John Minsterworth

John Minsterworth (died 1377) was a fourteenth-century English knight from Gloucestershire, England. Nothing is known of his early life or upbringing (even, it seems, to the extent of when he was knighted or by whom) but he first comes to prominence in the records during the 1370 invasion of France. Although Edward III of England had started the Hundred Years' War many years' earlier, by then the King was relatively old, and also ill. The war in France was going poorly under the command of the King's son, Edward the Black Prince and had only recently restarted after a truce. Minsterworth was part of a force sent to relieve the English command in France: landing in the north, he and the army carved their way to the west of France. There, divisions, which may have been extant since before their campaign begun, erupted into mutiny.

Minsterworth, who may have despised his commander on grounds of the latter's perceived social status, and others split away from the main force. Much of the latter was later destroyed by the French army at the Battle of Pontvallain; Minsterworth soon made his way to Brittany, narrowly avoiding another crushing French defeat on the shore, and thence to England. There he attempted to have Knolles tried for treason, and although Minsterworth's former commander was found culpable of many of the military mishaps that had occurred, Minsterworth himself did not escape responsibility. Soon after, in 1372, he left England and joined the French army. Five years later met and conspired with a rebel Welsh Lord, Owen of Wales, and, for reasons which are now obscure, joined in a proposed rebellion with him. However, he was captured by the English in 1377, sent home, and executed for treason; specifically, for having conspired with the enemy. His corpse was quartered and distributed across the Kingdom.

Service in France and mutiny

Nothing is known of John Minsterworth's early life, although he was probably born in Minsterworth, from which he presumably took his surname.[1] As a career soldier, he took part in the 1370 English expedition to France as part of the ongoing Hundred Years' War. English historian James Sherborne has said Minsterworth "was to cause much trouble" on the campaign,[2] and Jonathan Sumption has described the knight as an "ambitious hothead".[3]

The 1370 expeditionary force assembled at Rye and Winchelsea in July.[4] It was to be the first which was originally intended to be led by a commander below the rank of earl[4] or other "elevated peers".[5] This appointment originally went to Sir Robert Knolles of Cheshire, but ended up also under the joint command of three other "associate" captains, one of whom was John Minsterworth.[4] This system of shared leadership appears to have led to jealousies arising within the leadership of the English force, particularly regarding how ransom and booty would be distributed.[6][note 1] Another contributory factor to the Captains' discontent may have been that Knolles's original appointment had something of an "implied mark of distinction" about it.[8] Minsterworth was the most outspoken amongst the leaders. He seems to have felt himself to be the social superior of Knolles, who had risen through the ranks: Thomas Walsingham describes how he began as a "poor and lowly valet".[6] Minsterworth, though, called Knolles an "old brigand"[9] and a "freebooter." He may even have had a "virulent hatred" of him.[10]

The remains, in 2008, of Minsterworth's likely destination following the disaster at Pontvallain; Knolles' Derval Castle, Brittany.

Although Minsterworth has been called a "comparatively obscure" figure in the political society of the day[11] and of "very modest means",[3] he nevertheless commanded the largest retinue of all the knights in Knolles's army.[12] His contingent was composed of ten knights,[2] 199 men-at-arms and 300 archers.[1][note 2] Much of this force would have been composed of "footloose professionals",[14] as they have been called, often a collection of "outcasts, apostate clergymen and criminals on the run ... who served for loot and pardons."[3] Minsterworth had to rely on such recruits because he lacked the "extensive recruiting networks in England based on landholdings and social connections" that a great lord would have possessed.[14]

Landing at Calais, the army commenced a chevauchée across northern and southwestern France to Bordeaux. This probably had the strategic intention of drawing the French away from Aquitaine where the Black Prince was about to begin another campaign with the Earl of Pembroke.[15] By November 1370, Minsterworth had rebelled at Knolles's leadership[1] and became the leader of the malcontents.[10] Although at this time Knolles was a soldier of "great fame", says Rosemary Horrox, Minsterworth clearly did not appreciate or respect him or his abilities, and she describes the former's actions as clearly mutinous.[16] Michael Prestwich has suggested that his eventual desertion from Knolles's army was encouraged by the fact that so much had already gone wrong for Knolles's attempted chevauchée.[12] It has also been suggested that Knolles irritated his fellow captains by keeping for himself a disproportionally large amount of the ransoms collected.[17] The tactical and military failures of the campaign were deemed as being the result of Knolles's personal misjudgements and inexperience.[10] James Sherborne has suggested that there may possibly have been "some doubt about Knolles ... even before the army sailed."[4]

And before the feast of Christmas, the chief men of the army, out of envy and self-importance, split into four parts, to the great harm of England, and great comfort of the enemies: that is to say, the Lord of Grandson with his men in one part, the Lord FitzWalter in another, and Sir John Minsterworth in the third part, and Sir Robert Knolles in the fourth.

The Anonimalle Chronicle, 64-5.

Division of the English force

A contemporary chronicler relates how "out of envy and self-importance" the English captains ended up dividing their force into four, and going separate ways, with one of them led by Minsterworth,[18] who was the first to leave.[17] Soon after this, his colleagues went down to a crushing defeat[18] at the Battle of Pontvallain in early December 1370.[19] Minsterworth was not present at the battle,[20] and it has been posited that he was even then in treasonable communication with the French, and so directly responsible for the English rout.[21] Either way, on hearing of the result, Minsterworth immediately escaped into Brittany, probably to Knolles's castle at Derval, where they spent the winter comfortably. He and most of his force decided to return to England early the following year.[note 3] They made their way to the port of Pointe Saint-Mathieu, although continuous ambushes depleted their numbers before getting there. Worse, when they arrived, there were only two small ships available, yet a couple of hundred men to transport. Minsterworth was one of the relative few who could buy a passage; the French soon caught up with most of those who remained and massacred them.[20]

Return to England

Minsterworth returned to England.[18] His return "began a long period of recrimination". Although he was as culpable as Knolles or any of the other commanders, Minsterworth managed to avoid almost all the blame for the military disaster that had befallen them, by putting the responsibility on to Knolles.[22] In July 1372, the King's Council effectively agreed with him, and condemned Knolles for the defeat.[22] Minsterworth, however, was not exculpated: he was arrested at the command of the council and charged with traducing Knolles.[23] He subsequently failed to appear before the council, and it was then that Minsterworth renounced his allegiance to Edward III.[21]

Later years, treason and death

Service with the French

Minsterworth left England for France again in 1372 as he felt "humiliated" by the King while being "frustrated in his ambitions", and he decided to join the army of Charles V of France.[23] According to the Anonimalle Chronicler, Minsterworth betrayed the position of trust to which he had been appointed, and deliberately "sold himself to the French"[24] (contra fidem et ligeanciam, as it was described at the time- "contrary to his faith and allegiance").[25] It is possible that Minsterworth was still communicating treasonably with the French.[9] Precisely whether he gave himself to the French or was captured by them in 1373 is unknown, but, either way, he is known to have served with them from that point.[11] Soon after, on 20 December 1373, that the Escheator of the Duchy of Lancaster was ordered to confiscate all the lands Minsterworth held from the duke.[26]

In 1376, King Charles V formed a plan to invade England[27] with a Franco-Castilian Navy.[28] Although the intended logistics of this campaign, or how it was to be implemented, are uncertain, Sumption has speculated that a French fleet was to "burn their way west" along the south coast of England on their way to land Owen of Wales at Milford Haven.[27] Owen was a pretender to the throne of the Aberffraw princes,[29] and the French plan was for him to lead a French expeditionary force army with the now-renegade Minsterworth. Sumption also, however, points out that it is hard to see what benefit Minsterworth would be likely to get from this escapade or, indeed, what particular advantages the French expected him to bring to it.[27]

Capture by the English

Minsterworth was accused of "certain misdeeds before the King and fearing the punishment due to him therefore, like a false and forsworn traitor, he fled to France unto the King's enemies, and then was sworn unto the French King, and conspired against his natural lord and master undertaking to direct the Spanish Navy and bring them into England, to the confusion and destruction of his native country."[25]

Early in 1377 Minsterworth travelled to Castile from France to arrange for the hire of troops, materiel, and transports for the invasion force, including weapons to be distributed to Welsh recruits after they landed.[27] However, he was captured in Pamplona,[25] Navarre in March of that year by a Gascon squire,[30][note 4] and was found to be carrying letters discussing the proposed invasion.[30] He was taken to Bordeaux and thence to England.[30] He was originally taken to Bristol, but he appears to have had some support in the area, and the royal council discovered that some of his supporters were planning to rescue Minsterworth; he was transferred to the Tower.[25] Interrogated and tortured, Minsterworth revealed French plans to launch a galley fleet in May the following year.[11] Minsterworth was tried for treason within the Guildhall, in the City of London, before the Mayor, Nicholas Brembre, and other royal justices.[25] He also confessed to meeting Owen and that they would both lead the invasion.[11] This was deemed treasonous and "willful support of the King's enemies"[31] and he was sentenced to be drawn, hanged and quartered[30] for treason.[note 5] On 12 April 1377 John Minsterworth was executed at Tyburn.[33]

About this time [1376] exemplary Juftice was done upon Sir John Midfterworth, Knight, who was drawn, hanged and quartered at Tyburn for Treafon by him commited, in defrauding Souldiers of their Wages.

Richard Baker, Chronicle of the Kings of England from the Time of the Romans' Government unto the Death of King James, 1643.[32]

Before his execution, he was allowed to write to the King. Although the letter no longer exists it "probably contained an appeal for mercy and the usual kind of promise of information". No response was received, however, and it is probable that Minsterworth's letter was opened by the Earl Marshal, Henry Percy, and never seen by the King.[24] It has been suggested that the reason for this was that, in his letter, Minsterworth named "prominent" sympathisers of Owen's in England.[34] Following execution, his body was quartered. One portion was sent to Carmarthen; this being the administrative centre of South Wales, it was probably intended to convey a "brutal message" to any would-be supporter of Owen. Another portion of the corpse was sent to Bristol (around where Minsterworth's estates were centred),[note 6] and the remainder as far apart as Dover and Newcastle.[11] Owen himself was to be assassinated by an English agent the following year.[36]

Evaluation

Contemporaries took a dim view of Minsterworth's behaviour. The English chronicler Thomas Walsingham described Minsterworth as maim quidem promptus, sed mente fallax et perversus, or "with a willing hand but a deceptive and distorted mind,"[37] and in the mid-fifteenth century, the antiquarian John Leland simply calumniated him as Johannes Menstreworthe Anglus Proditor, or "John Minsterworth English Traitor."[38]Sumption views the later events of Minsterworth's career as perhaps indicating that the knight was afflicted, to some degree, by mental instability.[3] On the other hand, he also remarks that – in view of how he was presumably able to persuade the King of France to place Minsterworth at the head of the invasion fleet – "he must have been a plausible talker in spite of his shady past".[27]

Estates

Minsterworth's later treason, execution, and the resultant Inquisition post mortem have cast light upon his land-holding, much of which was held directly off John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, son of King Edward III. This was particularly heavy in the south-west of England. It included 30 acres (12 ha) of land, five of meadow, and a messuage in Minsterworth itself,[39] and a corrody in Leonard Stanley, Gloucestershire for fee, as well as another messuage in the City of Gloucester.[25] Since Minsterworth died an outlaw and a traitor, all his lands in Gloucestershire were forfeited to John of Gaunt per jure ducatus,[40] while those in Wales and Leonard Stanley went to the King under his right of jure coronae.[41][note 7]

Notes

1. An important aspect of the campaign: the French chronicler Pierre d'Orgemont, wrote (in his Chroniques des regnes de Jean II et Charles V) how, as Knolles' army marched through northern France burning the wheat and "great houses", the English "did not, however, burn anything for which a ransom was paid."[7]
2. Although how he was able to pay for such a retinue is another question: "wealthy magnates like John of Gaunt and the earl of Buckingham might have been able to afford to equip the huge retinues which they took to war. How, though, would a captain like Sir John Minsterworth ... a man of only local, at best regional, standing, and men in his position, be able to afford to equip soldiers from their own pocket in such numbers?"[13]
3. Or, as the contemporary Anonimalle Chronicle says, "the said Sir John Minsterworth, hearing of this affair, put to sea with all his men and arrived safely in England. [18]
4. The exact date is of his capture is uncertain, but it was certainly not before 8 March.[25]
5. Writing nearly two-hundred years later, the antiquarian and chronicler Richard Baker also suggests another, rather more prosaic, element to Minsterworth's prosecution, viz, that Minsterworth had defrauded his soldiers of their wages, although Baker gives no further details as to where or when this may have occurred.[32]
6. Minsterworth also held estates further afield; for example, in South Wales (around Usk),[1] and Norfolk (in North Barsham).[35]
7. Under a royal charter issued him in 1365, Gaunt was authorized to seize the "houses, lands, and tenements, rents and revenues, with all their appurtenances" of any of his ducal tenants if outlawed. Minsterworth's had been granted to one John de Bath by 10 April 1375.[33]

References

1. Chapman 2015, p. 81.
2. Sherborne 1994, p. 7.
3. Sumption 2009, p. 69.
4. Sherborne 1994, p. 6.
5. Bell et al. 2011, p. 45.
6. Bell et al. 2011, p. 69.
7. Rogers 2000, p. 189.
8. Ormrod 2012, p. 507.
9. Jones 2004.
10. Sumption 2009, p. 87.
11. Chapman 2015, p. 85.
12. Prestwich 1996, p. 166.
13. Rogers, DeVries & France 2014, p. 204.
14. Bell et al. 2011, p. 33.
15. Fowler 2001, pp. 290–292.
16. Horrox & Ormrod 2006, p. 88.
17. Fowler 2001, p. 293.
18. Rogers 2000, p. 190.
19. Sumption 2009, p. 89.
20. Sumption 2009, p. 91.
21. Harrison 1832, p. 21.
22. Sumption 2009, p. 92.
23. Sumption 2009, p. 93.
24. Armitage-Smith 1905, p. 140.
25. Harrison 1832, p. 22.
26. Harrison 1832, pp. 21–22.
27. Sumption 2009, p. 269.
28. Carr 2004a.
29. Carr 2004b.
30. Sumption 2009, p. 277.
31. Bellamy 1970, p. 111.
32. Baker 1684, p. 127.
33. Harrison 1832, p. 23.
34. Moore 2007, pp. 165–166.
35. Blomefield 1807, pp. 47–52.
36. Fisher 2010, p. 32.
37. Riley 1863, p. 310.
38. Leland 1770, p. 183.
39. Harrison 1832, pp. 20–21.
40. Harrison 1832, p. 63.
41. Harrison 1832, p. 24.

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