Ferrer-Dalmau Nieto, a well-known painter specializing in historical military themes, is the great-grandson of Melchor's brother.[28]

Restoration
El Correo Catalan mastheads

With his father a Carlist combatant and older brothers engaged in Carlist activities, Melchor followed suit in his youth. During academic years he joined the Barcelona section of Juventud Tradicionalista. From the onset he demonstrated interest in the realm of communication in general and newspapers in particular. Engaged in Sección de Prensa and becoming president of "sub-sección de ventas" he supported sales of Traditionalist papers beyond usual distribution channels;[29] he was also member of Junta Directiva of Sección de Propaganda.[30] First contributing minor pieces to youth and party bulletins, in 1910 he formally entered the editorial board of El Correo Catalan,[31] an established Barcelona-based daily and a regional Carlist mouthpiece. It is not clear what his work consisted of and whether the young Ferrer published pieces of his own;[32] he kept working for Correo until 1914.[33]

Though Ferrer delivered lectures at meetings of Carlist paramilitary organisation requeté[34] he had no military experience himself when in 1914, heavily influenced by Maurras and admirer of L'Action Française, he decided to join the French army and fight the Germans. The Republican press ridiculed him as a future field marshal,[35] though with no news of his whereabouts Ferrer was first feared dead in combat.[36] In fact things turned out oddly, yet the entire episode is far from clear. According to contemporary press the pro-German stand of Correo[37] combined with anonymous denunciation[38] cost Ferrer arrest; presumed to be a spy, he was court-martialled in Lyon but spared a sentence ending up in Légion étrangère,[39] the fate he accepted with resignation as result of his idealistic and perhaps childish "chiquillada".[40] Other accounts either deny the arrest episode or simply claim that Ferrer volunteered to the legion.[41] This way or another, Ferrer served in the Foreign Legion in Champagne[42] and grew to NCO[43] before being released in 1918.

Magna Junta de Biarritz, 1919

In late 1918 and early 1919 Ferrer spent some time in Paris; it is there he entered the entourage of the Carlist pretender Don Jaime.[44] The two found common ground, not unlikely given their shared francophilia. As a result, upon his return to Spain in the spring Ferrer was nominated director político of El Correo Español,[45] the Madrid daily serving as national Carlist mouthpiece; his task was to ensure loyalty of the newspaper, so far controlled by the dissenting Mellista faction.[46] As he was largely unknown beyond Catalonia[47] some Carlist heavyweights suspected dirty tricks on part of Don Jaime's secretary Melgar and asked for confirmation, which finally permitted Ferrer to assume his post.[48] His mission proved successful; though Mellista defection decimated Carlist ranks, Correo maintained loyalty to the claimant. Ferrer remained in close touch with his king; he used to travel to Paris for consultations[49] and in late 1919 took part in the massive gathering known as Magna Junta de Biarritz,[50] where he represented Castilla La Nueva.[51] He also toured Spain, trying to save what was left of the crumbling Carlist organisation.[52] Ferrer's term in Correo lasted until mid-1920; it is not clear why he left the daily.[53]

Dictatorship, Republic and War
Don Jaime, 1920s

It does not seem that Ferrer left Correo because of discrepancies with his king; quite to the contrary, in the movement plagued by defections and by some considered dead he remained among most loyal individuals and a bulwark against the Mellistas.[54] His position was confirmed when at unspecified time in the 1920s[55] Ferrer became secretario pariculario – sort of a personal secretary – to Don Jaime himself. None of the sources consulted clarifies whether he moved to Paris when performing the new job, yet his contributions kept appearing in numerous dailies[56] and periodicals,[57] including the French ones.[58] Some scholars suggest he might have been involved in efforts to animate the Requeté organisation across Spain and that Ferrer might have also contributed to loose preparations to stage an eventually cancelled Carlist anti-primoderiverista coup in Seu d’Urgell in 1928;[59] Ferrer himself points rather to his older brother Antonio.[60] Another scholar claims that Ferrer remained the secretary of Don Jaime until the Carlist king passed away in late 1931.[61]

In late 1930 Ferrer assumed management of Diario Montañes,[62] a conservative Santander daily strongly flavored with Traditionalism. Circumstances of his appointment are not known; it is neither clear how it could have been reconciled with alleged work for Don Jaime. Ferrer's term in Santander lasted almost 5 years and seems rather successful, at least in terms of mobilizing support for the cause; during the Republican period the Cantabrian Carlism enjoyed its revival. Ferrer contributed also by attending various meetings, where he used to give lectures.[63] In 1931 he published one of his few theoretical booklets[64] and penned pieces to a Santanderine review Tradición. Apart from those discussing ideological threads, some were also his first incursions into the field of history, like piece on aristocratic titles conceded by Carlist monarchs[65] or a summary of party's political leadership during the previous half a century.[66]

Jaén (current view)

In early 1935 Ferrer moved from the coast of Biscay to Andalusia, where he assumed management of the local daily Eco de Jaén.[67] A recently established newspaper, it was in fact successor to El Pueblo Católico, a Traditionalist daily issued since 1893; the latter underwent ownership changes and finally closed, to be reborn under a new name.[68] When Ferrer took over the daily was still shaped by its previous Integrist heritage; Ferrer brought it fully into Carlist orthodoxy and converted into a modern newspaper. Like in Santander, he supported the Carlist buildup by attending local meetings and mobilizing support.[69] It is not clear whether Ferrer contributed to or was even aware of the Carlist anti-Republican conspiracy; one author claims the 1936 coup caught him by surprise. Eco de Jaén operated until late July, when first its premises were ransacked and then the paper was turned into the mouthpiece of local Frente Popular.[70] Having lost his job Ferrer was subject to unspecified persecution and harassment,[71] yet he survived the revolutionary terror[72] and following almost 3 years in the Republican zone endured to see Jaén captured by the Nationalists in late March 1939.

Early Francoism
Seville, early post-war period

Shortly after the Nationalist takeover of Jaén Ferrer moved to Seville; the local Carlist daily La Unión was subject to heavy censorship measures and its head Domingo Tejera ceded management to Ferrer in hope to spare the newspaper. However, the Francoist structures were determined not to tolerate dissenting party titles and La Unión closed on 31 December 1939.[73] Ferrer's position went from bad to worse when he refused to join the new state party, Falange Española Tradicionalista, and its syndicate press structures; as a result, in 1941 he got his press license revoked.[74] It is not clear how Ferrer made a living; at unspecified time he assumed teaching duties in the local Escuela Náutica San Telmo and at preparatory courses to entry exams to military academies.[75] It is in the early 1940s that he started publishing Historia del tradicionalismo español,[76] a series which would become the source of income but which also in few years would earn him – still fairly unknown in the Carlist realm across Spain – enormous prestige nationwide.

Since the mid-1940s Ferrer was taking part in resumed meetings of Consejo Nacional Carlista, the National Carlist executive. The nature of his mandate is unclear, as he did not held formal posts in the party structures;[77] it was probably related to his personal friendship with the Carlist leader Manuel Fal Conde, also resident of Seville. Confronted with growing fragmentation and bewilderment among the Traditionalists Ferrer maintained total loyalty to the regent Don Javier and used his pen to fight off competing factions. His 1946 booklet Observaciones de un viejo carlista a unas cartas del Conde de Rodezno was aimed against those advancing Don Juan as a legitimate Carlist heir. The 1948 booklet Observaciones de un viejo carlista sobre las pretensiones de un Príncipe al trono de España was aimed against Carloctavismo; offering "a ultranza" defense of the regency in insulting style Ferrer ridiculed Carlos VIII and the cause of "farsa carloenchufista que encubre un carlofascismo de ocasión".[78] Acknowledging the apparent stabilization of the regime[79] in 1949 Ferrer advocated change of the Carlist strategy; instead of courting potentially rebellious generals he suggested popular mobilization.[80]

Javier I, 1950s

It is not clear whether uncompromising position of Ferrer from the onset encompassed also suggestions to replace the regency with personal Don Javier's claim to the throne; this stand prevailed among the Carlist executive in the early 1950s and Ferrer remained in line. He co-worked to prepare documents, made public during the Eucharistic Congress in Barcelona in 1952, which acknowledged Don Javier as a legitimist monarch.[81] Unwavering loyalty to the Borbón-Parmas, which was already becoming sort of Ferrer's trademark, was further demonstrated in a booklet released in 1955; anonymous though generally attributed to Ferrer, it was distributed by the Carlist academic youth mostly in Madrid. Designed as response to earlier Franco's meeting with Don Juan and increasing prospects of Alfonsists restoration,[82] the booklet denounced such a possibility as treason to the spirit of July 1936, allegedly shaped by a pact between the Carlists and the military.[83]

Mid-Francoism
Zamanillo

Ferrer was very uneasy about 1955 Fal's dismissal from political leadership and pro-collaborationist turn of the party.[84] During a 1956 meeting of the executive[85] he warned about a forthcoming Franco-Juanista maneuver dubbed "Plan Artajo",[86] yet he remained totally loyal to his king, to the new strategy he sponsored and to the new party leader, José María Valiente; he remained on fairly good terms with the latter.[87] In the late 1950s Ferrer's historiographic production assumed already massive scope and earned him enormous prestige in the party ranks. It was reflected by his continuous presence at executive sessions; in 1960 he was even entrusted with writing sort of a rulebook for organization of Consejo Nacional sittings.[88] In 1961 he entered a newly formed Comisión de Cultura; as censorship eased, he contributed to Comisión's mouthpiece Reconquista,[89] bulletins of Circulos Vázquez de Mella and other new periodicals like Montejurra.[90]

Until the early 1960s Ferrer's actual impact on Carlist politics remained marginal;[91] his position was rather this of a patriarch, scarcely involved in day-to-day business. This changed when discrepancies between the old Traditionalist guard and the unorthodox Carlist youth became visible. Ferrer tended to side with the latter, guided not that much by their theoretical innovations but rather by their absolute and unconditional loyalty to the Borbón-Parmas. In 1961 he opposed attempts to set up a board co-ordinating Carlist propaganda,[92] put forward by orthodoxes concerned with new tones advanced by periodicals like Azada y Asta.[93] Ferrer remained also on excellent terms with leader of the youth, Don Javier's oldest son Don Carlos Hugo,[94] though initially he was perplexed by the bachelor status of the prince.[95] When the Traditionalists, led by José Luis Zamanillo, started to mount an opposition strategy against the Huguistas, Ferrer did not hesitate to confront them. In 1962 he accused Zamanillo – due to his requeté past enormously respected in the party ranks – of inactivity.[96]

Carlos Hugo (1964)

In 1963 the showdown between Zamanillo-led Traditionalists and Massó-led Huguista was already in full swing. Ferrer threw his authority behind the latter and released a memorandum,[97] charging Zamanillo and the review Siempre with mounting a pro-Juanista plot. Dubbing himself "the bellboy of Carlism" Ferrer noted he was happy to keep the door open for Zamanillo to leave,[98] in aggressive and mocking tone lambasting also other dissidents like Sivatte or Cora.[99] His stand might have tipped the balance; Zamanillo was expulsed and control of the party slipped to the Huguistas.[100] Last years of Ferrer's life are marked by attempts to reinforce the position of Don Carlos Hugo. In 1964 he fathered a booklet intended to demonstrate the rights of Borbón-Parmas to Spanish citizenship, a document the prince had in hand when talking to Franco.[101] Then he drafted analysis advancing their right to the Spanish throne;[102] it was used during a grand Carlist gathering in 1965 in Puchheim, where Don Javier confirmed his royal claim.[103] Ferrer himself was already unable to attend;[104] he was rewarded by Orden de la Legitimidad Proscrita, a high Carlist honor awarded by the claimants.[105]

Historian
Domingo Tejera

Ferrer was educated to be an engineer and his professional career is usually described as this of a periodista,[106] though perhaps not a very successful one.[107] He demonstrated no particular interest in history until in the mid-1930s he penned a few articles discussing the Carlist past,[108] especially La dirección política de la Comunión Tradicionalista desde 1876.[109] According to some authors already during his idle years in Jaén of the Civil War he started gathering materials for a general history of Carlism.[110] According to others he acted on suggestion of Fal Conde, who in 1939 proposed that to maintain Carlist identity in wake of political amalgamation into one Francoist state party, a general history of Carlism was badly needed.[111] One more group of scholars claim that Ferrer and his collaborators commenced their work to counter Historia de la guerra civil y de los partidos liberal y carlista by Antonio Pirala Criado, a 19th-century study which until 1939 was the only work serving as the overall history of the movement.[112] In 1939 a former Carlist militant Roman Oyarzun published the first concise historiographic account of Carlism, Historia del Carlismo, yet his work was greeted with mixed feelings among the Carlists. Many considered Oyarzun's book an unorthodox attempt and were near to dismissing it altogether,[113] still calling for sort of an "official" Carlist history.

In 1941 Ferrer and two other Seville-based authors, José F. Acedo Castilla and Domingo Tejera de Quesada, published in the local Editorial Católica Española[114] the first volume of Historia del tradicionalismo español, intended as a general, in-depth history of Carlism. The team kept working on further volumes, though contribution of each of its members is difficult to gauge;[115] Tejera passed away in 1944 yet all 11 volumes published until 1949 were attributed to all three authors. As Acedo left orthodox Carlism, starting volume XII Ferrer was named as the sole author. He managed to keep momentum and there were 18 volumes published in 15 years until 1956; during the following 5 years Ferrer completed subsequent 11 volumes, in 1960 releasing volume XXIX and bringing the narrative to the year of 1931.

Carlist standard

Ferrer kept working on consecutive volumes, yet he did not live to see them released.[116] According to one author, the delay was caused by problems with censorship;[117] eventually volume XXX, covering the period of 1931–1936, was edited posthumously by Enrique Roldán González and released in 1979, attributed to Ferrer only.[118] In total Historia del tradicionalismo español amounts to around 9,300 pages; each volume includes some 50–150 pages of documental appendices and a bibliography. The series clearly focuses on military history; the First Carlist War is covered in 15 volumes and the Third Carlist War is treated in 4 volumes, while 32 years in-between both conflicts deserved just 5 volumes; 33 years of 1876–1909 are discussed in just 1 volume and 22 years of 1909–1931 in another.[119] A concise version of the massive work was released by Ferrer in 1958 as Breve historia del legitimismo español.[120]

Theorist
Charles Maurras

Compared to Ferrer's massive historiographic production his theoretical works seem minor and scarce; they amount to two booklets, Síntesis del programa de la Comunión Tradicionalista Española (1931) and Bases de la Representación (1942), apart from a handful of analytical articles scattered across Carlist periodicals of the 1930s and tens of contributions to daily press, especially those formatted as editorials to El Correo Español. They demonstrate that Ferrer nurtured a penchant for political theory, yet in history of Traditionalist thought he merits attention as perhaps the most eminent case of a Carlist thinker influenced by integral nationalism; the impact of L'Action Française is especially evident in Ferrer's earlier writings.

From his youth Ferrer remained impressed by writings of Charles Maurras; his decision to join the French army in 1914 is at times attributed to Ferrer's admiration for the Frenchman and his concepts.[121] In general terms they prompted Ferrer to advocate renewal of Carlism; unlike many, he totally disregarded Vázquez de Mella and considered Traditionalism of the 1920s[122] stuck in Romanticism, old esthetics and 19-th century schemes.[123] His intention was to blend Traditionalism and modernity.[124] Specifically, Ferrer tried to re-define the role of nation and state in the Carlist theoretical framework. Both concepts were usually neglected if not mistrusted by Carlist thinkers;[125] Ferrer considered them crucial for modern outlook and strove to ensure their central position within the Traditionalist ideological toolset.[126] Indeed, some scholars consider him the disciple of Domingo Cirici Ventalló and follower of his "españolismo Catalan".[127] In terms of economy Ferrer acknowledged collapse of the Liberal order, challenged by social utopias on the one hand and technocratic estatismo on another; his own recipé was "reorganización corporativa".[128]

L'Action francaise poster

In the 1930s Ferrer followed Maurras diagnosing that France was trapped in permanent parliamentarian crisis, longing for a strong executive.[129] He shared anti-parliamentarian stand of the Nazis yet deplored their ethnicity-based nationalism[130] and drive for social engineering; Ferrer sympathized rather with Hugenberg.[131] He preferred Italian Fascism, born out of fundamental opposition to the spirit of 1789, liberalism and individual rights and offering a syndical approach of concerting all social interests. However, he noted that armed with Traditionalism, Spain needed no foreign models;[132] some see it as Ferrer's refusal to accept "física social" of Comtean positivism, forming the basics of Maurras’ integral nationalism.[133] Admirer of L'Action Française, Ferrer despised its Spanish copy, Acción Española, and charged Carlists involved in the project, especially Pradera, with "tradicionalismo de corto alcance".[134] Disdainful towards emerging Francoism, Ferrer thought it an anti-Traditionalist regime. In opposition to the new Cortes, considered born out of "origen revolucionario",[135] he specified his own vision of representation. It was to be based on regional diets, each composed of 4 separate chambers and constructed in line with local tradition.[136] They in turn were supposed to delegate members of the national diet;.[137] its authority was to be limited to supra-regional issues like foreign affairs, army or money.[138]

Reception and legacy

When in 1941 volume I of Historia went to print Ferrer was scarcely known beyond the realm of Catalan and Cantabrian Carlists; when in 1960 volume XXIX reached the market among the Carlists he was already the ultimate authority on the past; though there were controversies about treatment of particular episodes, the opus was accepted as sort an "official" Carlist history.[139] Among historians the reception of his work was mixed; massive scale of Ferrer's account earned respect, but especially the back matter raised many eyebrows. A fellow Carlist Jaime del Burgo judged harshly that Ferrer's approach to bibliography was excessively light and that he lacked sufficient source criticism;[140] a strict inspection revealed glaring errors in documents quoted and another scholar identified 64 inaccuracies on just 4 pages of one of the appendices, in 1967 delivering a damning judgement that Historia was "a work with no scientific value".[141]

Today the adjective accepted almost unanimously when describing Historia is "monumental".[142] It reflects the scope and breadth of the work, which as a party history is perhaps unique globally; even the massive Soviet История Коммунистической партии Советского Союза pales in comparison. Apart from size, all other features are acknowledged in widely different terms. To some, Ferrer is "a Carlist Herodotus".[143] According to an opinion repeated also in less definite wording,[144] "no-one should dare to write a single line about Carlism without consulting Ferrer first"[145] and indeed, one PhD dissertation quoted Ferrer no less than 164 times;[146] almost every work on Carlist history prior to mid-20th century contains tens of similar references.[147] More balanced comments praise Ferrer principally for exhaustive data provided;[148] at times he is also commended for scientific rigor,[149] combination of erudition and readability;[150] vast documentary part,[151] attractive writing style, personal familiarity with persons/issues and, last but not least, passion.[152] Among the Carlists Ferrer is credited for offering an alternative to Liberal reading and clearing history of the movement from unjust imputations.[153]

Carlist passion is also held against Ferrer, who is offered a dubious praise of "the greatest Carlist historian"[154] or "probablamente el más importante de los historiadores carlistas",[155] his work dubbed "la principal obra surgida de las filas carlistas".[156] He is usually stigmatized as "traditionalist historian".[157] All the above is a euphemism for bias, the allegation raised straightforwardly when Ferrer is charged with "sectarismo",[158] presented as apologetic partisan,[159] panegyric zealot,[160] hagiographer[161] or simply representative of "linea tradicionalista";[162] some critics reveal their own preferences when charging Ferrer with "parcialidad reaccionaria".[163] Other faults attributed are poor command of sources,[164] overfocus on military issues, scarce social background, poor integrity,[165] overplaying personal issues and downplaying ideological differences, confusing and difficult to follow narrative,[166] factual errors and distorted appendices. Some attribute merely "mediocre value" to the series,[167] some are more severe and either note that Historia should be eliminated from bibliographies[168] or refer to Ferrer as "historiador" in quotation marks.[169] Some settle for conclusion that despite "enormous criticism received" the work remains obligatory lecture for any student of Carlism,[170] fundamental[171] and "la obra de referencia".[172]

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See also

Notes
  1. Ramon Reixach i Puig, Els Ferrer de Mataró i el realisme constitucional catalá, [in:] Fulls de Museu Arxiu de Santa Maria 81 (2005), p. 4
  2. Reixach i Puig 2005, p. 15
  3. Los Ferrer de Córdoba, [in:] Historia y Genealogía Sudamericana blog 15.12.14, available here
  4. a possibly related Pelegrín Ferrer, following a spell in Cuba returned to Mataró to become the first director of a newly founded Colegio de Valldemia, Jaume Vellvehi i Alrimira, La Renaixenca a Mataró: el Collegi Valldemia, [in:] Estudis Mataronins 23 (2006), p. 135
  5. Vellvehi i Alrimira 2006, pp. 135–136
  6. and during his academic years was active in Ateneo Catalan de Clase Obrera, La Corona 09.10.63, available here; he was later co-founder of Ateneo in Mataró and became its treasurer, Francesc Enrich i Regás, Josep García i Oliver, destacat promotor de cultura a Mataró, [in:] Fulls de Museu Arxiu de Santa Maria 16 (1983), p. 28
  7. La Gaceta Industrial 30.04.70, available here
  8. Documentación fotográfica, [in:] Fulls de Museu Arxiu de Santa Maria 100 (2011), p. 46, available here
  9. as a student Ferrer Arman signed a public letter hailing secular education and aimed against schools run by religious orders, La Iberia 14.04.64, available here
  10. El tatarabuelo carlista de Augusto Ferrer Delmau, [in:] Somatemps service 24.05.17, available here
  11. Industria y Invenciones 10.12.86, available here
  12. Annuario-Riera 1898, p. 634, available here
  13. Vellvehi i Alrimira 2006, p. 135
  14. Annuario-Riera 1898, p. 631, available here
  15. Annuario-Riera 1899, p. 656, available here
  16. Vellvehi i Alrimira 2006, p. 135
  17. Jaume Vellvehi i Altimira, Aproximació als orígens del catalanisme al Maresme (1859–1902), [in:] Sessió d’Estudis Mataronins 19 (2002), p. 83
  18. see Ferrer's birth certificate, available here
  19. which disappeared after the Spanish loss of Cuba.
  20. María Rosa Ferrer Dalmau was born in 1880, compare La Nación 28.01.29, available here
  21. compare e.g. Industria Textil 1 (1936), available here, or El Financiero 10.09.20, available here, or Bibliografía 1/3 (1919), available here
  22. ABC 13.06.65, available here
  23. R.S.H., Historia del Tradicionalismo Español de Melchor Ferrer Dalmau, [in:] Revista de Historia Militar 55 (1983), p. 162
  24. José M. Mundet Gifre, El carlismo y su historia, [in:] La Vanguardia 03.01.80, available here
  25. La Epoca 08.01.20, available here, also El Globo 14.01.20, available here
  26. strictly speaking the sister of his sister-in-law; Melchor's older brother Augusto was married to Ana Bonet Basangé; Elvira was her sister
  27. Josep Miralles Climent, Los heterodoxos de la causa, Madrid 2001, ISBN 9788483742433, pp. 21, 132. Similar claim in Xavier Ferrer Bonet entry, [in:] El Corte Inglés service, available here
  28. Fe, un romántico homenaje juvenil del Pintor de Batallas al Tradicionalismo, [in:] Ahora Información service 13.02.17, available here
  29. La Bandera Regional 19.02.10, available here
  30. La Bandera Ragional 10.12.10. available here, La Defensa 26.02.11, available here
  31. El Norte 06.12.10, available here
  32. El Correo Catalan is not digitalised yet and its issues are not available for consultation online
  33. La Cruz 08.03.19, available here
  34. Diario de Valencia 26.02.14, available here
  35. El Pueblo 08.11.14, available here
  36. La Correspondencia de Valencia 10.12.14, available here
  37. due to its perceived pro-German stand El Correo Catalan was not allowed to be distributed in France, El Correo Español 16.01.15, available here
  38. anonymous denunciation was attributed to Esteban Roldán Oliart. Roldán defended himself in a separate piece, compare Esteban Roldan, Francia y los católicos españoles, Barcelona 1915, pp. 101–103, available here. Ferrer himself publicly remained silent on his (former?) friend; he noted merely that in 1920 Roldan moved to America, see his Historia del tradicionalismo español vol. XXIX, Seville 1960, p. 76
  39. El Norte 13.01.15, available here
  40. El Correo Español 10.01.15, available here
  41. El Correo Español 16.01.15, available here, Rafael Gambra, Melchor Ferrer y la "Historia del tardicionalismo [sic!] español", Sevilla 1979, p. 3 [start page assumed as page 1, no original pagination]
  42. España 20.03.19, available here
  43. Mundet Gifre 1980, Gambra 1979, p. 3
  44. El Correo Español 08.03.19, available here
  45. in May, see El Correo Español 02.05.19, available here, or in April, see La Correspondencia de España 12.04.19, available here
  46. El Correo Español 23.09.19, available here
  47. "hasta entonces desconocido en las filas carlistas", Roman Oyarzun, La historia del carlismo, Madrid 1979, p. 497
  48. Melchor Ferrer, Historia del tradicionalismo español, vol. XXIX, Sevilla 1960, p. 114
  49. La Correspondencia de España 25.05.19, available here
  50. La Correspondencia de España 12.12.19, available here
  51. Juan María Roma (ed.), Album histórico del carlismo, Barcelona 1935, p. 285
  52. El Correo Español 21.10.19, available here, also El Correo Español 21.12.19, available here
  53. in May 1920 Arsenio de Izaga became the new jefe of El Correo Español, El Correo Español 27.05.20, available here
  54. Gambra 1979, p. 3
  55. when featured in Carlist press in 1927, Ferrer was listed simply as "ex-director of El Correo Español" with no currently held function named, compare El Eco de Gerona 24.12.27, available here
  56. like El Correo Catalán (Barcelona), El Pensamiento Navarro (Pamplona) and Gil Blas (Santander), contributing also to minor titles like Diario de Villanueva i Geltru, compare e.g. here
  57. like La Bandera Regional, La Trinchera, La Nació, El Radical, El Guerillero, Patria, España, Misión, Iberia, Gráfico Legitimista, La Protesta and Reacció, R.S.H. 1980, p. 162
  58. allegedly Ferrer contributed also to L’Action Francaise and La Croix, see ABC 13.06.65, available here; however, a digital archive of both papers does not reveal any items signed by Ferrer, compare the Gallica service, available here
  59. <Eduardo González Calleja, Paramilitarització i violéncia política a l’Espanya del primer terc de segle: el requeté tradicionalista (1900-1936), [in:] Revista de Girona 147 (1991), pp. 71, 76. In the late 1920s Ferrer allegedly formed part of an informal Jaimist nationwide network known as "La Protesta"; some scholars claim that he was active in the Barcelona cell, Jordi Canal, El carlismo, Madrid 2000, ISBN 8420639478, p. 285. Formed mostly by the youth, the grouplets engaged in conspiracy against the regime. Its format emphasized mobilization and search for wider social basis rather than anti-primoderiverista activities, though at one point the Barcelona hotheads considered staging a coup in La Seu d'Urgell, see José Carlos Clemente Muñoz, El carlismo en el novecientos español (1876–1936), Madrid 1999, ISBN 8483741539, p. 74, Robert Vallverdú i Martí, El Carlisme Català Durant La Segona República Espanyola 1931–1936, Barcelona 2008, ISBN 9788478260805, p. 19. The Madrid cell was led by Francisco Carlos Melgar; other grouplets were active also in Vascongadas, Navarre and Aragon. "La Protesta" was somewhat at odds with generally passive policy of the Carlist executive; some authors claim that the Catalan leadership was aware of its activities but preferred not to intervene – Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 19 – though not necessarily with position of the claimant; since 1926 openly opposing Primo, in his Paris residence Don Jaime remained in touch with the Catalanist and liberal exiles, Canal 2000, p. 285
  60. Melchor Ferrer, Historia del tradicionalismo español, vol. XXIX, Sevilla 1960, pp. 177, 183–184
  61. Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, Auge y declive del tradicionalismo carlista (1957–1967), Madrid 2016, ISBN 9788416558407, p. 41, Jacek Bartyzel, Melchor Ferrer, [in:] Myśl Konserwatywna service 04.06.15, available here
  62. Heraldo de Madrid 03.11.30, available here
  63. El Siglo Futuro 04.02.32, available here
  64. titled Síntesis del programa de la Comunión Tradicionalista Española (Santander, 1932)
  65. Melchor Ferrer, Titulos Nobiliarios Carlistas, [in:] Tradición 28 (1934), pp. 89–91, available here
  66. Melchor Ferrer, La dirección política de la Comunión Tradicionalista desde 1876, [in:] Tradición 37 (1934), pp. 296–302, available here
  67. La Nación 14.01.35, available here
  68. Ramón Reig García, La comunicación en Andalucía: historia, estructura y nuevas tecnologías, Sevilla 2011, ISBN 9788493907808, p. 121
  69. ABC 17.11.35, available here
  70. Antonio Checa Godoy, Prensa y partidos políticos durante la II República, Salamanca 1989, ISBN 9788474815214, p. 202
  71. Gambra 1979, p. 4
  72. during republican terror in Jaén popular tribunals sentenced 60 individuals to death and further 70 to lifetime incarceration in 1936 only; number of victims of extrajudicial repression is not known, Luis Garrido González, Jaén y la guerra civil (1936–1939), [in:] Boletín. Instituto de Estudios Giennenses 198 (2008), p. 204
  73. Cristina Barreiro Gordillo, El carlismo y su red de prensa en la Segunda República, Madrid 2003, ISBN 9788497390378, p. 320
  74. Bartyzel 2015
  75. like Academia Militar General in Zaragoza, aviation academy and army academy, R.S.H. 1980, p. 162
  76. the title is currently referred to either as "Historia del tradicionalismo español" or "Historia del Tradicionalismo Español". The original title was fully capitalised, hence it is difficult to ascertain which orthographic version is original
  77. Gambra 1979, p. 1
  78. Francisco de las Heras y Borrero, Un pretendiente desconocido. Carlos de Habsburgo. El otro candidato de Franco, Madrid 2004, ISBN 8497725565, p. 77
  79. during one of the Carlist executive meetings of 1948 Ferrer reviewed different options: alliance with Franco, alliance with the Juanistas, popular rising against Franco, a coup d'etat against Franco, infiltrating official structures; he concluded that none of the options was viable, Josep Miralles Climent, La rebeldía carlista. Memoria de una represión silenciada: Enfrentamientos, marginación y persecución durante la primera mitad del régimen franquista (1936–1955), Madrid 2018, ISBN 9788416558711, pp. 307–308
  80. Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, p. 328
  81. César Alcalá, D. Mauricio de Sivatte. Una biografía política (1901–1980), Barcelona 2001, ISBN 8493109797, p. 99
  82. also as response to abusive public Franco's comments, which reduced Carlism to a bunch of offshoots following a foreign prince, almost traitors
  83. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 377, Javier Lavardín, Historia del ultimo pretendiente a la corona de España, Paris 1976, p. 19
  84. Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El nuevo rumbo político del carlismo hacia la colaboración con el régimen (1955–56), [in:] Hispania 69 (2009), p. 190, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 40
  85. Lavardin 1976, p. 27
  86. Vázquez de Prada 2009, p. 192, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 41
  87. see e.g. friendly if not intimate letters exchanged between Valiente and Ferrer, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 91
  88. Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias. El carlismo 1962–1977, Pamplona 1997, ISBN 8431315644, p. 84
  89. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 119
  90. also Informaciones, Cristiandad and Siempre, R.S.H. 1980, p. 162
  91. Ferrer "nunca se habia metido en política", Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 188
  92. it might be interesting to note that back in 1935 Ferrer supported co-ordination of Carlist print activities, Francisco Javier Capistegui, Paradójicos reaccionarios: la modernidad contra la República de la Comunión Tradicionalista, [in :] Argonauta Español 9 (2012), available here
  93. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 120
  94. Ferrer was "muy vinculado a Carlos Hugo e Irene", Lavardin 1976, p. 250
  95. conscious of dynastical problems caused resulting from Jaime III's lack of offspring, in 1961 Ferrer urged Junta Nacional to formally raise the issue with Don Carlos Hugo, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 145, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 76
  96. Lavardin 1976, p. 143
  97. titled Breves consideraciones a una posición inadecuada adoptada por carlistas disidentes del dieciocho de julio
  98. Lavardin 1976, pp. 148–149
  99. e.g. he ridiculed Mauricio de Sivatte as "Su Alteza Real Don Mauricio" and mocked Jesús Cora y Lira as "inventor de pretendientes más conocido pos Su Excellencia Don Jesús", dubbing both "pseudocarlistas". Some of those approached – like del Mazo – backtracked, but some – like Elías de Tejada – fought back, lambasting Ferrer's paper as "chabacanas majaderías", Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 183–184
  100. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 188
  101. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 224; the document was partially based on legal opinions gathered earlier, Lavardin 1976, p. 211
  102. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 240
  103. Lavardin 1976, p. 250
  104. Daniel Jesús García Riol, La resistencia tradicionalista a la renovación ideológica del carlismo (1965–1973) [PhD thesis UNED], Madrid 2015, p. 50
  105. José Carlos Clemente, El Carlismo en la España de Franco: Bases Documentales 1936–1977, Madrid 1994, ISBN 9788424506704, p. 45, R.S.H. 1980, p. 162
  106. Gambra 1979, p. 1
  107. Gambra 1979, p. 2
  108. Melchor Ferrer, Titulos Nobiliarios Carlistas, [in:] Tradición 28 (1934), pp. 89–91
  109. Melchor Ferrer, La dirección política de la Comunión Tradicionalista desde 1876, [in:] Tradición 37 (1934), pp. 296–302
  110. Canal 2000, p. 408
  111. Mundet Gifre 1980, Gambra 1979, p. 5
  112. José Ramón Barreiro Fernández, O liberalismo nos seus contextos: un estado da cuestión, Santiago de Compostela 2008, ISBN 9788497509190, p. 39
  113. Lopezarra [Francisco López Sanz] following a spate of criticism concluded that at least Oyarzun "made an effort and his intention was good", quoted after Oyarzun 1944, p. 502, compare also his polemics with Traditionalist critics in the section Autocrítica y crítica de los críticos, Oyarzun 1944
  114. all series except volumes XII-XIII was issued by a Sevilla publishing house Editorial Católica Española
  115. in many brief references the whole series is attributed to Ferrer only, see. e.g. Mark Lawrence, Spain's First Carlist War, 1833–40, London 2014, ISBN 9781137401755, p. 17. Some highligt Ferrer and refer to Tejera and Acedo as "his collaborators", see e.g. A. J. P. Taylor, Oxford History of Modern Europe: The Struggle for Mastery in Europe 1845–1918, London 1966, p. 702
  116. Ferrer was also planning to publish encyclopaedia of Carlism and the volume of material gathered is described as enormous, Canal 2000, p. 408. According to some, Diccionario histórico del carlismo by Josep Carles Clemente was a work which "ha realizado el proyecto que en su día inició Melchor Ferrer", see opinion of Manuel Martorell Perez at Pamiela publishing house website, available here. He left also a few manuscripts: Musa carlista: El tema carlista en la poesia, El pensamiento político del Conde de Montemolín, Un pensador olvidado: Fray Magin Ferrer and Los bonos del Tesoro y las emisiones carlistas de deuda, Gambra 1979, p. 4
  117. Gambra 1979, p. 5
  118. Cain Somé Laserna, El carlismo andaluz: estado de la cuestión, [in:] Alejandra Ibarra Aguirregabiria (ed.), No es país para jovenes, Madrid 2012, ISBN 9788498606362, p. 9
  119. I (1941): El pensamiento español desde los tiempos de San Isidro hasta la sublevación masónica de 1820; II (1941): El precarlismo. Desde el pronuciamiento de Riego hasta la muerte de Fernando VII; III (1942): Desde la muerte de Fernando VII hasta la promoción de Zumalacarregui al mando supremo del Ejército carlista del Norte; IV (1943): Zumalacarregui: su primera campaña. Desde la promoción de Zumalacarregui al mando en Jefe del Ejército del Norte, hasta la llegada de Carlos V a Navarra; V (1943): Segunda campaña de Zumalacarregui. Desde la entrada de Carlos V en Navarra hasta final de 1834; VI (1943): Ultima campaña de Zumalacarregui. De enero de 1835 al sitio de Bilbao; VII (1945): Muerte de Zumalacarregui y primer sitio de Bilbao. La guerra civil durante el primer semestre de 1835; VIII (1946): González Moreno en el Norte. Desde el levantamiento del primer sitio de Bilbao a fin de Diciembre de 1835; IX (1947): Ramon Cabrera, Expedición de Guergué a Cataluña. Desde Julio de 1836 a la terminación de dicho año; X (1948): Erro, ministro universal de Carlos V. Mando del general Eguia en el Norte (Enero – Junio de 1836); XI (1948): Las provincias españolas hasta la expedición de Gomez (1836); XII (s.d., 1950?) Mando del general Villarreal en el Norte. Expediciones de los generales Don Miguel Gomez, Don Basilio Antonio García y Don Pablo Gomez; XIII (s.d., 1951?): Periodo de mandos en el Norte del Infante Don Sebastián y general Uranga. Expedición real (1837); XIV (s.d.): Mando de los generales Guergué y Maroto en el Norte (1838); XV (s.d.): El Conde de España en Cataluña. Defensa de Morella (1838); XVI (s.d.): Mando de Maroto en el Norte. Los fusilamientos de Estella y el Convenio de Vergara. Mando del Conde de España en Cataluña (1839); XVII (s.d.): Carlos V en Bourges. Fin de la guerra de los siete años (Septiembre 1839 – Julio 1840); XVIII (s.d., 1856?): Carlos V. Desde la terminación de la guerra de los Siete Años en 1840, hasta la abdicación de Carlos V, en 1845; XIX (s.d.): Carlos VI. Desde la abdicación de Carlos V en 1845 hasta el fin de la guerra de los matiners en Mayo de 1849; XX (s.d.): Carlos VI. Desde el final de la guerra de los matiners en 1849 hasta la terminación de la campaña montemolinista de 1855–56; XXI (s.d.): San Carlos de la Rapita. Desde la terminación del alzamiento montemolinista en 1856 hasta el fallecimiento del Conde de Montemolín en Enero de 1861; XXII (s.d.): Desde la muerte de Carlos VI en 1861 a la abdicación en 1868. Comienzo de la vida pública de Carlos VII; XXIII (s.d.): Carlos VII. Desde la abdicación de Juan III en 1868, hasta la tercera guerra en 1872; XXIV (1958): Tercera guerra civil (1872); XXV (1958) Carlos VII. La guerra civil en 1873; XXVI (1959): Carlos VII. Tercera guerra civil, 1874; XXVII (1959): Carlos VII. Tercera guerra (Enero de 1875 hasta el final de febrero de 1876); XXVIII (1959): Carlos VII. Desde la terminación de la tercera guerra en 1876 hasta el fallecimiento de Carlos VII en 1909; XXIX (1960): Jaime III. Desde su proclamación en julio de 1909 hasta su fallecimiento en octubre de 1931; XXX (1979): Alfonso Carlos I. Desde la proclamación de Don Alfonso Carlos en Octubre de 1931 hasta su muerte en Viena en Septiembre de 1936
  120. published simultaneously with a work formatted rather as a political pamphlet, La legitimidad y los legitimistas (Madrid, 1958)
  121. for an overview of Maurras' reception in Spain see Miguel Ayuso, Una visión española de la Acción francesa, [in:] Anales de la Fundación Francisco Elías de Tejada 16 (2010), pp. 71–80, for Ferrer see p. 77
  122. though some scholars see Vázquez de Mella as one of the giants of Traditionalism and locate his most mature writings in the 1920s, at that time Ferrer was painfully aware of what he perceived a general crisis of Traditionalism, "en un momento en que el carlismo se hallaba en horas bajas, intelectual y políticamente hablando, hasta la reemergencia en tiempos de la II República, podía verse con envidia el bullicioso mundo intelectual que la Acción francesa había logrado articular en su torno", Miguel Ayuso, Una visión española de la Accion Francesa, [in:] Anales de la Fundación Francisco Elías de Tejada 16 (2010), p. 77
  123. compare Melchor Ferrer, El valor positivo del tradicionalismo español, [in:] España 20.03.19, p. 7, available here
  124. Ferrer 1919, p. 7
  125. However, others used the terms extensively in Carlist doctrine, see Jaime del Burgo Torres, Ideario Comunión Tradicionalista Carlista, (1937), available here
  126. Ferrer 1919, p. 7
  127. Cirici considered Ferrer "a man with great political intuition", Maximiliano García Venero, Otro turno sore [sic!] el enemigo, [in:] Hoja oficial de la provincia de Barcelona, 29.12.41, available here
  128. El Correo Español 12.03.20, available here
  129. Melchor Ferrer, La inquietud Europea ante la Bancarota del Liberalismo, part I, [in:] Tradición 15.03.33, pp. 158–160, available here
  130. according to Ferrer "making the moral unity of Europe still more distant"
  131. Ferrer appreciated Hugenburg and his party for perceived support for federative system and protection of ruralism, Ferrer 1933, p. 159
  132. Melchor Ferrer, La inquietud Europea ante la Bancarota del Liberalismo, part II, [in:] Tradición 01.04.33, pp. 179–182, available here
  133. Gambra 1979, p. 4
  134. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 359. Ferrer developed general disregard for Pradera; in a 1952 letter to Fal he listed many offshoots as Carlist theorists, like Aparisi, Candido Nocedal, Ramón Nocedal and Vazquez de Mella, but did not mention Pradera, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 401
  135. Manuel de Santa Cruz, Apuntes y documentos para la historia del tradicionalismo español, vol. 4, Sevilla 1979, pp. 43–48
  136. local Cortes in Castilla y León, Navarra, Valencia, Aragón or Catalonia and Juntas Generales in Gipuzkoa, Biscay and Alava
  137. each local diet should be composed of 4 chambers: camara ecclesiastica (specified religious men), cámara senatorial (specified nobles and aristocracy), cámara real (municipalities, aldeas, other) and cámara popular (all legally recognised organisations)
  138. Santa Cruz 1979, pp. 43–48
  139. Ferrer's history is still featured as sort of an official Carlist history, compare, the official site of Comunión Tradicionalista, available here
  140. "quizá porque en ella Ferrer se mostró poco crítico y aceptó datos ajenos con excesiva ligereza y sin comprobació", quoted after Mundet Gifre 1980
  141. "una obra sin ningún valór científico", Josep Fontana Lázaro, Una edición inadmisible: la de las memorias de hacienda de Garay, por el padre Federico Suárez Verdeguer, [in:] Moneda y Credito 100–103 (1967), p. 117
  142. "monumental historia" – Mundet Gifre 1980, "esta obra es el monumental trabajo" – R.S.H. 1980, p. 161, "realmente monumental" – Gambra 1979, p. 5, "monumental obra" – Rafael Quirosa-Cheyrouze y Muñoz, Católicos, monárquicos y fascistas en Almería durante la Segunda República, Almeria 1998, ISBN 9788482401195, p. 49, "monumental" – Canal 2000, p. 407, "monumentalna" – Jacek Bartyzel, Nic bez boga, nic wbrew tradycji, Radzymin 2015, ISBN 9788360748732 [furtherly referred as Bartyzel 2015b], p. 17, "monumental Historia" – José Luis Agudín Menéndez, ¿Una libertad para todos? El Siglo Futuro, La Constancia, Tradición y Pensamiento Alavés tras la Sanjurjada [working paper Universidad de Oviedo], "monumental obra" – Francisco J. Carballo, Recordando a Víctor Pradera. Homenaje y crítica, [in:] Aportes 81 (2013), p. 147, "monumental" – Jordi Canal i Morell, El carlisme català dins l’Espanya de la Restauració: un assaig de modernització politica (1888–1900), Barcelona 1998, ISBN 9788476022436, p. 16
  143. Bartyzel 2015b, p. 17
  144. "ignorarlo es renunciar a seguir rutas que él había dejado abiertas para siempre" – Mundet Gifre 1980, "obra de consulta obligada para cualquier investigador que trate de acercarse al estudio del carlismo" – Somé Laserna 2012, p. 4; "the basis for any historical study of Carlism" – Boyd D. Cathey, Vazquez de Mella and Spanish Carlism, [in:] Marek Jan Chodakiewicz, John Radzilowski (eds.), Spanish Carlism and Polish Nationalism: The Borderlands of Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries, Charlottesville 2003, ISBN 9781412834933, p. 36
  145. Bartyzel 2015b, p. 17
  146. Agustín Fernández Escudero, El marqués de Cerralbo (1845–1922): biografía politica [PhD thesis], Madrid 2012
  147. e.g. Ferrer is 38 times referred to in Canal i Morell 1998
  148. "casi todo lo que se sabe sobre el carlismo, su politica, sus ideas, sus luchas y sus hombres", Mundet Gifre 1980, "incuestionable cantidad de información, documentos, citas, notas, bibliografia" – Somé Laserna 2012, p. 4
  149. Gambra 1979, p. 7
  150. "buena historia del carlismo, hecha con rigor y erudición pero asequible al lector no especializado, asequible incluso desde el punto de vista económico", Mundet Gifre 1980
  151. Mundet Gifre 1980
  152. Gambra 1979, p. 6
  153. "una Historia completa y fiable", Gambra 1979, p. 6
  154. "más grande historiador que ha tenido el carlismo, Melchor Ferrer y Dalmau", Mundet Gifre 1980
  155. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 401; also ""indispensable consultar, desde la vertiente carlista, la problemática y dinástica historia española de los siglos XIX y XX" – R.S.H. 1980, p. 161
  156. Somé Laserna 2012, p. 4
  157. Jeremy MacClancy, The Decline of Carlism, Reno 2000, ISBN 9780874173444, p. 42, also "Carlist historian" – Stanley G. Payne, Falange: A History of Spanish Fascism, Stanford 1961, ISBN 9780804700580, p. 288, "historiador militante carlista" – Ignacio Peiró Martín, Historiadores en España: historia de la historia y memoria de la profesión, Zaragoza 2013, ISBN 9788415770442, p. 218, "historien traditionaliste" – Franck Lafage, L'Espagne de la Contre-Révolution: développement et déclin XVIIIe-XXe siècles, Paris 1991, ISBN 9782738417800, p. 112
  158. "representante del fenómeno del 'partisanismo'", "partidismo" o "sectarismo activo que caracteriza la literatura de lo contemporáneo durante la primera hora cero de la historiografía franquista", "historiador militante carlista", Ignacio Peiró Martín, Historiadores en España: historia de la historia y memoria de la profesión, Zaragoza 2013, ISBN 9788415770442, p. 218
  159. Edina Polácska, Karlista emigráció Franciaországban (1872–1876) [PhD thesis University of Szeged], Szeged 2008, p. 10
  160. "panegyrics from Franco-era traditionalists who depicted Carlism as an organic Christian good resisting the onslaught of godless and artifician Spanish liberalism", Lawrence 2014, p. 24
  161. Somé Laserna 2012, p. 4
  162. or "formulación más erudita a la vieja linea ‘tradicionalista’ de Melchor Ferrer y de la escuela histórica de la Universidad de Navarra", Pedro Rújula López, Contrarrevolución. Realismo y Carlismo en Aragón y el Maestrazgo, 1820–1840, Zaragoza 2011, ISBN 9788415538127, p. IV
  163. Barreiro Fernández 2008, p. 40
  164. Lawrence 2014, p. 18. Others note that the work did not possess "una seña de identidad bibliográfica que reunía los requisitos mínimos para sobrepasar el radio de partidarios y simpatizantes", José Manuel Cuenca Toribio, La historiografía española sobre la edad contemporánea, [in:] José Andrés-Gallego (ed.), Historia de la historiografía española: Nueva edición revisada y aumentada, Madrid 2004, ISBN 9788474907094, p. 202
  165. Josep Fontana, Prólogo, [in:] Pedro Rújula, Contrarrevolución. Realismo y Carlismo en Aragón y Maestrazgo, 1820–1840, Zaragoza 1998, p. IX
  166. Mundet Gifre 1980
  167. Cuenca Toribio 2004, p. 202
  168. Manuel Santirso, La Primera guerra carlista en Cataluña: guia de estudio, vol. 1 [Universidad Autonoma de Barcelona research paper], Barcelona 1990, pp. 149–150
  169. Agudín Menéndez 2013
  170. Somé Laserna 2012, p. 4
  171. Cathey 2003, p. 36
  172. Juan Luis Ferrari, Las revistas herederas de Acción Española, [in:] Aportes 88 (2015), p. 117

Further reading
  • Rafael Gambra, Melchor Ferrer y la "Historia del tardicionalismo [sic!] español", Sevilla 1979
  • R.S.H., "Historia del Tradicionalismo Español" de Melchor Ferrer Dalmau, [in:] Revista de Historia Militar 55 (1983), pp. 161–164
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