Szmalcownik

Szmalcownik (Polish pronunciation: [ʂmalˈtsɔvɲik]); in English, also spelled shmaltsovnik, plural sometimes given as szmalcowniki) is a pejorative Polish slang expression that originated during the Holocaust in Poland in World War II and refers to a person who blackmailed Jews who were in hiding, or who blackmailed Poles who aided Jews during the German occupation. By stripping Jews of their financial resources, blackmailers added substantially to the danger that Jews and their rescuers faced and increased their chances of getting caught and killed.

Polish underground Biuletyn Informacyjny (Information Bulletin), 2 September 1943, announcing death sentences carried out on collaborators, including a szmalcownik named Jan Grabiec
Announcement by the governor of the Warsaw District, Ludwig Fischer, of May 13, 1943, encouraging the inhabitants of Warsaw to hand over communist agents and Jews to the German authorities
Directorate of Underground Resistance poster, September 1943, announcing death sentences carried out on collaborators, including Bogusław Jan Pilnik, sentenced for 'blackmailing, and delivering to German authorities, hiding Polish citizens of Jewish ethnicity"
Żegota communiqué published in September 1943 warning about death sentence for denunciations of Jews to the Nazis

In the capital of Poland, Warsaw, alone some 3,000-4,000 people acted as blackmailers and informants, [1] In summer of 1942, Żegota, a Polish underground organization dedicated to aiding the Jews, requested that the Polish Underground State intensifies its efforts to stop the "blackmailer plague".[2] From the summer of 1943 Home Army started carrying out death sentences for szmalcowniks in occupied Poland, executing over a dozen by the end of the war.[3] While the executions did not eliminate the problem of blackmailers, they "reduced it so much" that it was no longer an issue of "primary importance" to Żegota.[4] A number of szmalcowniks were tried in Poland after the war.[5]

The phenomenon of blackmailing Jews during the Holocaust was not unique to Poland, and occurred throughout occupied Europe.[6]

Etymology

The term comes from the German word Schmalz (Polish phonetic spelling: szmalc, literally meaning "lard")[7] and indicated the blackmailer's financial motive, i.e. the bribe to be paid by the victim. It originated in the criminal jargon.[8] Literary, therefore, szlamcownik can be translated as a greasy-palmer.[9] In English, the term is often used as a synonym of blackmailer, but in Polish works, based on the wartime parlance, there is sometimes a difference between szmalconwiks, who acted more like one-time muggers, accosting their victims on the street and demanding one time bribe, to the more dangerous blackmailers, which tracked their victims to their hiding places and demanded everything they had.[9] The term is also sometimes described in English as a bounty hunter, as Germans offered financial rewards, described as bounties, for turning in the Jews.[10][11]

Demographics

Szmalcowniks came from diverse backgrounds. About three quarters were Poles, but members of the German, Ukrainian and Lithuanian minorities - and in some cases even Jews - were also engaged in blackmailing.[12][13]Most known szmalcowniks were men aged 25-40.[14]:588-590 Some were collaborating with the Gestapo[12] or other German officials, or with the Polish Blue Police,[15] in addition to blackmailing. Recent research suggests that contrary to popular belief, szmalcowniks were not necessarily habituated criminals before the war; out of 200 individuals tried by German courts in Warsaw between 1940-1943, only 11 involved pre-war criminals.[16]

According to Jan Grabowski, "there are mentions of szmalcowniki in all of the accounts by Jews hiding on the 'Aryan side' of Warsaw. The sheer number of mentions is a direct (though difficult to quantify) evidence of the prevalence of this practice."[17] Gunnar S. Paulsson estimates the total number of szmalcowniks in Warsaw alone at "as high as 3–4 thousand", targeting the Jewish community (in hiding on the "Aryan" side, outside the Warsaw Ghetto) of about 28,000 and their gentile helpers, who numbered about 70,000-90,000, with the remaining few hundred thousands of the city's inhabitants remaining passive in this struggle.[1]

Effects

From 1941 onwards, Jews who were found without a valid pass outside ghettos and camps were subject to death penalty, as were any individuals aiding them.[8] German issued monetary rewards (sometimes described as bounties), for turning in the hiding Jews. Szmalcowniks would extort Jews for money and valuables, and after the victims were robbed of everything of value, they would often be turned in for the bounty.[18][19][20] Many hiding Jews were easy to recognize by distinct physical features, different accent and vocabulary, culinary preferences, lack of knowledge about Polish Christian customs, and even excessive purchase of food supplies.[21] At the beginning of the German occupation, szmalcowniks were satisfied with a few hundred zloty, but after the death penalty for hiding Jews was introduced, the sums rose to several hundred thousand zlotych. The activities of szmalcowniks intensified during the era of the liquidation of the ghettos (1942-1944).[8]

The damage that those individuals did to the Jewish community was substantial.[12] By stripping Jews of assets they needed to survive, harassing rescuers, raising the overall level of insecurity and forcing hidden Jews to seek safer accommodations, blackmailers added substantially to the danger that Jews and their Polish rescuers faced, and increased their risk of capture and death.[12]

In some cases the szmalcownik gangs would blackmail each other, or even people working with Gestapo agents, which would lead to the arrest of one group.[14]:598-599 Approximately 200 such szmalcowniks were prosecuted by German Special Court in Warsaw (Sondergericht Warschau) for bribing German soldiers, pretending to be Gestapo agents and forging identity papers. The German courts penalties usually ranged from few months to few years of imprisonment, although in some cases Gestapo was known to carry out summary executions; for example two szmalcowniks were executed for falsely accusing a German lawyer of being a Jew. In general, however, German authorities were not concerned with the activities of szmalcowniks, which instead they encouraged.[22][23]

Countermeasures

The Polish Underground State considered collaboration a treasonous act punishable by death,[24] and attempted to counteract the activities of szmalcowniks and informers from the beginning of the German occupation.[25] One way in which it tried to hinder such activities was by publishing public condemnations in posters, leaflets and the underground press,[26][27][28] though these rarely addressed crimes against Jews specifically.[25] The first announcement by the Directorate of Underground Resistance that crimes against Jews and Poles will be punishable by death was made on September 17 1942.[29] After the founding of Żegota (Council to Aid Jews with the Government Delegation for Poland) later that month, its representatives repeatedly appealed to the Underground State to act against blackmailers, but for the most part were answered that "nothing could be done" because such acts would require a judicial process, which was said to be impossible to conduct during the occupation.[2] Żegota's request for an explicit condemnation of anti-Jewish activities was answered seven months later, on March 18 1943.[25] The communist Polski Komitet Wyzwolenia Narodowego (the Polish Committee of National Liberation) issued a similar decree more than a year later, on August 31 1944.

Executions carried out by Polish underground were approved by an underground court, which was meant to ensure that no innocents would be killed by accident.[30] Identifying individual blackmailers was difficult, as they were often anonymous; gang leaders were easier to identity;[25] though they were identified and punished much more often then street muggers, for which this was more difficult.[8] Some executions required considerable planning, since carrying arms carried significant risks.[29] The first execution of a szmalcownik by the Home Army took place on March 4 1943, and the next day Jewish Fighting Organization (primarily active in the Warsaw Ghetto) announced that it had executed five Jewish collaborators.[29] There is at least one documented incident in which communist resistance fighters of Gwardia Ludowa in Warsaw executed one or more szmalcowniks in 1943.[31] In early 1944, after Żegota lobbied to speed up the process, the Directorate authorized executions at the discretion of local resistance authorities,[29] and in 1943-1944 executions of szmalcowniks became more frequent.[32] Approximately 30% of the Special Courts executions in Warsaw were of szmalcowniks,[33] but the exact number is unknown; Dariusz Libionka estimated the number of szmalcowniks executed in Warsaw at under twenty.[34] Michael Marrus notes, however, that some 150 executions of informers that took place by April 1943, albeit not in a response to blackmailing, nevertheless had an positive effect on the phenomenon. He further claims that "more death sentences than reported were being carried out".[4][29] Overall, concludes Jan Grabowski, "engaging in blackmailing did not entail a significant risk... [it] was not a priority [to the underground], and the few sentences handed down by the underground courts usually involved not only Jews, but also Poles."[14]:590

The extent and effectiveness of the countermeasures is subject to debate. According to Samuel Kassow, who analysed the Emanuel Ringelblum Archives, "even in the relatively simple matter of suppressing the blackmailers and informants who plagued Jews on the Aryan side, the underground state could not be bothered."[35] According to Joseph Kermish the underground's proclamations were left mostly "on paper", and the number of executions remained low,[36] and Joanna Drzewieniecki notes that "new research seems to indicate that Underground trials and executions did not take place as often and nor were they as much of a deterrent as historians once thought".[25] However Michael Marrus states that while the executions did not eliminate the problem of blackmailers, they "reduced it so much" that it was no longer an issue of "primary importance" to Żegota.[4]

Aftermath

Some szmalcowniks were tried in Poland after the war.[14]:588-590 In 1956 the crime of szmalcownictwo was subject to amnesty, which however excluded individuals who were proven to have taken part in a murder.[37]

gollark: Yes, in actuality NONE are safe.
gollark: Also physical/metaphysical/hyperphysical.
gollark: It mostly uses memetic/cognitive ones nowadays.
gollark: ++apioform ↓ lyricly
gollark: I mostly use sorcerous apioscript.

See also

References
  1. Gunnar S. Paulsson (2002). Secret City: The Hidden Jews of Warsaw, 1940-1945. Yale University Press. p. 5. ISBN 978-0-300-09546-3.
  2. Gutman, Israel (2003). "Some Issues in Jewish-Polish Relations during the Second World War". In Joshua D. Zimmerman (ed.). Contested memories: Poles and Jews during the Holocaust and its aftermath. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. p. 216. ISBN 978-0-8135-3158-8.
  3. Dariusz Libionka: ZWZ-AK i Delegatura Rządu RP wobec eksterminacji Żydów polskich [in:] Andrzej Żbikowski (ed.) Polacy i Żydzi pod okupacją niemiecką 1939-1945. Studia i materiały. Warszawa: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, 2006, p. 123. ISBN 83-60464-01-4.
  4. Michael Robert Marrus (6 September 2011). The Nazi Holocaust. Part 5: Public Opinion and Relations to the Jews in Nazi Europe. Volume 2. Walter de Gruyter. pp. 530–. ISBN 978-3-11-097043-2.
  5. Jan Grabowski Szantażowanie Żydów: casus Warszawy 1939-1945 Przegląd Historyczny 99/4, pages 588-590
  6. Jan Grabowski: „Ja tego Żyda znam!” Szantażowanie Żydów w Warszawie 1939–1943. Warszawa: Centrum Badań nad Zagładą Żydów. Wydawnictwo IFiS PAN, 2004, p. 12. ISBN 83-7388-058-5.
  7. Wiktoria Sliwowska; Jakub Gutenbaum; Agnieszka Latała (13 May 1998). The Last Eyewitnesses: Children of the Holocaust Speak. Northwestern University Press. p. 329. ISBN 978-0-8101-1511-8.
  8. "Szmalcownictwo". Żydowski Instytut Historyczny. Retrieved 27 July 2020.
  9. Barbara Engelking; Dr Gunnar S Paulsson (1 January 2001). Holocaust and Memory: The Experience of the Holocaust and Its Consequences, An Investigation Based on Personal Narratives. A&C Black. p. 303. ISBN 978-0-7185-0159-4.
  10. Harold B. Segel (1996). Stranger in Our Midst: Images of the Jew in Polish Literature. Cornell University Press. pp. –. ISBN 0-8014-8104-X.
  11. Jacek Borkowicz (1998). Pod wspólnym niebem: tematy polsko-żydowskie. Towarzystwo "Więź". p. 346.
  12. Irene Tomaszewski; Tecia Werbowski (2010). Code Name Żegota: Rescuing Jews in Occupied Poland, 1942-1945 : the Most Dangerous Conspiracy in Wartime Europe. ABC-CLIO. p. 70. ISBN 978-0-313-38391-5.
  13. Jan Grabowski Szantażowanie Żydów: casus Warszawy 1939-1945 Przegląd Historyczny 99/4, pages 588-590
  15. Jan Grabowski: „Ja tego Żyda znam!” Szantażowanie Żydów w Warszawie 1939–1943. Warszawa: Centrum Badań nad Zagładą Żydów. Wydawnictwo IFiS PAN, 2004, p. 17. ISBN 83-7388-058-5.
  16. Jan Grabowski Szantażowanie Żydów: casus Warszawy 1939-1945 Przegląd Historyczny 99/4, page 589
  17. Jan Grabowski Szantażowanie Żydów: casus Warszawy 1939-1945 Przegląd Historyczny 99/4, page 585
  18. Małgorzata Melchior: Uciekinierzy z gett po „stronie aryjskiej” na prowincji dystryktu warszawskiego − sposoby przetrwania [in:] Barbara Engelking, Jacek Leociak, Dariusz Libionka (ed.) Prowincja. Noc. Życie i zagłada Żydów w dystrykcie warszawskim. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo IFiS PAN, 2007, p. 363.ISBN 978-83-7388-142-6.
  19. Teresa Prekerowa: Konspiracyjna Rada Pomocy Żydom w Warszawie 1942–1945. Warszawa: Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, p. 266.
  20. Jan Grabowski: „Ja tego Żyda znam!” Szantażowanie Żydów w Warszawie 1939–1943. Warszawa: Centrum Badań nad Zagładą Żydów. Wydawnictwo IFiS PAN, 2004, p. 48. ISBN 83-7388-058-5.
  21. Jan Grabowski Szantażowanie Żydów: casus Warszawy 1939-1945 Przegląd Historyczny 99/4, pages 593
  22. Jan Grabowski Szantażowanie Żydów: casus Warszawy 1939-1945 Przegląd Historyczny 99/4, pages 588-590
  23. Jan Grabowski: „Ja tego Żyda znam!” Szantażowanie Żydów w Warszawie 1939–1943. Warszawa: Centrum Badań nad Zagładą Żydów. Wydawnictwo IFiS PAN, 2004, p. 21–22. ISBN 83-7388-058-5.
  24. Żydzi polscy, zeszyt 24, "Sprawiedliwi wśród narodów" str. 11 artykuł "Śmierć dla szmalcowników" dodatek do Rzeczpospolitej z 23 września 2008
  25. Joanna Drzewieniecki (30 November 2019). Dance with Death: A Holistic View of Saving Polish Jews during the Holocaust. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 256–257. ISBN 978-0-7618-7167-5.
  26. Dariusz Libionka: ZWZ-AK i Delegatura Rządu RP wobec eksterminacji Żydów polskich [w:] Andrzej Żbikowski (red.) Polacy i Żydzi pod okupacją niemiecką 1939-1945. Studia i materiały. Warszawa: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, 2006, p. 121. ISBN 83-60464-01-4.
  27. Władysław Bartoszewski: Los Żydów Warszawy 1939–1943. Londyn: Puls Publications, 1983, p. 43.
  28. Andrzej Krzysztof Kunert: „Żegota” Rada Pomocy Żydom 1942−1945. Warszawa: Rada Ochrony Pamięci Walk i Męczeństwa, 2002, p. 82. ISBN 83-91666-6-0.
  29. Irene Tomaszewski; Tecia Werbowski (2010). Code Name Żegota: Rescuing Jews in Occupied Poland, 1942-1945 : the Most Dangerous Conspiracy in Wartime Europe. ABC-CLIO. pp. 71–72. ISBN 978-0-313-38391-5.
  30. R. Bennett (28 May 1999). Under the Shadow of the Swastika: The Moral Dilemmas of Resistance and Collaboration in Hitler’s Europe. Palgrave Macmillan UK. p. 79. ISBN 978-0-230-50826-2.
  31. Tomasz Strzembosz: Akcje zbrojne podziemnej Warszawy 1939–1944. Warszawa: Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 1983. ISBN 83-06-00717-4. P. 417
  32. Tomasz Strzembosz: Akcje zbrojne podziemnej Warszawy 1939–1944. Warszawa: Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 1983. ISBN 83-06-00717-4. P. 416
  33. Joshua D. Zimmerman (5 June 2015). The Polish Underground and the Jews, 1939–1945. Cambridge University Press. pp. 414–415. ISBN 978-1-107-01426-8.
  34. Dariusz Libionka: ZWZ-AK i Delegatura Rządu RP wobec eksterminacji Żydów polskich [in:] Andrzej Żbikowski (ed.) Polacy i Żydzi pod okupacją niemiecką 1939-1945. Studia i materiały. Warszawa: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, 2006, p. 123. ISBN 83-60464-01-4.
  35. Kassow, Samuel (2003). "Polish-Jewish Relations in the Writings of Emmanuel Ringelblum". In Joshua D. Zimmerman (ed.). Contested memories: Poles and Jews during the Holocaust and its aftermath. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. p. 154. ISBN 978-0-8135-3158-8.
  36. Kermish, Joseph. "The Activities of the Council for Aid to Jews ("Żegota") In Occupied Poland". Yad Vashem. Retrieved 19 July 2020.
  37. Biuletyn IPN 3 (12)/2013, p. 5, Instytut Pamięci Narodowej


Further reading
This article is issued from Wikipedia. The text is licensed under Creative Commons - Attribution - Sharealike. Additional terms may apply for the media files.