Michael Somare

Sir Michael Thomas Somare GCL GCMG CH CF SSI KSG PC (born 9 April 1936) is a Papua New Guinean politician. He was a pivotal politician in the coming of independence. His political career spanned from 1968 until his retirement in 2017. He has been the longest-serving prime minister (17 years). Besides that, he has been minister of foreign affairs, leader of the opposition and governor of East Sepik.

The Right Honourable

Sir Michael Somare

GCL GCMG CH CF SSI KStJ KSG
1st Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea
In office
17 January 2011 – 4 April 2011
MonarchElizabeth II
Governor GeneralSir Michael Ogio
Preceded bySam Abal (acting)
Succeeded bySam Abal (acting)
In office
5 August 2002 – 13 December 2010
MonarchElizabeth II
Governor GeneralSir Silas Atopare
Bill Skate (acting)
Jeffrey Nape (acting)
Sir Paulias Matane
Preceded bySir Mekere Morauta
Succeeded bySam Abal (acting)
In office
2 August 1982 – 21 November 1985
MonarchElizabeth II
Governor GeneralSir Tore Lokoloko
Sir Kingsford Dibela
Preceded bySir Julius Chan
Succeeded byPaias Wingti
In office
16 September 1975 – 11 March 1980
MonarchElizabeth II
Governor GeneralSir John Guise
Sir Tore Lokoloko
Preceded byPosition established
Succeeded byJulius Chan
Personal details
Born (1936-04-09) 9 April 1936
Rabaul, Territory of New Guinea
Political partyNational Alliance Party
Spouse(s)Veronica Somare

Overview of his career

He served in a variety of positions. His base was not primarily in political parties but in East Sepik, the area that elected him. During his political career he was a member of the House of Assembly and after independence in 1975 the National parliament for the East sepik Provincial - later open - seat. He was the first chief minister at the end of colonial rule. Thereafter he became the first Prime Minister after independence from 1975 to 1980. He returned to the office of Prime Minister from 1982 to 1985, and his longest stint in the position was from 2002 to 2011. He also served as Cabinet Minister: he was minister of foreign affairs from 1988 to 1992; from 1999 to 2001 he was subsequently minister of foreign affairs, minister of mining and Bougainville, minister of foreign affairs and Bougainville affairs. He was leader of the opposition from 1980 to 1982, and thereafter in that position from 1985 to 1988 and finally from 2001 to 2002. When the new position of political governor as head of the provincial administration and representative MP was created in 1995, Somare took up the job. He was governor of East Sepik from 1995 until 1999. After the last election that he contended, he again became Governor of East Sepik (2012–2016). He was a founding member of the Pangu Party which led PNG into independence in 1975. He resigned from the Pangu Party and became an independent in 1988. He rejoined the Pangu party in 1994 but was sacked as a leader in the following year. He was then asked to join and lead the National Alliance Party. In 2017 he left politics and also the National Alliance Party.[1]

While Somare was in March 2011 hospitalised in Singapore, a majority of parliamentarians declared the post of Prime Minister vacant. Peter O'Neill was the new prime minister.[2] This was contested. On 12 December 2011, the Supreme Court of Papua New Guinea ordered that Somare be reinstated as Prime Minister, ruling that O'Neill had not been lawfully appointed.[3] This event triggered the 2011–12 Papua New Guinean constitutional crisis. Following a decisive victory for O'Neill in the 2012 general election, Somare expressed support for him, thereby ending the crisis and forming a coalition government. However, this truce did not last. When Somare announced his departure from politics, he made a blistering attack on O'Neill.[4][5]

Somare’s neo-traditionalist identity and PNG political Culture

Somare likes to present himself in a lap-lap –a kind of sarong- instead of in trousers. Lap laps are of course not traditional in the sense of pre-colonial and is therefore a declaration of neo traditionalism. That is also evident in his autobiography that he published at independence.[6] He stressed there his Sepik identity, despite being born in Rabaul on the islands and far from the Sepik, but he portrays his time as a child in Sepik villages as decisive in forming his personality. His father brought him there to the village of Karau in the Murik Lakes region [7] when Somare's mother separated from him. Somare pays elaborate attention to his initiation and the role of matrilineal descent is also evident there ”Our mother’s brothers” receive for example the initiates after their ordeal. Yet the people of the Sepik are not particularly rigorous in descent rules. Somare claimed also the honorific title of Sana in his father's line. This title claims descent from the founder of the clan and is a designation as peacemaker. The title of Sana bestowed for example on the bearer the duty of organising a meal for the enemies before a fight. Sepik societies are of course no longer expected to have war: a historical element is thus given meaning in a new context. In order to obtain the title he was admitted to the elders of the clan before he had the age when it was due. Sepik elders must have seen the benefit of co-opting him at independence. This may be less controversial than Somare portrays. Leadership in the Sepik is not based on descent but on a consensus among the elders and reputation is decisive.[8] Anthropological literature argues that Western Polynesian societies are not particularly centralised and although there is a big man attitude to leadership there is a continuous jockeying for position among those who want to be big man.[9] Political ideology in PNG refers to this as the Melanesian way.[10] This background can be seen as a formative influence on Somare's political practice. PNG has not been dominated by one particular leader whose power base was in a centralised institution like a party or the army. Political life in Papua New Guinea is fragmented and decentralised: party formation is weak. Above all: Papua New Guinea has maintained a Westminster style democracy and leaders moved aside when they lost parliamentary majorities. Somare insisted already at independence on a ministerial rather than a presidential system.[11] In his valedictory parliamentary speech, he urged young leaders to learn what the Westminster system of government is meant to achieve.[12]

Somare and the coming of independence

Somare stressed his background in the small emerging modern sector of Papua New Guinea rather than his immersion in Sepik culture in two long interviews at the end of his career.[13][14] He was born in Rabaul in East New Britain. His father originated from East Sepik and was part of the large Sepik community on the islands. He combined thus a background on the islands with one on the mainland. His father, Ludwig Somare Sana, was one of the first policemen in the country and after retirement he pioneered a cooperative society in East Sepik. Somare's father also trained policemen and Michael Somare in this way got to know many policemen in various parts of PNG.[15] He went to Sogeri, the first National High School and this gave him a teaching qualification. He belonged thus to the small group that benefited from western-style education when such education was scarce for Papua New Guinea. Later on, he was one of the 35 Papua New Guineans who went through a crash course that gave entry to the civil service. He was as a result also one of the few Papua New Guineans with a command of the English language. Therefore, he was qualified as a translator for the Legislative Council. This was a white-dominated institution but it gave him insight into the game of politics. He also became a radio announcer in Wewak, East Sepik. That was a great opportunity to make his name known in the area that elected him throughout his long career consistently as their MP. It also brought the ire of his supervisors because of his critical comments and they transferred him on administrative duties to Port Moresby. There he became part of the small group of educated nationalists that had the nickname of the bully beef club. This group protested already early on against the racist nature of colonial rule.[16] Somare maintains that he was already in 1962 in favour of independence, He was in Port Moresby one of the founding members in 1967 of the Papua and Niugini Union party (Pangu) He stood for election when opportunities opened up for native Papua New Guineans to enter the National Assembly in 1968 and he was one of the eight Pangu candidates who were successful. He embarked in politics practising a judicious mixture of opposition to and co-optation by the Australian government. Pangu opted in 1968 for the opposition rather than having seats in government. From that position they consistently attacked the racist nature of colonial rule as they had also done outside parliament. Somare was leader of the opposition but he was also a member of the Constitutional Planning Committee preparing independence. He was despite his radical position also a moderate. He argued for example for a period of internal self government. That was granted in 1973. Foreign affairs and defence remained an Australian responsibility until full independence was granted two years later.

Somare was particularly apt at steering a clear way among various conflicting forces.[17][18] There were for example those who advocated that Papua New Guinea should become the seventh state in the Australian Federation. More important were the centrifugal forces in the country. There was a rival political party with mass following in the highlands, the Compass party. A separatist movement was pleading for separate independence for Papua apart from New Guinea. In Bougainville, there were forces claiming independence. There were conflicts among the Tolai in East New Britain. The People's Progress Party under the leadership of Julius Chan rather than Pangu was important on the islands. Somare succeeded in bringing all these centrifugal forces together at independence. Somare's advocacy of independence was radical as compared to the other parties who were much more in favour of the status quo. It was particularly important to sway the opinion of Julius Chan who was not keen on immediate independence. When that succeeded a coalition government between Pangu and the PPP became possible.

Some forces on the Australian side were also not in favour of independence for PNG, but it was definitely not the case that there was a veritable independence struggle. There was some protest against colonial practices, for example, a civil service strike pleading for equal treatment of PNG personnel with Australian personnel or protest against discriminatory practices. However, there was a fair amount of co-optation on the way to independence, especially after Gough Whitlam became prime minister of Australia. Since there has been access to the Australian archives from this period it was clear that Australia wanted to get rid of PNG already early on. The Australian government was keen to let the complexities of ruling PNG go.[19][20] The possibility to declare Papua New Guinea an Australian state in the federation and making all inhabitants Australians was always rejected by Australia.[21]

Michael Somare's role in the independence struggle reflects therefore the values he advocated throughout his career: a builder of consensus. A politician whose main mission is avoiding or reconciling conflicts.

Michael Somare as policymaker

Michael Somare was praised highly when he left politics in 2016.[22][23] The most significant praise may be from Sean Dorney –a veteran specialist on PNG politics. He praised him as a politician who led a highly fractured political community leading to independence. He also praised the enduring a parliamentary democracy in such a fractured community.([24] It is, however, significant that praise for Somare's policies was lacking. That is understandable because Somare was not conspicuous as a policymaker. His policies must often be derived from the actual course he took reacting to events. Three areas of policy making illustrate this: agriculture, macro economic policies and development planning. PNG got as a parting gift at independence an economic analysis with recommendations. This stressed the need for rural development and Somare accepted that at that time.[25] Yet in the course of the years PNG became an economy driven by resource extraction and the agricultural sector remained stagnant.[26] Attention for the rural sector was driven by donors rather than by government. For example: the World Bank's PNG Productive Partnerships in Agriculture or the PNG Rural Service Delivery Program.[27] The Mining Act 1992 and the Oil and Gas Act 1998 are the most important documents regulating the rapid growth in extracting natural resources. These were enacted when Somare was not in power.[28] Nevertheless, the major LNG/PNG project was developed when he was prime minister from 2002 to 2011. There was however no major policy debate around the project. His son, Arthur Somare, was the prime driver of the project rather than prime minister Michael Somare.[29] Michael somare has however defended his track record with respect to LNG/PNG despite strong criticism on the deal to gain equity in the company.[30] The Forestry Act 1991 is the main document regulating another natural resources sector. It was also enacted when Somare was not in power.[31] The deeds of Somare governments show one predominant trait in policy making: he is a fiscal conservative. Government expenditure was under control when he was prime minister.[32] That was particularly clear in the period 2002-2011, . When Somare succeeded Morauta as prime minister in 2002 there was a fear that Somare would undo the privatisation of the preceding government and move away from the politics of austerity. However, he left the reforms of the preceding Morauta government intact and his fiscal rectitude fit the IMF philosophy of structural adjustment.[33][33] The IMF had much praise for the Somare government 2002-2011.[34] Income from natural resources was high and the Somare government used it to reduce the public debt rather than increase public expenditure.[35] There was only one attempt to formulate a comprehensive development policy by a Somare government: the Vision 2050 document.[36] However that became more an inspirational document than a concrete plan of action. The document is critical of PNG's performance since independence but it lays the blame in the first place on its citizenry rather than the government and government policies.[37][38]

Michael Somare and International Relations.

Michael Somare was a well travelled man when he became prime minister in 1975. He had for example visited East Africa, Sri Lanka. the United States.[39] In accordance with his Sepik inspired philosophy of consensus he declared: “Friends with everybody and enemies of none” as the principle of his foreign relations.[40] Nevertheless, there were some countries to which he felt more friendly than others and the first one among those was Japan. He wrote warmly about the Japanese occupation during WW 2 of his home area East Sepik. For example: Contrary to the general opinion, he praised their treatment of local women.[41] He travelled regularly to Japan and was awarded high Japanese honours.[42][43] It is significant that he received as governor of East Sepik in 2014 the Japanese prime minister in Wewak who laid a wreath remembering Japanese war dead,[44] These sympathies for Japan did not deter him from opening diplomatic relations with China soon after independence.[45] Indonesia is the second country that figured large in international relations during the Somare era, but that was not because of buoyant international ties. PNG mainly attempted to remain as passive as possible towards the violent conflict between proponents of West Papua independence and the Indonesian government. The Indonesian sovereignty over West Papua was never questioned. There was initially a great reluctance to even question the human rights situation in West Papua.[46] That changed after a big uprising in Jayapura, the capital of West Papua in 1984. This brought many refugees to PNG. Then PNG protested about the way Indonesia dealt with the uprising in the UN general assembly.[47] However, repatriation of the refugees had been the major policy aim since independence and it always remained the major policy plank of the PNG government. Initially, Somare resisted even involvement of the UNHCR. Problems at the border including military incursions were meant to be solved by boundary commissions and other diplomatic means.[48] The West Papuan independence movement was keen to be admitted as a member of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) which is resisted by Indonesia. PNG has never opposed Indonesia's view. However, in 2013, when Somare was no longer in government, he advocated representation of West Papua on the MSG during the Silver Jubilee celebrations of the group. However, he remained unequivocally of the opinion that it was an internal problem of Indonesia and questioning Indonesian sovereignty over West Papua was beyond the pale. West Papua should be represented as a Melanesian community and not as an independent sovereign state. He suggested a presence of the West Papuans at the MSG on similar terms as China tolerated Hong Kong and Taiwan at APEC.[49] Australia is the third focal point of international relations in the Somare era. The nature of these relations were to a large degree dependent upon the Australian politicians involved. Somare and Kevin Rudd had for example warm relations.[50] Somare was however often keen to demonstrate his nationalism in relations with Australia. That sentiment appeared in incidents: First: At the time of Papua New Guinea independence in 1975 Somare demanded proper dignity for Papua New Guinean leaders when he considered that Australia's gift of an official house for Papua New Guinea's prime minister was insufficiently grand for the great statesman he considered himself to be: Australia abashedly acceded to Somare's demands and provided a much more palatial official residence. The intended and despised prime ministerial residence was instead designated the residence of the Australian High Commissioner. Second: In March 2005 Somare was required by security officers at Brisbane Airport to remove his shoes during a routine departure security check. He took strong exception to this, leading to a diplomatic contretemps and a significant cooling of relations between Australia and Papua New Guinea. Somare was travelling on a regular scheduled flight, and he was unknown to security staff. His sandals had stiffening metal strips, which were detected by a walk-through scanner. The Australian government ignored diplomatic protests as the PNG government had not arranged a diplomatic visit, in a state or chartered aircraft. A protest march in Port Moresby saw hundreds march on the Australian High Commission and present a petition to High Commissioner Michael Potts demanding an apology and compensation. However, the Australian Government ignored the matter.[51] A third incident where Somare asserted independence from Australia was the Moti affair. Julian Moti, was arrested in Port Moresby on 29 September 2006 under an Australian extradition request to face child sex charges over an alleged incident in Vanuatu in 1997. After breaking bail conditions and taking sanctuary in the Solomon Islands High Commission Moti was flown to the Solomon Islands on a clandestine PNG Defence Force flight. Moti was a close associate of Manasseh Sogavare, the Prime Minister of the Solomon Islands, This caused outrage on the part of the Australian government. Australia then cancelled ministerial-level talks in December and banned senior Papua New Guinea ministers from entering Australia. Somare denied any involvement in authorising the flight. However, he refused the release of a commission of enquiry from the PNG Defence Force in the matter.[52][53] Somare has been regularly blunt in his opinion on the relations with Australia. After returning to power in 2002, he indicated that he would manage the relationship with Australia in a different way from the close and consultative style of his predecessor Mekere Morauta. Somare strongly opposed the Morauta government's acceptance of asylum seekers under the Pacific solution program.[53] At the celebrations of thirty years of independence in 2005, Somare complained that Australis was seeking to take control again and was prepared to totally destroy PNG's reputation.[54]

Michael Somare and questions of governance

Somare's valedictory speech in parliament may have sounded like a triumph but there was disappointment on his part. He initially refused to give such a speech in parliament as he was not awarded enough time and attention.[55] Afterwards, the family, the political party that he had belonged to and the highly respected veteran politician Dame Carol Kidu complained about the relatively short ceremony while they had expected a military parade, singing groups, etc.[56][57] Later a more elaborate ceremony was performed in John Guise stadium in Port Moresby that was –maybe due to unseasonal rain- poorly attended.[58] This was followed by a farewell tour of the country. Somare was, however, by that time, no longer an undisputed authority. A large part of the PNG population looked with increasing scepticism at Somare and his pronouncements. The first reason that's Somare faded from political importance is that he succeeded less and less to cultivate a consensus. He gained prestige after 2002 when he presided over a government that lasted its full term of five years; it was for the first time since independence that this had happened. This stability continued from 2007-2011. The reason was seen in a new set of rules that were adopted under the Organic Law on Political Parties and Candidates (OLIPPAC) that had as a central aim to.promoted party identification and to curb short term opportunistic behaviour among MPSs. A major new rule proscribing MPs from changing party affiliation during a parliamentary period. However, the prime minister retained the power to change his cabinet and as a result, this apparent stability was glossed over sharp conflicts in the government. Between 2002 and 2007, there were five deputy prime ministers, several cabinet reshuffles, ministers sacked and parties divided — hardly a sign of political stability.[59] OLIPPAC was also considered as unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. Amidst this instability, there was no attempt to groom a successor.[60] Bart Philemon, the Finance Minister challenged Somare's leadership of the National Alliance Party in 2007, but he was then dumped by the party and crossed over to the opposition. The only person who gained significant power during this period was Somare's son Arthur, the Angoram Open MP and it became apparent that he was being groomed as the preferred successor.[61][62][63] The second reason is Somare's refusal to have his authority challenged in parliament, even when there was no chance of dismissal of his government. Somare was threatened with many motions of no confidence. Initially, he wanted to extend the period in which no motions of confidence were allowed after an election and before an election. The courts prevented this. Thereafter he relied on the speaker and interpretations of parliamentary rules to prevent a motion of no confidence being raised.[64][65] He did not take it lightly when that was challenged The Sydney Morning Herald reported on 22 July 2010 that he had threatened to kill an Opposition MP: "There were wild scenes when the Speaker adjourned the house until 16 November, despite the opposition's claim it had enough votes to stop the adjournment. Once most MPs had left parliament and the yelling and cries of dictatorship died down, Mr Somare crossed the floor, pointed his finger at an MP, Sam Basil, and shouted in Toc pisin words that translate as: If you were outside this chamber I would kill you."[66] By using his influence over the speaker Somare prevented all motions of no confidence and this is puzzling; it was also doubtful that such a motion would succeed on the floor of parliament. He returned to power after the elections in 2007 with large support in parliament.[67] He was only unseated in 2011 when he was hospitalized in Singapore for an extended period because of complications after heart surgery and it became apparent that he may not be able to return. At this point his support in the National Alliance party split and the Speaker got support to declare the prime ministers’ post vacant. An adversary motion of no confidence was avoided. During the constitutional crisis 2011–2012 he never accepted a loss of his parliamentary majority. In January 2012 he attempted to take power through a military coup that failed as the army, civil service and police were backing his rival Peter O’Neill. He had only the support of 20 MPs but the courts had backed him up.[68] He relied on the law as well to get a compensation of a million US dollars for not being reinstated as PM during the constitutional crisis.[69] The third reason is the involvement of the Somare family in questionable practices in the logging industry. A commission of enquiry into the logging industry was set up under the chairmanship of the Judge Tos Barnett, The Barnett Commission found widespread corruption surrounding the issue of government licensing of concessions. The name of Michael Somare turned up in connection with one of these concessions in his home area, the Sepik River Development Corporation. According to the Barnett Commission, Somare lied under oath when he denied his links with this concession. The commission recommended referral to the Ombudsman Commission. Complaints about governance issues need on PNG in first instance to be referred to that institution.[70] This recommendation had no immediate consequence for Somare, but it was not the end of the controversy. The Australian newspaper published in 2008 a series of articles in which the Somare family was connected to two more illegal concessions. In all these schemes there was a Malaysian partner. Michael Somare denied again his involvement but he had to retract this and claimed that it was his son Arthur who was involved in the first place.[71] When carbon trading emerged, Michael Somare, supported this enthusiastically and PNG became an active member and maybe initiator of the Coalition for Rainforest Nation and the country aimed to participate in the REDD program. (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation in Developing Countries (UN-REDD).[72] Somare declared himself however deeply disappointed in the REDD program at the Oslo conference on climate change in 2010. The problem was not corruption and other governance problems on the part of developing countries, but the issue was that “ Today, markets value forests more destroyed than standing.” Somare's great complaint is however about conditionality.[73] His enthusiasm for REDD is said to be motivated to get away from conditionality on logging suggested by the World Bank and the idea of carbon credits evolved in a speculative frenzy.[74][75]

The fourth reason for the decline in prestige of Michael Somare is the lack of modesty. The Melanesian way expects big men to be modest. Somare has always asserted himself in a big way, for example by assuming the honorific Grand Chief. In 1998, his portrait appeared on the reverse side of the K. 50 bank note. This was to honour his role in attaining independence.[76] However, this public show of prominence suits more a presidential system than a Westminster style parliamentary democracy. The problematic presentation of the self by Somare was also evident in his appearance before a Leadership tribunal following complaints about not handing in financial returns as required by the leadership code. The leadership tribunal was composed of three expatriate judges He was found guilty for submitting late and incomplete annual financial statements, dating back to the 1990s. As a result, he was suspended from office for two weeks without pay. That was a majority judgment of two judges. Judge Sir Robin Auld dissented. He was the only Judge that called for dismissal: Michael Somare's attitude as prime minister showed "a disregard bordering on disdain for his constitutional obligations. It would be bad enough in the case of any leader, but it is particularly reprehensible for one of his high standing and influential involvement in the initiation of the leadership code". There were cheers from a large crowd of well wishers when he appeared from the court. Somare regretted his administrative oversight and seemed without rancor. His daughter Bertha –the spokeswoman for the family- asked for understanding from the foreign press: "He is not a politician like they have in Australia, or places like that," she said. "There has to be, I guess, an understanding of Papua New Guinea. Everybody watched this very public, if you like, humiliation of him for the last couple of months and I think the majority of Papua New Guineans were very relieved at the judgment made by two of the three (judges)."I guess there was a sense of relief throughout the country."[77][78] The significance of the Leadership Tribunal was thus in the first in the challenge to his prestige. That challenge was also evident in the suggestion in 2008 by opposition politician Bart Philemon that Sir Michael Somare gives an explanation on how he obtained a A$349,000 three-bedroom executive-style apartment with private plunge pool in inner-city Cairns. His son Arthur Somare who was then PNG's State Enterprise Minister was also questioned about a A$685,000 four-bedroom home he had bought two months prior at Trinity Beach.[79]

Fifth: After Somare left office, his name and that of his son Michael Somare jr, were mentioned in a case of fraud and money laundering relating a scheme to build community colleges in PNG.[80] The Sydney Morning Herald accused Somare of accepting a one million dollar bribe from the Chinese telecommunications firm ZTE in the pursuit of contracts. They based it on evidence from own research by Fairfax newspapers and Singapore court records.[81] Michael Somare maintains that he never accepted bribes or inducements.

Personal life
Somare and his wife Veronica, Lady Somare.

Somare married his wife Veronica, Lady Somare (generally referred to as "Lady Veronica Somare") in 1965, having courted her in traditional fashion, and then immediately left to take up his scholarship at Administrative College. They have five children, Bertha (usually called "Betha" in the national press), Sana, Arthur, Michael Jnr and Dulciana. Somare is head of both his own family and that of his wife, Veronica Lady Somare, who initiated him into their title mindamot two days after his initiation as sana.

Honours

Somare has received several honorary doctorates, the first being from the University of the Philippines in 1976. Somare was appointed a member of Her Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council in 1977 (as in Australia, the honorific "The Right Honourable" can only be granted when one is admitted to the British Privy Council), and was made a Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George (GCMG) by the Queen in the Birthday Honour List of 1990.) In 2004 he received authorization from cabinet to create an honours system for Papua New Guinea. In 2005, the Princess Royal invested him as one of the first Grand Companions of the Order of Logohu (GCL).

Awards

Commonwealth honours
CountryAward or OrderClass or PositionDatesCitation
Papua New GuineaPapua New Guinea Independence Medal–1975
United KingdomPrivy Council of the United KingdomPrivy Councilor1977[82]
United KingdomOrder of the Companions of HonourCompanion of Honour1978[82]
United KingdomOrder of St Michael and St GeorgeKnight Grand Cross1991[82]
Papua New GuineaPapua New Guinea 30th Anniversary of Independence Medal–2004?
Papua New GuineaOrder of LogohuGrand Commander2005
FijiOrder of FijiCompanionyear unknown (2005?)[83]
United Kingdom (Royal Order)Venerable Order of Saint JohnKnight of Justiceyear unknown

Foreign honours
CountryAward or OrderClass or PositionDatesCitation
Vatican CityOrder of St. Gregory the GreatKnight1992
JapanOrder of the Rising SunGrand Gordon2015
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gollark: So it should probably be avoided.
gollark: Me ceasing to exist could be bad for my investment portfolio.
gollark: Sounds bad.

References
  1. http://www.parliament.gov.pg/ninth-parliament/bio/view/governor-east-sepik
  2. Bill Standish PNG's new prime minister: Peter O'Neill. Available at: http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2011/08/11/pngs-new-prime-minister-peter-o-neill/ Posted on 11/8/2011 Accessed on 7/7/2017
  3. "PNG Supreme Court rules O'Neill election illegal, orders Somare reinstatement". Radio New Zealand International. 12 December 2011. Retrieved 12 December 2011.
  4. Bill Standish, PNG's new prime minister: Peter O'Neil http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2011/08/11/pngs-new-prime-minister-peter-o-neill/
  5. Helen Davidson: Papua New Guinea prime minister must resign say former leaders Available: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/jul/20/papua-new-guinea-prime-minister-peter-oneill-must-resign-say-three-former-leaders Posted on: 20/7/2016 Accessed on: 12/07/2018
  6. (Sana, an autobiography of Michael Somare Port Moresby: Niugni Press 1975
  7. Murik Orientation in World Culture Encyclopedia Available at: https://www.everyculture.com/Oceania/Murik-Orientation.html Posted in 2018. Accessed 1/11/2018
  8. Murray Prudeaux, Leadership in Papua New Guinea: Exploring context and barriers. (p.7) Not dated Available at: https://www.anzam.org/wp-content/uploads/pdf-manager/2233_PRIDEAUX_LEADERSHIPPNG.PDF Accessed on: 1/11/2018
  9. Marshall D. Sahlins,(1963) Poor Man, Rich Man, big Man, Chief, Political Types in Melanesia and Polynesia in Comparative Studies of Society and History pp. 285-303 Available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/177650?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents
  10. Bernard Narokobi, (1983) The Melanesian way Port Moresby: Institute of Papua New guinea Studies Available at: https://books.google.nl/books?hl=nl&id=Ul4HAQAAIAAJ&focus=searchwithinvolume&q=Inst+of+Papua+New+guinea+studies Accessed on 1/11/2018
  11. Jonathan Ritchie, PNG speaks: Michael Somare. Section 01.33.33 Available at: https://www.pngspeaks.com/michael-somare Posted on: 13/09/2014 Accessed on: 5/11/2018
  12. (6) Grand Chief Somare’s final parliamentary sitting Available at: https://emtv.com.pg/grand-chiefs-last-sitting/ Posted on 04/04/2017. Accessed on 1/11/2018
  13. Ian Johnstone :Chief Michael Somare –Prime Minister Available at: https://www.radionz.co.nz/collections/u/new-flags-flying/nff-png/michael-somare Posted on 5/08/2011 Accessed on: 5/11/2018
  14. Jonathan Ritchie, PNG speaks: Michael Somare. Available at: https://www.pngspeaks.com/michael-somare Posted on: 13/09/2014 Accessed on: 5/11/2018
  15. It is not particularly clear from sources how much time Somare spent in Rabaul with his father. According to his autobiography virtually none while it appears significant from the interviews.
  16. Albert Maori Kiki, (1968) Ten thousand years in one lifetime: A New Guinea autobiography London: Pall Mall Press.
  17. Michael Somare, (1975) Sana, an autobiography Port Moresby: iugini Press. Pp. 90-93 and pp 111-140: Regional pressures.
  18. Sean Dorney, (1990) Papua New Guinea; People Politics and History since independence. Milsons Point Chapter VI: Provincial Government – Secession’s first solution. Pp. 150-180
  19. Sean Dorney, Why has our former colony PNG disappeared from the national conversation? Monthly lecture series May 2017 at Royal Geographical Society of South Australia. Available at: https www.youtube.com/watch?v=3J01pr4Y5Kc Posted on 12/6/2017.
  20. Bruce Hunt (2017), Australia’s Northern Shield? Papua New Guinea and the defence of Australia since 1880 Clayton: Monash University Publishing,
  21. (Michael Somare, (1975) Sana, an autobiography Port Moresby: iugini Press. p.48
  22. PNG Parliament gives rousing farewell Sir Michael Somare after 49 years in politics Available at: http://www.pina.com.fj/?p=pacnews&m=read&o=158979202858e415087dca5aad128c Posted on 04/04/2017 Accessed on: 18/11/2018
  23. Friday Tapumi: Sir Michael receives standing ovation in parliament. Available at: http://loopfiji-sb.com/png-news/sir-michael-receives-standing-ovation-parliament-55992 Posted on: 04/04/2018 Accessed on: 18/11/2018
  24. ) Sir Michael Somare is Unique says Veteran Pacific Journalist, Sean Dorney Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HfpuY1GUzVY Posted on: 10/04/2017 Accessed on: 18/11/2018
  25. Sana, an autobiography of Michael Somare Port Moresby: Niugni Press 1975 p.109
  26. Pngeco5.wp PNG’s economic history since independence. Available at: http://pngeconomics.org/2016/09/pngs-economic-history-since-indpendence/ Posted 15/09/2016 Accessed on: 18/11/2018
  27. World bank: Projects and Operations PNG: Productive Partnerships in Agriculture Available at: http://projects.worldbank.org/P110959/png-productive-partnerships-agriculture?lang=en ; World Bank Projects and Operations: Rural Service delivery project. http://projects.worldbank.org/P159517?lang=en No date posted. Accessed on: 18/11/2018
  28. Matthew Yari, Govt Concerned Over Delay On Review Of Mine Laws From: Post Courier 8/11/2018 Available at: https://ramumine.wordpress.com/2018/11/09/govt-concerned-over-delay-on-review-of-mine-laws/ Posted On: 9/11/2018 Accessed on: 18/11/2018
  29. Australian government: Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade: Joint Understanding on PNG LNG Project Available at: https://dfat.gov.au/geo/papua-new-guinea/Pages/joint-understanding-on-png-lng-project.aspx Posted on: 29/2/2013 Accessed on: 18/11/2018
  30. Sir Michael: IPIC a win-win deal for PNG. Sourced from PNG Post Courier Posted on: 23/04/2014 Available at: http://www.pina.com.fj/?p=pacnews&m=read&o=13596272605357130d9077c6b5499a Accessed on 9/01/2019
  31. Independent state of Papua New Guinea Forest Act 1991 Available at:https://theredddesk.org/sites/default/files/forestry_act_1991_png_0.pdf
  32. Aaron Batton, Fiscal Policy in: Thomas Webster and Linda Duncan (eds) (2010) Papua New Guinea’s Development performance 1975-2008 Port Moresby: National Research Institute. Monograph 41. pp. 67–105
  33. Somare accuses Canberra of bias Available at: https://www.theage.com.au/national/somare-accuses-canberra-of-bias-20021118-gduspz.html Posted on 18/11/2002 Accessed on : 22/11/2018
  34. )IMF Concludes 2005 Article IV Consultation with Papua New Guinea Public Information Notice (PIN) 6/20 February 24, 2006 Available at: https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/scr/2006/cr0699.pdf Accessed on: 22/11/2018 Please note: the PIN is at the end of the document
  35. Asian Development Bank (2012) Papua New Guinea: Critical Development Constraints Pages 37 and 38. Available at: https://www.adb.org/sites/default/files/publication/29776/png-critical-development-constraints.pdf Accessed on: 22/11/2018
  36. ) National Strategic Task Force Papua New Guinea, (2009) Vision 2050 Port Moresby: Government of Papua New Guinea Available at: http://actnowpng.org/sites/default/files/png%20version%202050.pdf Accessed on: 22/11/2018
  37. Tavurvur, PNG Vision 2050: A Kuka Strategy: one step forward and two backward. Available at: https://garamut.wordpress.com/2010/09/07/png-vision-2050-a-kuka-strategy-one-step-forward-three-steps-sideways/ Posted on: 07/09/2010 Accessed on: 22/11/2018
  38. Impediments to Vision 2050 The National 02/02/2015 Available at: https://www.thenational.com.pg/impediments-to-vision-2050/ Posted on: 02/02/2015
  39. Sana, an autobiography of Michael Somare Port Moresby: Niugni Press 1975 pp. 75–83: Broadening Horizons – Overseas Travel
  40. Julius Chan, Playing the Game, Life and Politics in Papua New Guinea Brisbane: Queensland University Press, 2016 Chapter 13 Chan wanted to break with the Somare policy.
  41. Sana, an autobiography of Michael Somare Port Moresby: Niugini Press 1975 pp.3-8
  42. See: http://japanandtheworhld.net/2015/08/papua-new-guineas-first-prime-minister-somare-awarded-japans-highest-honor/ Posted on: 26/08/2015 Accessed on:11/12/201
  43. A list of his visits to Japan is available at: https://www.mofa.go.jp/region/asia-paci/png/data.html Posted on 11/10/2018 Accessed on 11/12/2018
  44. The Prime Minister in Action: Second day of the Prime Minister’s visit to Papua New Guinea. Available at: https://japan.kantei.go.jp/96_abe/actions/201407/11article1.html Posted on: 11/07/2014 Accessed on: 12/12/2018
  45. Ralph R. Premdas, Papua New Guinea in 1976: the dangers of a China connection in Asian Survey, (17.1) (1977) pp. 55-60 Available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/2643440?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents Accessed on 12/12/2018
  46. Sean Dorney, Papua New Guinea, People, Politics and History since 1975. Milsons Point: Random House Australia (1990) Chapter 9: Irian Jaya-Border Trauma pp. 246-286
  47. R.J.May, Between two nations; the Indonesia-Papua Border and West Papua nationalism Chapter V: R.J. May, East of the Border: Irian Jaya and the Border in Papua New Guinea’s Domestic and Foreign Politics pp. 85–161, especially p. 131 Available at: http://pacificinstitute.anu.edu.au/sites/default/files/resources-links/copyright/Between_Two_Nations.pdf No date for posting. Accessed on: 12/12/2018.
  48. Asnani Usman, (1988) Border tensions in the Indonesian/Paua New Guinean relationship Chapter 4: Approaches to tension reduction pp.61-88 Available at: https://openresearch-repository.anu.edu.au/bitstream/1885/111183/4/b1726120x_Usman_Asnani.pdf Accessed on: 12/12/2018.
  49. Makereta Kumai, Sir Michael Somare calls on MNG to be inventive over West Papua. Available at: http://pacific.scoop.co.nz/2013/06/sir-michael-somare-calls-on-msg-to-be-inventive-over-west-papuan-future/ Posted on:21/6/2013 Accessed on: 12/12/2018.
  50. Patricia Karvelas and political correspondent: Kevin Rudd patches up relations with Papua New Guinea. Available at: https://www.theaustralian.com.au/archive/news/rudd-patches-things-up-with-png/news-story/58c68ba3489e90faee7124324918c496 Posted on 06/03/2008. Accessed on: Accessed on: 12/12/2018.
  51. https://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/154180/png-rally-against-australia%27s-treatment-of-pm-somare Posted on 31/03/2005 Accessed on: 12/12/2018.
  52. Downer welcomes ruling on Moti affair https://www.smh.com.au/national/downer-welcomes-ruling-on-moti-affair-20070913-ywm.html Posted on: 13/09/2007 Accessed on: 12/12/2018.
  53. The Moti Affair Available at: https://www.transparencypng.org.pg/the-moti-affair/ Posted on: 07/11/2013 Accessed on: 12/12/2018
  54. Mark Davis Dateline: the two worlds of Sir Michael- Somare Available at: https://www.sbs.com.au/news/sites/sbs.com.au.news/files/transcripts/382399_dateline_thetwoworldsofsirmichaelsomare_transcript.html No date posting. Accessed on: 12/12/2018.
  55. Hopes PNG’s Somare able to make farewell speech today. Available at: https://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/328128/hopes-png%27s-somare-able-to-make-farewell-speech-today Posted on: 4/4/2017 Accessed 23/12/2017
  56. Catherine Grau, Dame Carol Kidu slams png government for thwarting Somare’s farewell address Available at: https://www.abc.net.au/radio-australia/programs/pacificbeat/dame-carol-kidu-slams-png-government-for-thwarting/8413108 Posted on 4/04/2017 Accessed 23/12/2017
  57. Charles Yapumi: Somare must be nominated MP: Party Available at: http://loopfiji-sb.com/elections/somare-must-be-nominated-mp-party-56426
  58. Gloria Bauai, Sir Michael given final farewell. Available at: http://www.looppng.com/png-news/sir-michael-somare-given-final-farewell-56625 Posted on: 17/04/2017 Accessed 23/12/2017
  59. Standish, B. 2010. Papua New Guinea’s Elusive Stability. East Asia Forum 2/8/2010. <http://www. eastasiaforum.org/2010/08/02/papua-new-guineas- elusive-stability/>, viewed 22/3/2012.
  60. Henry Tadap Okole, A Critical Review of Papua New Guinea’s Organic Law On the Integrity of Political Parties and Candidates 2001-1010 SSGM Discussion Paper 2012/5 Available at: http://ssgm.bellschool.anu.edu.au/sites/default/files/publications/attachments/2015-12/2012_5_0.pdf No date posting. Accessed 23/12/2017
  61. Views differ on Somare getting finance and treasury, in the National 30/6/2010 Available at: https://www.thenational.com.pg/views-differ-on-somare-getting-finance-and-treasury/ . Accessed 23/12/2017
  62. Former PNG minister raps Somare style. Available at: http://www.pina.com.fj/?p=pacnews&m=read&o=11370368474f46b425ab629680232a Accessed 23/12/2017
  63. Steve Marshall, PNG criticized over massive PNG/LNG project loan. Available at: https://www.abc.net.au/news/2008-11-07/png-criticised-over-massive-lng-project-loan/198216 Posted on: 7/11/2008 /
  64. Ronald J. May, Sir Michael Somare and PNG politics. Available at: http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2011/05/18/sir-michael-somare-and-png-politics/ Posted on 18/05/2011 Accessed http://www.abc.net.au/pm/content/2015/s4292211.htm
  65. Liam Fox: PNG parliament chaos as Somare dodges no-confidence vote Available at: http://www.abc.net.au/pm/content/2010/s2960384.htmPosted on: 21 July 2010 Accessed on: 1 July 2018
  66. Ilya Grindfell, Somare threatens to kill opposition MP. Available at: https://www.smh.com.au/world/somare-threatens-to-kill-opposition-mp-20100721-10l4i.html Posted on 22/7/2010 Accessed on:26/07/2010
  67. Papua New Guinea PM reelected- Michael Somare wins Second consecutive term in an uncontested vote. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/asia-pacific/2007/08/200852514415744579.html Posted on: 13 August 2007 Accessed on: 1 July 2018
  68. "Dumped prime minister Sir Michael Somare ordered army mutiny". Available at: https://www.news.com.au/world/dumped-prime-minister-sir-michael-somare-ordered-army-mutiny/news-story/ec2fb14b971f14f902b6e01011ecfade Posted on: 26 January 2012. Retrieved 26 January 2012.
  69. Liam Fox, PNG pays almost $ one million in compensation to former PM Sir Michael Somare Available at: http://www.abc.net.au/pm/content/2015/s4292211.htm Posted on: 12/10/2015 Accessed on: 23/12/2018
  70. Somare clan involved in illegal logging in Masalai I Tokaut No. 43; 29/1/2006 Available at: http://www.forestnetwork.net/Masalai/www.masalai-i-tokaut.com/Masalai%2043%20-%20%20Somare%20Clan%20dives%20into%20Illegal%20Logging.pdf Accessed on: 23/12/2018
  71. Greg Roberts: Somare admits to logging in the Australian 20/6/2007 Available at: https://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/world/somare-admits-links-to-logging/news-story/b82f4fdbb818d38ae148fbd448a36e12 Accessed on: 23/12/2018
  72. Sam Knight: The incredible Plan to make money grow on trees https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/nov/24/redd-papua-new-guinea-money-grow-on-trees Published on: 24/11/2015
  73. Chris Lang, Papua New Guinea plans to scarp red safeguards, Available at: https://redd-monitor.org/2010/06/11/papua-new-guinea-plans-to-scrap-redd-safeguard Posted on: 20/6/2010 Accessed on: 23/12/2018
  74. {{cite web|first1=Colin|last1=Filer|title=REDD-plus at the crossroads in Papua New Guinea|url=http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2011/07/23/redd-plus-at-the-crossroads-in-papua-new-guinea/ Posted on: 23/7/2011 Accessed on: 23/12/2018
  75. Kevin Conrad, Federica Bietta, the coalition of rainforest nations and an application to register red as a trademark. Available at: https://redd-monitor.org/2017/11/09/kevin-conrad-federica-bietta-the-coalition-for-rainforest-nations-and-an-application-to-register-redd-as-a-trademark/ Published on: 11/9/2017. Accessed on :23/12/2018
  76. K 50 commemorative note Available at: https://www.bankpng.gov.pg/currency/k50-commemorative-note/ 2018 and no further dated, Accessed on: 23/12/2018
  77. IIlya Gridneff, PNG’s Somare suspended from office. Available at :https://www.smh.com.au/world/pngs-somare-suspended-from-office-20110324-1c8bf.html Posted on: 24/3/2011 Accessed on: 23/12/2018
  78. Papua New Guinea PM suspended for two weeks, Available at: https://www.capitalfm.co.ke/news/2011/03/papua-new-guinea-pm-suspended-for-two-weeks/ Posted on: 25/3/2011.Accessed on :23/12/2018
  79. Liam Fox: Former PNG MP Somare names as recipient in Singapore money laundering case. Available: https://www.abc.net.au/news/2016-09-02/former-png-pm-somare-implicated-in-singapore-money-laundering-c/7810080 Posted on 9/2/2016 Accessed on :23/12/2018
  80. Angus Crick and Nick McKenzie , Chinese aid funded alleged $ I million bribe to former PNG leader Somare. Available at: https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/chinese-aid-funded-1-million-bribe-to-former-png-leader-somare-20180603-h10we3.html Posted on: 3/6/2018 Accessed on: 23/12/2018
  81. Somare’s answer to Singapore claims “I’ve never received inducements or bribes Available at: https://asiapacificreport.nz/2016/09/04/somares-answer-to-singapore-claims-i-have-never-received-inducements-or-bribes/Somare and sSingapore court case Posted on: 9/4/16 Accessed on :23/12/2018
  82. Archived 15 October 2006 at the Wayback Machine
  83. "Meeting the Prime Minister, Hon. Qarase, in his office". State Visit by Sir Michael Somare, the Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea. Government of Fiji. Archived from the original on 24 October 2007. Retrieved 1 September 2013.
Political offices
New office Chief Minister of Papua and New Guinea
1973–1975		 Position abolished
Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea
1975–1980		 Succeeded by
Julius Chan
Preceded by
Julius Chan		 Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea
1982–1985		 Succeeded by
Paias Wingti
Preceded by
Mekere Morauta		 Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea
2002–2010		 Succeeded by
Sam Abal
Acting
Preceded by
Sam Abal
Acting		 Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea
2011
Preceded by
Rabbie Namaliu		 Leader of the Opposition of Papua New Guinea
1992–1993		 Succeeded by
Chris Haiveta
Preceded by
Bill Skate		 Leader of the Opposition of Papua New Guinea
2001–2002		 Succeeded by
Mekere Morauta
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