Julián Elorza Aizpuru

Julián Elorza Aizpuru (1879-1964) was a Spanish Carlist politician. He is best known as advocate of Basque autonomous establishments, promoted during the Restoration, the Primo de Rivera dictatorship and the Second Republic. He was member of the provincial Gipuzkoan self-government (1911-1926, 1930-1931) and served as its president (1919-1924). Elorza was also the founder and the first president of Sociedad de Estudios Vascos (1919-1936). Politically he refrained from Carlist militancy and remained on conciliatory terms with most other political groupings.

Julián Elorza Aizpuru
Born
Julián Elorza Aizpuru

1879
Azpeitia, Spain
Died1964
San Sebastián, Spain
NationalitySpanish
Occupationlawyer
Known forpolitician, official, Basque activist
Political partyCarlism

Family and youth
father as Gipuzkoan vice-president, 1894 (1st row, 1st from left)

The Elorzas originated from Biscay, though in the 9th century some of them took root in Gipuzkoa[1] and settled near the town of Legazpia.[2] Over the centuries this noble Basque family got very branched and many Elorzas made it to Spanish history as civil servants,[3] military commanders,[4] religious hierarchs[5] or businessmen,[6] serving either on the peninsula or overseas.[7] One branch was related to the town of Azpeitia at least since the early 16th century;[8] in the mid-19th century the Elorzas were one of the most recognized families in the city and held various prominent local roles.[9] The father of Julián, Juan José Elorza Aizpuru,[10] studied law in Madrid in the mid-1860s;[11] having returned to Azpeitia he started practicing as a lawyer[12] and worked for the Gipuzkoan self-government, Diputación Provincial, as its secretary.[13] During the Third Carlist War he joined the legitimists and in their administration acted as secretary of Miguel Dorronsoro Ceberio.[14] During the early Restoration period he was elected to the Azpeitia city council; in the early 1880s he served as deputy mayor.[15] In 1891 he reached the highest Gipuzkoan political strata when nominated to Diputación Provincial;[16] periodically holding the post of vice-president,[17] he served as a Carlist[18] deputy until 1897.[19]

Juan José Elorza married his relative Catalina Aizpuru Iriarte (died 1926[20]), a girl from another distinguished Azpeitian family; they settled in Azpeitia.[21] It is not clear how many children the couple had; it is known they had at least two sons and one daughter,[22] all brought up in pious religious ambience.[23] Julián was first educated in the most prestigious conservative establishment in Vascongadas, the Jesuit college of Orduña;[24] it is there where he obtained the baccalaureate.[25] He then followed in the footsteps of his father and commenced law studies in Madrid; after an 1895-1897 spell in facultad de derecho of Universidad Central[26] Julián later completed his education in the University of Oñati.[27] Following graduation he returned to Azpeitia and took over the law practice of his late father; he was first noted as abogado in 1903.[28]

Azpeitia market square

Julián Elorza got married fairly late; in 1922[29] he wed Visitación Urizar, descendant to a well-to-do bourgeoisie[30] Biscay family from Berriz.[31] Her close relative José Urizar was a deputy to the Biscay provincial diputación and her uncle was the archpriest of San Sebastián;[32] the Urizars were known rather for Liberal political preferences.[33] The couple settled in Azpeitia and had two sons, born in the mid-1920s. The older one, Julián Elorza Urizar, died as a 13-year-old boy in 1936; circumstances of his death are not clear. The younger one, José Ignacio Elorza Urizar,[34] was a lawyer and entrepreneur; though during late Francoism and in the late 20th century he held various executive posts in Gipuzkoan commercial entities[35] he did not become a public figure. The brother of Julián, Fructuoso Elorza Aizpuru, was also a lawyer[36] and served as mayor of Azpeitia during the late Restoration period;[37] his son and Julián's nephew volunteered to requeté and died in combat in 1937.[38]

Gipuzkoan deputy
Carlist standard

Following few years of own law practice, in the early 20th century Elorza was appointed the Azpeitia municipal judge;[39] he held the job from 1907 latest.[40] Coming from the Carlist family he inherited the same Traditionalist outlook, though he preferred to donate money[41] and collect Carlist memorabilia[42] rather than to engage in outward party militancy; none of the studies dealing with Carlism of the era notes him as involved in the organization.[43] According to scholars he was among “relatively open-minded people”.[44] On good terms with Basque nationalists and republican foralists, Elorza was an acceptable candidate to the provincial self-government, though exact circumstances of his 1911 nomination to Diputación Provincial at an unusually young age of 32 are not clear. It is known that he ran as a Carlist and had no rivals. Other parties, especially the all-powerful Azpeitian Integrists,[45] refrained from fielding own candidates; perhaps Elorza's nomination was sort of a tribute to his late father. He was declared victorious according to the notorious Article 29.[46]

Elorza's first years in the Gipuzkoan self-government were not punctuated by noteworthy events; he remained in the shadow of the provincial Carlist jefé and the Diputación president at the same time, marquis of Valde-Espina, and strictly followed his lead, e.g. when in 1912 dealing with apparent incompetence of some deputies.[47] Re-elected as a Carlist candidate in 1913[48] he gradually assumed more active stance; scholars note that together with other newcomers in the Diputación, Ignacio Pérez-Arregui and José de Orueta, he provided an impulse directing the body towards the Basque question.[49] Following another re-election in 1916[50] he was already heavily engaged in negotiations with the Madrid government, playing key role in discussions on renewal of the periodical provincial Concierto Económico agreement.[51]

Elorza, 1919

In 1917 Elorza took part in Asamblea de Vitoria, a joint session of Gipuzkoan, Biscay and Alavese provincial deputies; impressed by emergence of the Catalan Mancomunitat, they voiced for separate Basque establishments. Their vague statement advanced 2 options, re-introduction of foral laws scrapped in course of the 19th century as the preferred one or introduction of regional autonomy as the backup solution.[52] Elorza enthusiastically contributed to the message;[53] present-day scholars count him as “uno de los líderes del movimiento autonómico de 1917-1919”[54] and representative of “autonomismo guipuzcoano”, the current which focused on separate provincial regulations.[55] Though all his life averse to taking part in public rallies, Elorza was even noted promoting the concept at local municipal gatherings, e.g. in Tolosa.[56] Following his increasingly active stance he was gaining recognition among fellow deputies; in 1918 he was already vice-president of Comisión Provincial.[57] In May 1919 he ascended to the highest Gipuzkoan job and replaced Valde-Espina as president of Diputación.[58]

SEV president, early years
I. Congreso de Estudios Vascos

As member of Gipuzkoan Diputación Elorza hugely contributed to organization of the 1918 Primer Congreso de Estudios Vascos in Oñati,[59] a Basque cultural and scientific initiative; he tried to shape it in line with “old Carlist foralism".[60] The Congress turned a great success and gave rise to Sociedad de Estudios Vascos, later to be known by its Basque name as Eusko Ikaskuntza. Each of 4 vasco-navarrese provincial diputations was entitled to 1 seat in the SEV's Comisión Ejecutiva; Elorza was nominated the representative of Gipuzkoa.[61] In 1919 and in recognition of his contribution, though also with a view to his political position as head of the Gipuzkoan self-government, members of the Comisión elected him the president of SEV.[62] He assumed the role enthusiastically, yet his exalted public addresses which hailed the Basques and their love of liberty did not advance political demands and were flavored with conservative, Carlist zeal rather than with Basque nationalism.[63] From 1919 onwards Elorza was vital for further growth of SEV; as its president and president of Gipuzkoan self-government at the same time he shielded the Sociedad politically, provided financial support, facilitated day-to-day activities and ensured prestige.

SEV early publication, 1921

Elorza has always been an advocate of Basque-Navarrese unity and he hailed Laurak Bat as the symbol of all Basques;[64] prior to the 2. SEV Congress in Pamplona in 1920 he went to great lengths to ensure that the Navarrese and Pamplonese authorities, dominated by the Carlists and suspicious of Basque nationalism, support the project.[65] During the 3. SEV Congress in Guernica in 1922 Elorza caused a sensation when he approached Alfonso XIII, present during the opening session, in Euskera; the lecture was rather welcome by the addressee, though because of its loyalist tone it raised many eyebrows among the Carlists.[66] Since the early 1920s SEV started to award Premio Julián Elorza, set up for the best work on history of the Basque people.[67]

In 1922 SEV started work on a would-be autonomy statute and Elorza entered a commission entrusted with the task.[68] The move gave rise to controversies, as especially the Biscay self-government, dominated by the Alfonsist Liga Monárquica de Vizcaya,[69] turned increasingly against Elorza; they suspected him of fomenting Basque separatism.[70] The Vizcainos sabotaged Elorza's efforts to set up an all-Basque university and agonized about anticipated Jesuit influences;[71] they denounced Elorza as “el más peligroso de los vascongados actuales”.[72] Preparations for the 4. SEV Congress, planned for 1924 and to be dedicated exclusively to the autonomy question, were moving on grudgingly.[73] In late 1923 SEV issued a possibly vague and non-committal statement which acknowledged the Primo coup[74] and decided that in new political circumstances the 4. Congress should be postponed.[75]

Gipuzkoan president
Ferrocarril del Urola

Elorza's tenure as head of the provincial self-government was not marked by overtly political stand. Though sporadically he was taking part in Traditionalist rallies like the one in Zumarraga[76] and though in wake of the 1920 Mellista breakup he signed a letter of adhesion to the claimant Don Jaime,[77] none of the sources consulted claims he pursued a zealous Carlist agenda. As president of the Diputación he was involved in usual administrative tasks like maintenance and development of transport facilities;[78] his most lasting achievement was completion of Ferrocarril del Urola, the railway line launched in 1920 and operated until the 1980s.[79] The thread which during the late 1910s and early 1920s was increasingly gaining prominence was his activity in Sociedad de Estudios Vascos; as Gipuzkoan president he supported the organization – which he also presided – financially and politically. This stand led to growing conflict with the Biscay self-government, anxious about perceived Elorza's pro-nationalist turn.[80] The Vizcainos started to withdraw from common projects; in the early 1920s Elorza came under fire also for financial misfortunes suffered by joint inter-provincial enterprises, especially for the failure of Banco Vasco.[81]

Shortly after the coup of Primo de Rivera Elorza met with presidents of Biscay, Alavese and Navarrese diputaciones; he pushed through a project to seize the moment and present the case for autonomy to the dictator.[82] In late 1923 the presidents finalized Proyecto de Memoria al Directorio Militar, a memorandum prepared mostly by the Gipuzkoan diputación[83] and partially attributed personally to Elorza,[84] who by some is named “principal impulsor del intento autonómico”.[85] The project largely followed the path set by the 1917 Vitoria document, opting for “reintegración foral” or, as option B, for regional-provincial autonomy.[86] Marked by conservative “antijacobinismo”,[87] the proposal advocated among others creation of a Consejo Regional, elevating Basque to official language (along Spanish), introduction of autonomous regulations related to justice, military service, economy and education, and wide municipal autonomy. Elorza later met with Primo personally to present the case.[88]

Primo de Rivera and members of the Gipuzkoan diputación

Scholars claim that while Elorza tried to exercise some pressure on Primo[89] and opposed few of his moves, like appointment of “delegados gubernativos” for every province,[90] he should not be viewed as the dictator's political enemy; he rather tried to bank on apparent primoderiverista re-definition of the system.[91] Still, he failed to convince the dictator and apparently also Alfonso XIII, even though he was admitted in the court in early 1924.[92] However unlike in case of other provinces Primo spared the vasco-navarrese diputaciónes from dissolution, in late 1924[93] the military administration deposed Elorza from the Gipuzkoan presidency[94] and replaced with Vicente Laffite Obineta, an Alfonsist monarchist from the Maurista faction;[95] Elorza was reduced to vice-president, the function performed through all of 1925.[96] In 1926 many members of the Gipuzkoan Diputación, the body already deprived of most of its competencies, were dismissed and replaced by military appointees; Elorza was among these sacked.[97]

SEV president, mid-years
Elorza as SEV president speaking (on balcony)

In the mid-1920s SEV was increasingly torn by differences between the Gipuzkoan and the Biscay disputations; while Elorza approached the dictator with proposals related to bilingualism, Basque university and municipal autonomy, his chief Biscay opponent Lequerica kept denouncing him as representative of “una tendencia contra el sentimiento españolista del País [Vascongado]”. Eventually in 1924 the Biscay board withdrew its representatives from SEV and curtailed links to the organization, with the immediate result of ending financial subsidies.[98] Elorza considered legal action against the Biscay Diputación, but his proposal did not pass at the SEV executive.[99] Some criticism came also from the ecclesiastic hierarchy, as the Church remained cautious about perceived lack of explicit confessional threads in SEV.[100] On the other hand, the Carlist claimant Don Jaime fully supported Elorza's efforts to get the foral laws restored;[101] also within Sociedad he received homages as the one who “dirige a la unión y bien de supais le hace merecedor de la estimación de todos los vascos, sin distinción de opiniones ni intereses”.[102]

As the dictatorial environment made autonomy plans irrelevant and as Gipuzkoan-Biscay conflict increasingly paralyzed Sociedad, after 1924 SEV entered a period of what is referred to as “semi-hibernation”.[103] In 1926, following his dismissal from the Gipuzkoan Diputación, Elorza ceased to represent the province in the SEV's executive, replaced by José Luis Gaytan de Ayala.[104] He retained the post of Sociedad's president though increasingly tired and frustrated, Elorza a few times tried to resign;[105] none of his resignation letters was accepted.[106] Relations with the Vizcainos improved once a new Biscay Diputación was appointed in 1926;[107] the same year in Vitoria Elorza presided over 4. SEV Congress,[108] dedicated not as initially planned to autonomy, but to “orientación y enseñanza profesionales”.[109] This time Alfonso XIII did not attend; the gathering offered Primo their full co-operation.[110] In 1927 Elorza published his best known and in fact only major work,[111] a prologue to Zaballa's study on Concierto Económico;[112] critical about new Calvo's municipal legislation, Elorza retained conciliatory tone versus the Primo regime.[113] However, SEV's exhibition on civil wars, planned to be staged in Pamplona, was cancelled by administration, anxious about crypto-Carlist propaganda.[114]

SEV Congress, Bergara 1930 (Elorza 1st from left)

The fall of Primo changed Elorza's fortunes. In 1930 the new Dictablanda regime agreed to include Elorza in the Gipuzkoan Diputación.[115] The same year he headed preparations to the 5. SEV Congress in Bergara;[116] as usual he assumed a withdrawn stand and in wake of fears about politicization of the gathering he left it to the commissions to work out details.[117] He then presided over the Congress works, which renewed the autonomy question[118] and appointed Elorza to a 5-member commission entrusted with drafting a detailed proposal;[119] he formed part also of a sub-comisión on Gipuzkoa.[120] It seems that at the time Elorza still viewed autonomy largely as return to 19th-century fueros, perhaps enhanced with some sort of federative vasco-navarrese regulations.[121] Separatist threads were marginalized; the Congress closed with Gernikako Arbola followed by Marcha Real,[122] though some scholars claim it tended to accidentalism.[123]

SEV president, late years
Autonomy Statute declared, Estella 1931

In April 1931 the Republican authorities terminated Elorza's spell in the Gipuzkoan Diputación and dissolved the entire body.[124] His exact views on renewed perspectives for Basque autonomy are not clear; he was impressed by proclamation of the Catalan Republic,[125] but as representative of Gipuzkoa he co-signed a Carlist manifesto which focused on provincial fueros.[126] Asked by vasco-navarrese mayors, SEV stepped up its works on Basque autonomy;[127] its draft proposal[128] envisioned 4 semi-autonomous provinces united in a Basque-Navarrese federation.[129] Elorza was skeptical about proposed separate Basque citizenship[130] and especially about handing over religious issues to Madrid;[131] his objections might have gridlocked the proceedings.[132] To avoid stalemate Elorza left the decisive SEV sitting,[133] opening the way for the draft to be adopted as the official “SEV Statute”.[134]

In June 1931 the “SEV Statute” was subject to approval at a grand meeting of vasco-navarrese mayors in Estella.[135] The gathering was co-presided by Elorza and it introduced changes to the "SEV Statute", mostly in line with his earlier objections;[136] in a frenetic closing session Elorza raised the "¡Gora Euzkadi!" cry.[137] Some SEV members claimed that he inspired and manipulated the amendments;[138] others noted that Elorza and other Carlists like Urquijo hijacked the project. He later excused himself, claiming that in Estella he was speaking not as a SEV president but on his own behalf.[139] The “Estella Statute” became soon irrelevant anyway; when presented to the newly elected Cortes[140] it was declared non-constitutional.[141]

A new 1932 autonomy draft was presented by Comisiones Gestoras, acting in place of the dissolved diputaciones; known as “Gestoras Statute” it advanced a unitary vasco-navarrese autonomy.[142] Elorza decided to support the statute, even though it was less to his liking than the original “SEV Statute”.[143] However, the Navarrese mayors rejected the draft;[144] the statute had to be re-worked for the 3 Basque provinces only. The Gestoras invited all parties to form a joint committee working out the draft. Elorza co-authored[145] a memorandum, aimed for the Carlist executive; it marked his turn towards more intransigent position. He declared the entire process unfair and since executed along republican lines, doomed for failure;[146] the document called for Comunión Tradicionalista not to appoint its representatives,[147] to demand “reintegración foral” as the only proper acknowledgement of Basque aspirations,[148] but also to prohibit any Carlist anti-statute propaganda.[149] The renewed “Gestoras Statute” was prepared with no Carlist participation; in 1933 it was approved in a referendum in Gipuzkoa and Biscay, but rejected in Alava; the project was stalled again.[150]

sitting of SEV executive, 1935 (Elorza 1st row in the middle)

In 1934 Elorza presided over the 6. SEV Congress in Bilbao, a feeble gathering dedicated to natural sciences.[151] At that time Sociedad tended to inactivity and Elorza himself was better known for his Carlist engagements. A number of times he participated in Traditionalist rallies, where he used to speak in Euskera;[152] he was also elected as “vocal adjunto” to the Gipuzkoan Junta Provincial,[153] the only post he is known to hold in the organization; in 1935 he was already subject to some ridicule on part of left-wing press.[154]

Retiree
Azpeitia, early Francoism

It is not clear whether Elorza was anyhow involved in the Carlist conspiracy of early 1936 or whether he was even aware of the coup planned; he was certainly engaged in preparations to the 7. SEV Congress, to be held in Estella in September 1936.[155] Outbreak of the Civil War caught him in Azpeitia, but none of the sources consulted provides any information on his fate during 2 months when the Republicans controlled the town; in mid-September Azpeitia was seized by the Carlist troops. In January 1937 he was briefly detained by the Falangists and placed in a San Sebastián prison.[156] According to one source the reason was his harsh criticism of Nationalist repression carried out in Gipuzkoa,[157] according to another Elorza was arrested because of his favorable comments related to a radio address by president of the autonomous Basque state, José Antonio Aguirre.[158] Circumstances of his release are not known.

At unspecified time – it is not clear whether before of after the incarceration episode – Elorza was reportedly asked to follow his brother Fructuoso[159] and engage in the emerging Nationalist structures, perhaps assuming some public role. He declined and declared that “no es este mi momento”.[160] His only wartime public activity was noted in mid-1937, when a few Azpeitian girls were brought to court charged with fomenting Basque nationalism and with earlier engagement in anti-Carlist repression. Elorza testified speaking in favor of the accused, who eventually were either released or received minor fines.[161] He then withdrew into privacy, even though as late as in 1939 he was mentioned on societé columns of local press.[162] He is not known to have undertook any efforts to resume SEV activities in the Francoist Spain or to have remained in touch with Basque émigrés who tried to re-activate SEV on exile in France,[163] though in the early 1940s he exchanged correspondence with the then exiled former Secretary General of SEV, Angel de Apraiz y Buesa.[164] Elorza was reportedly profoundly depressed by Francoist legislation, which stripped Gipuzkoa of any remnants of separate establishments.[165]

Don Javier, 1960

There is almost no information available on the last 20 years of Elorza's life; none of the sources consulted notes him as engaged in either public activities or semi-clandestine Carlist structures.[166] However, he remained in touch with the Traditionalist circles, as in 1953 he took part in the Mártires de la Tradición rally in San Sebastián.[167] In 1961, when the Carlist claimant Don Javier intended to set up a joint vasco-navarrese executive structure of the party, Elorza was considered a candidate as the representative of Gipuzkoa.[168] The move was intended to attract the Basques, increasingly leaning towards nationalism; with his pro-autonomy record Elorza was supposed to enhance Carlist pro-Basque credentials. As Elorza's health has already massively deteriorated and he was hardly leaving home the nomination would have been largely fictitious, but the project was abandoned anyway.[169]

Reception and legacy
Avenida Julian Elorza, Azpeitia

Elorza represents an identity spanning Carlism and peripheral nationalism. It was by no means unusual and since the late 19th century many such cases emerged on the borderlands in-between Traditionalism and emerging Basque, Galician, Cantabrian or Catalan national movements.[170] Some personalities following a period of indecision and hope that the two concepts can be aligned have eventually decided to break with Carlism; within the Basque ambience this is e.g. the case of Daniel Irujo.[171] Julián Elorza has never moved to this stage and has always nurtured faith in viability of “carlo-nacionalismo”.

Elorza's Carlist credentials are not in doubt; coming from the Carlist family he declared his loyalty to the claimant in 1920[172] and featured in plans of another claimant in 1961.[173] However, within Carlism he has always been a back-row figure. He has never held important posts in the party structure and barely held any posts in the organization at all,[174] he has never represented the movement in popular elections, he has never contributed to Carlist press and he has been rarely taking part in Traditionalist rallies. While Carlists were typically associated with intransigency and pugnacity if not indeed fanaticism, Elorza has usually demonstrated a penchant for compromise.[175]

The Basque case that Elorza advanced was shaped along Traditionalist lines. In terms of legal arrangements he stuck to the concept of re-implementation of old province-specific separate arrangements perhaps integrated in a vague, vasco-navarrese framework. In terms of cultural model he opted for traditional Basque heritage, entrenched in rural, religious, conservative ethnicity. However, when faced with modern Basque nationalism Elorza was prepared to bend his line; though with little enthusiasm he supported the concept of unitary vasco-navarrese and then even Basque regional autonomy and he was increasingly moving from an ethnicity-based cultural Basque identity to a nationality-based political one. Few of his fellow Carlists – like Julio Urquijo or Joaquín Beunza – were ready to go that far. However, Elorza was prepared to move where no other Carlist agreed to go; he accepted the ikurriña[176] and during the Civil War he probably publicly spoke in favor of Aguirre.[177] His withdrawal into privacy after 1939 is flavored with the sense of utter defeat; not only carlo-nacionalismo proved impossible, but both Carlist and Basque ideas were suppressed by the emerging Francoism.[178]

Elorza has not earned a scientific historiographic monograph yet, be it an article or a major work, and his name appears mostly in studies dedicated either to Sociedad de Estudios Vascos[179] or to the Gipuzkoan diputación.[180] His memory is cherished neither by the Basque nationalists[181] nor by the Carlists,[182] though as longtime president of SEV he is present in the Eusko Ikaskuntza related websites.[183] When noted in public discourse, he is introduced as a high Gipuzkoan public official and an efficient administrator.[184] His death was acknowledged in a dedicated session of the Azpeitian ayuntamiento[185] and a major street in Azpeitia is still named after him.[186]

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See also

Notes
  1. Luis Villar y Pascual, Diccionario Histórico-Genealógico y Heráldico de las Familias Ilustres de la Monarquía Española, vol. 6, Madrid 1862, p. 297
  2. Waldo Ayarza Elorza, De los Vascos, Oñati y loe Elorza s.l. 1995, p. 52
  3. e.g. Martin Lardizábal Elorza was the governor of Caracas in 1732-1743
  4. perhaps the best known one is Cosme Damián de Churruca y Elorza, who until today enjoys sort of iconic status due to his stand at Trafalgar
  5. e.g. Juan Antonio Lardizábal Elorza held high religious posts in what is now Mexico in 1722-1733
  6. compare e.g. María Luisa Herrero García, Los Elorzas, un familia de rejeros vascos, [in:] Archivo español de arte 248 (1989), pp. 459-465
  7. Elorza entry, [in:] Heraldrys Institute of Rome service, available here, Elorza entry, [in:] Heraldica Javier Alonso service, available here
  8. Ayarza Elorza 1995, p. 80
  9. e.g. Ignacio José Elorza was a presbiter in Azpeitia
  10. neither the date of his birth nor the date of his death is known. Given he studied in the mid-1860s he was probably born in the late 1840s. The last press note referring to him comes from 1897 and there is no information on him after the date; in 1926 his wife was referred to as a widow
  11. Elorza Aizpuru, Juan José entry, [in:] Archivo Histórico Nacional service, available here
  12. El Pensamiento Español 18.06.65, available here
  13. Manuel Revuelta González, La Compañía de Jesús en la España contemporánea: Supresión y reinstalación (1868-1883), Madrid 1984, ISBN 9788485281534, p. 163
  14. Francisco Apalategui Igarzabal, Karlisten eta liberalen gerra-kontaerak, Donostia 2005, ISBN 8479074876, p. 34
  15. Lau-buru 03.04.84, available here
  16. Guia Oficial de España 1891, available here
  17. he served as vice-president at least in 1894, Comision vascongada de 1894, [in:] Eusko Ikaskuntza service, available here
  18. compare e.g. his belligerent declaration issued in defence as the Carlist cause, El Correo Español 29.11.92, available here
  19. José Juan Elorza Aizpuru is last noted as member of the Gipzukoan diputación in Anuario del comercio de la industria de la magistratura y de la administración issued in 1897, compare here; in a subsequent issue of Anuario, published in 1898, he is already missing
  20. El Siglo Futuro 25.03.26, available here
  21. with 6,200 inhabitants in the 1880s Azpeitia was the 4th largest city in Gipuzkoa, after San Sebastian, Tolosa and Bergara. It developed relatively slowly and in 1930 with 7,800 inhabitants it was already smaller than San Sebastian, Irun, Eibar, Tolosa, Bergara and Renteria, Carlos Larrinaga, Diputaciones Provinciales e Infrastructuras en el País Vasco durante el primer tercio del siglo XX (1900-1936), Donostia 2013, ISBN 9788498608625, p. 53
  22. La Libertad 17.05.22, available here
  23. e.g. his brother Fructuoso was president of the local Marianist association, El Siglo Futuro 09.08.04, available here
  24. J. I. Alberdi Egaña, Don Julián Elorza, un ilustre azpeitano, [in:] El Diario Vasco 04.02.14, available here
  25. Elorza Aizpuru, Julián entry, [in:] Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia service online, available here
  26. Elorza Aizpuru, Julián entry, [in:] Archivo Histórico Nacional service, available here
  27. Elorza Aizpuru, Julián entry, [in:] Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia service online, available here
  28. Anuario del comercio de la industria de la magistratura y de la administración 1903, available here
  29. El Debate 30.08.21, available here
  30. Urizar Olazabal, José de entry, [in:] Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia service online, available here
  31. Alberdi Egaña 2014
  32. Heraldo Alavés 09.01.22, available here
  33. Luciano Urízar Echevarría was a well known icon of Biscay liberalism
  34. Alberdi Egaña 2014
  35. he is listed in executive bodies of various companies, see e.g. 35.000 Fuhrende Unternehmen in Europee, Amsterdam 1992, p. 1218, or Boletin oficial del estado: Gaceta de Madrid 1975, p. 14430
  36. Anuario del comercio de la industria de la magistratura y de la administración 1911, available here
  37. José Ignacio Alberdi Egaña, Festividad de San Ignacio, año 1912, [in:] El Diario Vasco 29.06.12, available here
  38. Javier Buces Cabello, Azpeitia 1936-1945. Memoriaren izenak, Azpeitia 2016, ISBN 9788494425141, p. 76
  39. Alberdi Egaña 2014
  40. El Eco de Navarra 01.11.07, available here
  41. El Correo Español 10.04.08, available here
  42. e.g. in 1915 Julián Elorza corresponded with a number of people in searching of a Carlist war standard from the Third Carlist War, Mikelatz, Bandera del 6º Batallón de Guipúzcoa: Pérdida y Localización , [in:] Hechos, Anécdotas y Relatos de Las Guerras Carlistas service 06.10.14, available here
  43. see e.g. a massive PhD work dealing with Carlism of the late 19th and early 20th century, Agustín Fernández Escudero, El marqués de Cerralbo (1845-1922): biografía politica [PhD thesis], Madrid 2012; despite his prominent position in local provincial self-administration, Elorza is not mentioned a single time. He is neither noted in Javier Real Cuesta, El Carlismo Vasco 1876-1900, Madrid 1985, ISBN 8432305103 or in Juan Ramón de Andrés Martín, El cisma mellista. Historia de una ambición política, Madrid 2000, ISBN 9788487863820
  44. “hombres de espíritu relativamente abierto que sabrán contemporizar con el nacionalismo vizcaíno y con el más en simismado foralismo de los alaveses”, Idoia Estornés Zubizarreta, La contrucción de una nacionalidad vasca. El Autonomismo de Eusko-Ikaskuntza (1918-1931) [extraordinary issue # 14 of Vasconia: Cuadernos de historia – geografía], Donostia 1990, p. 122
  45. the Integrists totally dominated the Azpeitia district when it comes to the Cortes elections; from 1891 to 1923 they won almost all mandates available, compare here
  46. El Eco de Navarra 13.06.11, available here
  47. Pedro Berriochoa Azcárate, 1911: Incompatibilidades burocráticas sobre fondo caciquil en la Diputación de Gipuzkoa, [in:] Historia Contemporánea 40 (2010), pp. 61-62
  48. La Correspondencia de España 10.03.13, available here
  49. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 122
  50. Guia Oficial de España 1916, available here
  51. La Libertad 04.11.16, available here
  52. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 170
  53. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, pp. 101-105
  54. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 152
  55. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 104
  56. one scholar names Elorza “the man of the day” when discussing a 1917 pro-autonomous rally in Tolosa, Víctor Manuel Arbeloa, Navarra y los estatutos de autonomía (1931-1932), Madrid 2015, ISBN 9788415705177 OCLC 943673441, p. 24
  57. Guia Oficial de España 1918, available here
  58. Larrinaga 2013, p. 138
  59. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 129
  60. “viejo foralismo de raíz carlista”, Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 121
  61. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 129
  62. technically Elorza became the president of SEV’s Junta Permanente, El Debate 09.02.19, available here. All functions in Sociedad were unpaid except this of Secretario General, Idioia Estornés Zubizarreta, La Sociedad de Estudios Vascos. Aportación de Eusko Ikaskuntza a la Cultura Vasca, Donostia 1983, ISBN 848624000X, p. 38. The honorary president of SEV was Artur Campión, Estornés Zubizarreta 1983, p. 35
  63. in 1918 Elorza declared: “esta es una gran manifestación de fevasca, el grito de una raza que mira hacia un ideal. Los corazones guipuzcoanos están fundidos por el amor a la hidalga tierra éuskara. El emblema de todos ha de ser «Laurak Bat». Nuestro ideal de amor es un ideal de libertad”, quoted after Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 142
  64. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 142
  65. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 155
  66. Elorza addressed Alfonso XIII as follows: “Zuk esandako aegiteko, euskera alik eta geien erabili bear degu. Gaur nik agur au euskeraz egitea, zure agindua betetzea bezelaxe da, bada, Jauna”, quoted after Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 158
  67. Euskal Erria 30.11.21, available here; the Elorza Prize is awarded until today
  68. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 156
  69. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 151
  70. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 156
  71. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 168
  72. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, pp. 168-169
  73. “e recogido en Bilbao impresiones muy pesimistas de la política vizcaína...; coinciden todos en la necesidad de levantar una bandera que mate las intransigencias y exageraciones de unos y otros, sobre todo las de la Liga, que, afortunadamente, parece que tiene ya enemigos muy poderosos; sobre todo se lamentaban de la ausencia total de energías y de vitalidad en el pueblo, indiferente en absoluto a todas las tropelías del Poder Central. La Liga [LigaMonárquica de Vizcaya], en suodio al nacionalismo, ha despertado la aversión a todo lo nuestro”, Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 156
  74. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 180
  75. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 167
  76. Heraldo Alaves 23.01.18, available here
  77. in February 1920 Elorza co-signed a letter of adhesion to Don Jaime, confirming loyalty in wake of the Mellista breakup; other signatories were Conde Rodezno, Beunza, Marqués de Vessola, Marqués de Hormazas, Pascual Comín and Marcelino Ulibarri, La Reconquista 07.02.20, available here
  78. see e.g. Larrinaga 2013, p. 244
  79. the Gipuzkoan diputación took over the project following a histor of failed private attempts, Larrinaga 2013, pp. 244-250; see also Juan Peris Torner, Ferrocarril de Urola, [in:] Ferrocarriles de España service 06.05.12, available here
  80. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 156
  81. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 195
  82. Larrinaga 2013, p. 211
  83. Larrinaga 2013, pp. 214-215
  84. the key person credited is Ignacio Pérez Arregui; Elorza and César Balmaseda are listed as other major contributors, Larrinaga 2013, p. 211, Arbeloa 2015, p. 27
  85. Santiago de Pablo, Ludger Mees, José Antonio Rodríguez Ranz, El péndulo patriótico: historia del Partido Nacionalista Vasco, vol. 1, Madrid 2001, p. 164
  86. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 172
  87. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, pp. 170-171
  88. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 213
  89. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 168
  90. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 168
  91. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 180
  92. La Voz de Asturias 16.04.24, available here
  93. exact date is not clear; in early September 1924 Elorza was still listed as president, Larrinaga 2013, p. 229; another author claims he was deposed “one month after” the September 1924 debate on a homage album, planned to be published by the Gipuzkoan diputación (the plan was eventually dropped in order not to antagonize the Biscay diputación), Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 182
  94. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 182
  95. compare Lafitte Obine, Vicente entry, [in:] Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia service, available here
  96. Guia Oficial de España 1925, available here
  97. Larrinaga 2013, p. 206
  98. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 176
  99. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 182
  100. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, pp. 182-186
  101. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 180
  102. Heraldo Alaves 14.02.24, available here
  103. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 194
  104. Estornes Zubizarreta 1983, pp. 45-46
  105. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 195
  106. Estornés Zubizarreta 1983, p. 38
  107. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 178
  108. Heraldo Alaves 02.08.26, available here
  109. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 196
  110. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 196
  111. "Elorza no es un intelectual en el sentido estricto del término", Pedro José Chacón Delgado, Nobleza con libertad. Biografía de la derecha vasca, Bilbao 2015, ISBN 9788494248047, p. 590
  112. see Julián Elorza, Prologo, [in:] Federico de Zaballa Allende, El Concierto Económico. Qué ha sido, qué es y qué debe ser, Bilbao 1927
  113. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, pp. 189-190
  114. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, pp. 199-200. In 1927 Elorza was asked by Campión to give lectures at the 1928 Cursos de Verano, organized by SEV in San Sebastián; it is not clear whether he accepted the invitation, José Javier Granja Pascual, Arturo Campión y la historia, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 10 (1988), p. 173
  115. the process was a hybrid one. A new diputación, appointed in February 1930, asked that the body be enlarged and come out with own suggestions, followed in the subsequent decision of the civil governor, authorised by the Madrid government in April 1930, Larrinaga 2013, pp. 209-210. The body was presided by Ricardo Añíbarro, Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 206
  116. Heraldo Alaves 01.09.30, available here
  117. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 212
  118. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 262
  119. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, pp. 210, 274-5
  120. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 280
  121. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 260
  122. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 250
  123. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 254
  124. Arbeloa 2015, p. 89
  125. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 311
  126. in April 1931 Elorza co-signed a Carlist declaration which demanded restoration of foral rights and institutions and pointed to common Basque territory, but which also rejected any supra-provincial organisation; among the signatories together with Paguaga and Hormazas he represented Gipuzkoa, Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 339
  127. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 391
  128. it seems that there was little work progressed on Basque autonomy in 1930; the draft was elaborated in early 1931 mostly by Ramón Madariaga, Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 394
  129. Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931-1939, Cambridge 2008, ISBN 9780521207294, p. 81
  130. Elorza preferred a very loose definition of Basque citizenship, Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, pp. 391, 394
  131. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 413
  132. during final SEV session Elorza and other Carlists suggested that SEV adopts 2 versions of the draft, the final one to be decided by the people; the proposal was defeated, Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 413, Arbeloa 2015, p. 143
  133. most scholars claim that Elorza faked an urgent call to Azpeitia, see e.g. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 413; however, some authors believe that he indeed had to leave, Arbeloa 2015, p. 143
  134. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 413
  135. originally the meeting of vasco-navarrese mayors was planned to be held in Pamplona. However, the Carlists executive planned their own party rally at the same day. Elorza worked hard to get the Carlist rally cancelled, but failed and decided to move to mayors’ rally to Estella. Faced with a dilemma whether to attend the Pamplona or the Estella rally he opted for the latter, Chacón Delgado 2015, p. 591
  136. the amendments adopted were bringing religious issues under the competence of autonomous, Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 49-50
  137. “Por nuestro lema inmortal: Dios y Fueros, Jaungoikoa eta Lege Zarrak... ¡Viva Navarra! ¡Gora Euzkadi!”, quoted after Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 462. Elorza frequently referred also to vasco-navarrese unity; during the Estella rally said “por el Estatuto que habéis aprobado hace unas horas pide Euzkadi el reconocimiento de supersonalidad para regirse por sí misma y la desaparción de las trabas y de las dificuldades que impedían la realización de sus destinos. Ni por el origen, nipor la lengua, nipor las tradiciones nu puede haber fronteras entre nosotros. Conviene pue que el Laurak Bat sea an lo sucesivo el más firme sillad de nuestra posición” quoted after Chacón Delgado 2015, p. 591
  138. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 462. Some scholars claim that the amendments were inspired by the Carlists, uneasy about anti-religious violence rocking Spain in May 1931; the theory quotes Indalecio Prieto’s theory that the reactionists intended to build a “Vaticanist Gibraltar” in the vasco-navarrese territory, see e.g. Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 41-67. Another author from the same schools notes that the amendements were earlier proposed by local Gipuzkoan councils during their pre-meeting in Azpeitia, Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, pp. 448-451. According to a competitive theory, the initiative of amending the SEV statute originated in Basque nationalist circles and was only later adopted by the Carlists, Jaime Igancio del Burgo, La Epopeya de la Foralidad Vasca y Navarra. Principio y fin de la cuestión foral (1812-1982), s.l. 2015, ISBN 9788494503702, p. 266
  139. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 465
  140. in late May early June 1931 Elorza was briefly considered as a joint Carlist-Basque candidate to the Cortes, as his concilliatory attitude made him acceptable to PNV and the Integrists. It is not clear whether Elorza refused or his candidature was dropped; eventually this role was successfully assumed by Julio Urquijo, Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 497
  141. the Constitution has not been agreed at the time, yet works on it were already advanced
  142. “single, regional Statute rather than the alternative of four linked provincial Statutes”, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 81
  143. the Carlist executive failed to square the circle and did not work out a common stand on Basque autonomy, they called every Carlist to approach the issue according to his own conscience, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 82
  144. Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 82-83
  145. together with Pérez Arregui
  146. Elorza and Pérez were highly critical of the process because 1) autonomy marginalized the traditional path of “restauración foral”; 2) it helped to republicanize Vascongadas; 3) neither Republic nor Alfonsine monarchy could have re-implemented proper order, and the Traditionalist Monarchy was able to achieve it, Santiago de Pablo, El carlismo guipuzcoano y el Estatuto Vasco, [in:] Bilduma 2 (1988), p. 200
  147. Elorza and Pérez considered 3 options: 1) frontal opposition; 2) appointment of delegates; 3) refusal to join on the ground of unjust party representation and sending memorandum how statute should look like. They eventually settled for the last one, De Pablo 1988, pp. 199-202
  148. unlike Blinkhorn or Estornes some scholars claim that the principal reason for Carlist doubts about the statute were not religious issues, but presumed incompatibility between autonomy and foralism, De Pablo 1988, p. 206. Another key issue was the Republican origin of the autonomy. However, Elorza and Pérez preferred not to challenge the autonomous project as they were anxious that otherwise the Carlists would have been blamed for its failure, De Pablo 1988, pp. 206-207
  149. the key lines of Carlist position as proposed by Elorza and Pérez were “reintegracion foral”, bilingualism, educational self-government, internal autonomy of each province and the option for Navarre to join later, De Pablo 1988, p. 206
  150. in Alava 46% of voters supported the project with a 2/3 majority needed to make it pass, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 106. A legal debate ensued, it subject being whether the Alavese defeat wrecked the entire project or not, given in Biscay, Gipuzkoa and Alava total the 2/3 majority was achieved. The new right-wing Cortes shelved the project, which resumed in the spring of 1936 by the new, Frente Popular dominated parliament, see Del Burgo 2015, pp. 304-314
  151. El Sol 23.09.34, available here
  152. for Bilbao see Pensamiento Alaves 09.03.33, available here, for Motrico see Pensamiento Alaves 31.03.33, available here, for Zumarraga see Pensamiento Alaves 23.05.33, available here, for Vitoria see Pensamiento Alaves 27.05.33, available here
  153. the Gipuzkoan Carlist executive was headed by Agustín Tellería, Pensamiento Alaves 06.10.33, available here
  154. Labor 07.01.35, available here
  155. Juan Aguirre Sorondo, Historia de los Congresos de Estudios Vascos, [in:] Euskonews service, available here
  156. Iñaki Egaña, Quién es quién en la historia del país de los vascos, Tafalla 2005, ISBN 9788481363999, p. 164, El Cantábrico 10.02.37, available here
  157. L’Ouest-Eclair 07.02.37, available here
  158. El Cantábrico 10.02.37, available here
  159. Elorza Aizpuru, Fructuoso entry, [in:] Amarauna service, available here
  160. Chacón Delgado 2015, p. 592
  161. Chacón Delgado 2015, pp. 37-38
  162. Pensamiento Alaves 30.01.39, available here
  163. in most sources Elorza is listed as the SEV president until 1936, compare e.g. Presidentes de Eusko Ikaskuntza entry, [in:] Eusko Ikaskuntza service, available here
  164. see correspondence between Elorza and Apraiz, exchanged in 1941-1942 and stored in Eusko Ikaskuntza archives, e.g. here
  165. “it is pain for me to walk below these arches and to see no miqueletes”, wrote Elorza in 1939 when referring to the Gipuzkoan diputación building, Chacón Delgado 2015, p. 592
  166. Elorza is not mentioned a single time in lengthy PhD disserations dealing with Carlism during the Francoist era, see Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias. El carlismo, 1962–1977, Pamplona 1997; ISBN 9788431315641, Ramón María Rodón Guinjoan, Invierno, primavera y otoño del carlismo (1939-1976) [PhD thesis Universitat Abat Oliba CEU], Barcelona 2015, Daniel Jesús García Riol, La resistencia tradicionalista a la renovación ideológica del carlismo (1965-1973) [PhD thesis UNED], Madrid 2015. He is only once mentioned in Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009
  167. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 344
  168. Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, La reorganización del carlismo vasco en los sesenta: entre la pasividad y el "separatismo", [in:] Vasconia. Cuadernos de Historia-Geografía 38 (2012), p. 1131
  169. Vázquez de Prada 2012, p. 1135
  170. other comparable cases were those of a Cantabrian José María de Pereda, a Gallego Alfredo Brañas and a Basque Daniel Irujo, Jordi Canal i Morell, Banderas blancas, boinas rojas: una historia política del carlismo, 1876-1939, Madrid 2006, ISBN 9788415817925, pp. 214-9, Jordi Canal, Carlisme i catalanisme a la fi del segle XIX. Notes sobre unes relacions complexes, [in:] Le discours sur la nation en Catalogne aux XIXe et XXe siècles. Hommage à Antoni M. Badia i Margarit, Paris 1995, pp. 211–230
  171. Angel Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui, Daniel Irujo Urra: 1862-1911: el carlo-nacionalismo imposible del defensor de Sabino Arana. Ensayo y testimonio, Tafalla 1995, ISBN 9788476812136
  172. La Reconquista 07.02.20, available here
  173. Vázquez de Prada 2012, p. 1135
  174. the only exception identified was the position of “vocal adjunto” in the provincial Gipuzkoan party command in 1033, Pensamiento Alaves 06.10.33, available here
  175. Estornés Zubizarreta 1990, p. 122
  176. during the gathering of vasco-navarrese mayors in Estella in 1931, presided by Elorza, the table was covered in 2 ikurriña standards, see here. When asked by ayuntamiento of Durango about the usage of ikurriña, in September 1931 the SEV responded with a note, signed by Elorza:. This opinion put an end to the period of precarious usage of ikurriña and consecrated it as a standard of all Basques: „no existe un emblema o bandera que haya representado a todo el País Vasco en su pasada historia, del mismo modo que las banderas de todos los países son también relativemente modernas; pero el uso ya generalizado de la actual bandera conocida como vasca, que ha ondeado recientemente en los edificios de muchas corporaciones oficiales de nuestro País Vasco [...], permite asegurar que dicha exposición no puede suponer idea alguna partidista sino una expresión de la unidad espiritual de los vascos, que debe estar por encima de todas las suspicacias”, Iñaki Egaña, Diccionario histórico-político de Euskal Herria, Tafalla 1996, ISBN 9788481360394, p. 417
  177. El Cantábrico 10.02.37, available here
  178. this is how some authors read Elorza’s declaration that “no es este mi momento”, Chacón Delgado 2015, p. 592
  179. Elorza is mentioned more than 100 times in Estornés Zubizarreta 1990
  180. Elorza is mentioned some 10 times in Larrinaga 2013
  181. see e.g. the PNV site, available here
  182. see e.g. the site of Comunión Tradicionalista, available here
  183. Elorza Aizpuru, Julián entry, [in:] Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia service online, available here
  184. Alberdi Egaña 2014
  185. Alberdi Egaña 2014
  186. see e.g. Avenida Julián Elorza, [in:] Callejero service, available here

Further reading
  • Jaime Ignacio del Burgo, La Epopeya de la Foralidad Vasca y Navarra. Principio y fin de la cuestión foral (1812-1982), s.l. 2015, ISBN 9788494503702
  • Pedro José Chacón Delgado, Nobleza con libertad. Biografía de la derecha vasca, Bilbao 2015, ISBN 9788494248047
  • Idoia Estornés Zubizarreta, La contrucción de una nacionalidad vasca. El Autonomismo de Eusko-Ikaskuntza (1918-1931) [extraordinary issue # 14 of Vasconia: Cuadernos de historia – geografía], Donostia 1990
  • Idioia Estornés Zubizarreta, La Sociedad de Estudios Vascos. Aportación de Eusko Ikaskuntza a la Cultura Vasca, Donostia 1983, ISBN 848624000X
Elorza among Carlist leaders, 1933
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