Tajuddin Ahmad

Tajuddin Ahmad (Bengali: [ˈʈaːdʒudːin ˈaɦmɔd]; Bengali: তাজউদ্দীন আহমদ; 23 July 1925 – 3 November 1975) was a Bengali statesman and freedom fighter. He served as the first Prime Minister of Bangladesh and led the wartime provisional government during the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971. Ahmad is regarded as one of the most influential and instrumental figures in the birth of Bangladesh, due to his leadership of the provisional government in 1971, in which he united the various political, military and cultural forces of Bengali nationalism.

Hafiz

Tajuddin Ahmad
তাজউদ্দীন আহমদ
1st Prime Minister of Bangladesh
In office
11 April 1971 – 12 January 1972
PresidentSheikh Mujibur Rahman
Syed Nazrul Islam (Acting)
Succeeded bySheikh Mujibur Rahman
Personal details
Born(1925-07-23)23 July 1925
Dardaria, Bengal Presidency, British India
(now Kapasia, Bangladesh)
Died3 November 1975(1975-11-03) (aged 50)
Dhaka, Bangladesh
Cause of deathAssassination
Political partyAwami League (1949–1975)
Other political
affiliations		All-India Muslim League (Before 1949)
Spouse(s)Syeda Zohra Tajuddin
Children
Alma materDhaka College
University of Dhaka

A close confidante of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Ahmad was the general secretary of the Awami League in the late 1960s and early 1970s. He coordinated the League's election campaign for the 1970 Pakistani general election, in which the League gained a historic parliamentary majority to form a government. Ahmad, along with Mujib and Kamal Hossain, led negotiations with President Yahya Khan and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto for the transfer of power to the elected National Assembly.

Early life

Tajuddin Ahmad was born at Dardaria village, situated in Kapasia, in Gazipur district in British India (now Bangladesh), on July 23, 1925 to Maulavi Muhammad Yasin Khan and Meherunnesa Khanam.[1] He went to Saint Gregory's High School in Dhaka, from where he matriculated, in 1944, securing 12th position in merit. He passed his Higher Secondary Certificate Examination, in 1948, securing 4th position. He obtained BA with honours in Economics from the University of Dhaka.

Late British India

Tajuddin's formative years were spent in the last days of British India, in Bengal—East Bengal, to be more precise—hotbed of anti-British activism, battered with famines, communal riots, and other problems. Those anti-British activists were his earliest inspiration to politics. On this backdrop, his political activism started at a very early age, sometimes interrupting his studies. Muslims of Bengal as well as those of present day Pakistan enthusiastically supported the Pakistan Movement, demanding a separate state for Muslims of India, under Muslim League's lead. He, like the usual Muslim youths of Bengal of his time, eagerly joined the movement, joining Muslim League in 1943. The Pakistan Movement eventually succeeded; India was partitioned in 1947 and Pakistan was born, geographically consisting of two wings, awkwardly thousands of miles apart, with no common land borders: the larger West Wing (current Pakistan), adjacent to the western border of India, consisted of four provinces and the smaller East Wing, adjacent to the eastern border of India, consisted of only one province, namely East Pakistan.

On 4 January 1948, Ahmad joined East Pakistan Student League as a founding member.[2]

East Pakistan

Pakistan failed to keep the promise it made to East Pakistan. Right from the beginning, tensions were developing between East and West Pakistan over various issues, most notably on the state language question, what would later culminate into a major movement. East Pakistan was being grossly discriminated both economically and culturally. West Pakistan dominated politics, administration, commerce, industry, and education; while West Pakistani cities, like Lahore, Karachi, Rawalpindi, thrived as centers of decision making and opportunity, the East Pakistani capital Dhaka was neglected to near obscurity. The East Pakistani population felt betrayed. The complacent Muslim League leadership of East Pakistan, consisting mostly of elites with ties to West Pakistani ruling elites, detached from the mass, was doing very little for them.

Newly-formed Awami Muslim League (later Awami League), established in 1949, in Dhaka, became the voice of the oppressed East Pakistani people. Tajuddin, like many other disillusioned youths, joined Awami League. Awami League quickly won popularity among the masses of East Pakistan. In 1952, the Bengali Language Movement broke out in East Pakistan; police shot fire on protests in various places, killing several of the protesters. Tajuddin, as Awami League worker, got involved, organized protests and other activities.[3] He was arrested by police and imprisoned for several months. Awami League participated in the 1954 East Pakistan Provincial Assembly election in coalition with some other parties (called Jukta Front). Tajuddin, running on the ticket of Jukta Front, got elected from his constituency, defeating the formidable general secretary of Muslim League. Jukta Front won a majority in the election and formed cabinet, raising hope in East Pakistan, with veteran politician A. K. Fazlul Huq as Chief Minister. Within months, however, the cabinet was abolished on the pretext of conspiracy of secession by Chief Minister Huq, to East Pakistan's frustration. Tajuddin was arrested following the dismissal of the government. He took the law examination from prison and got a BA degree in Law.[2] He would be arrested again following the imposition of martial law by Ayub Khan in 1958.

A military junta, led by Ayub Khan, seized power in a coup d'état in 1958, thus beginning a long period of oppressive military rule in Pakistan. Ayub Khan instituted a new constitution, legitimizing his junta rule, in 1962, reformed the election process to his favor, and brutally suppressed democratic activities. In Ayub's rule, suffering and deprivation of East Pakistan only aggravated.

Meanwhile, Tajuddin distinguished himself in Awami League, serving as social welfare and cultural secretary in 1955, and rising to Organizing Secretary in 1964. From 1953 to 1957, he was the general secretary of Dhaka District Awami League.

Six-points and the 1969 uprising
See also: Six point movement and Agartala Conspiracy Case
The Six Points
  1. The Constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in its true sense based on the Lahore Resolution, and the parliamentary form of government with supremacy of a Legislature directly elected on the basis of universal adult franchise.
  2. The federal government should deal with only two subjects: Defence and Foreign Affairs, and all other residual subjects should be vested in the federating states.
  3. Two separate, but freely convertible currencies for two wings should be introduced; or if this is not feasible, there should be one currency for the whole country, but effective constitutional provisions should be introduced to stop the flight of capital from East to West Pakistan. Furthermore, a separate Banking Reserve should be established and separate fiscal and monetary policy be adopted for East Pakistan.
  4. The power of taxation and revenue collection should be vested in the federating units and the federal centre would have no such power. The federation would be entitled to a share in the state taxes to meet its expenditures.
  5. There should be two separate accounts for the foreign exchange earnings of the two wings; the foreign exchange requirements of the federal government should be met by the two wings equally or in a ratio to be fixed; indigenous products should move free of duty between the two wings, and the constitution should empower the units to establish trade links with foreign countries.
  6. East Pakistan should have a separate military or paramilitary force, and Navy headquarters should be in East Pakistan.

The 1965 India-Pakistan War severely damaged Ayub regime's prestige. West Pakistani opposition parties sought to exploit the situation by negotiating greater share of power with the junta; they called for a conference in Lahore on February 3, 1966 and invited Awami League leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, now president of Awami League, in a bid to win Awami League's support. Meanwhile, Ayub Khan visited Dhaka at the end of January 1966, just before the conference, and invited East Pakistani political leaders, including Sheikh Mujib, in a talk. Prior to meeting Ayub, Tajuddin, now the General Secretary of Awami League and close confidante of Mujib, put down a number of specific points on paper, precursor of the historic six-points demand, to be presented during the meeting.[4] Sheikh Mujib tried to persuade the other East Pakistani leaders invited to the talk to support him; they, however, found the demands too radical and refused to put it forward.

Sheikh Mujib joined the Lahore Conference and put forward the revised version of those points as the six-point demand to the committee. In its essence, the six-points asked for a new Constitution, ensuring autonomy of provinces on key matters like monetary policy and defense instead of the prevalent absolute central governance. Mujib's Six-Point was received with absolute disappointment by the West Pakistani leaders present there; they viewed it as a radical secessionist proposal and refused to raise it in the meeting. Disheartened, Sheikh Mujib released the demands to the press instead.[4] Six-points was formally published later in March 1966.[5] Promulgated by Awami League, six-point became the voice of the oppressed East Pakistani people, their charter of emancipation, while getting little support in West Pakistan; the military junta as well as West Pakistani political parties suspected six-point as a threat to Pakistan's unity.

The Ayub administration determined to suppress six-points by any means. Awami League workers, already being brutally oppressed by the Ayub government, came under even greater suppression. Tajuddin himself got arrested in 1966.[2] In 1968, Tajuddin being still in prison, Ayub regime, already furious with six-points, arrested Sheikh Mujib and others on charges of high treason in an infamous case. To make matters even worse, one of the accused, Sergeant Zahurul Haq was shot dead in prison custody. That ignited a massive popular uprising in East Pakistan. As a result, Ayub government compromised, called the Round Table Conference with opposition leaders, on February 17 1969. But that conference wouldn't gain credibility with Mujib being in prison. Tajuddin, just released from imprisonment, along with his two Awami League comrades, lawyers Kamal Hossain and Amir-ul Islam, traveled to Rawalpindi on February 17, 1969 in order to negotiate Mujib's release. Despite initial objections, government eventually agreed to release Mujib unconditionally so that he can attend the Round Table Conference.[6] At last, Sheikh Mujib, the unanimous leader of East Pakistan, got released from prison on February 23, 1969; a massive crowd welcomed him in a meeting, conferring him the title Bangabandhu.[7] Ayub Khan resigned shortly after the conference, in 1969, ending his 11 year rule, transferring power to the commander-in-chief of the army, General Yahya Khan.

The 1970 general election
See also: 1970 Pakistani general election

Upon assuming power, Yahya Khan promised a general election. The general election was held on December 7, 1970, after years of military rule. Awami League, lead by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, won a landslide victory, securing 160 out of 300 seats, as a triumph to the six-points. Tajuddin also ran for and got elected from his constituency. Awami League's victory proved to be an outright challenge to West Pakistani dominance, few West Pakistani leaders wanted to see an East Pakistani party lead the central government, besides, they still viewed the six-point as a threat. After the election, in January 1971, Yahya Khan called for a talk with Awami League leadership to decide the future Constitution, seeking potential compromises on the six-points. Tajuddin accompanied Sheikh Mujib, along with fellow senior Awami League Leaders, Syed Nazrul Islam, M Mansur Ali, Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad, and A H M Qamaruzzaman, in the Mujib-Yahya talk. The Awami League leadership made it clear that the election had been their people's mandate to six-points, constitution must be based on six points, there will be no compromise on this matter.[8] Yahya khan, however, was conspiring otherwise, with the pro-junta West Pakistani opposition party (PPP) leader Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.

The March of 1971 begun with uncertainty and apprehension in East Pakistan. On the very first day of March, Yahya Khan whimsically postponed the inaugural session of the National Assembly due two days later, on March 3, indefinitely as, according to him, "it was imperative to give more time to the political leaders to arrive at a reasonable understanding on the issue of Constitution making ...".[9][10] Sheikh Mujib immediately called for non-cooperation to his people, effectively taking control of East Pakistan, issuing directives to people and party workers regularly since then.[11][12] Non-cooperation was an immediate success; people spontaneously started to defy curfew imposed by the Army. Speculations started to develop on Yahya Khan's next move. On March 3, Yahya Khan announced that a round table conference will be held in Dhaka on March 10 to settle the disputes on Constitution.[13] On March 7, 1971, however, in a historical speech, in front of a massive gathering, Sheikh Mujib called for an indefinite general strike, asked his people to be prepared for any emergency.

On March 15, Yahya Khan arrived Dhaka and met Mujib the next day. Since then, a series of meetings took place between them, almost everyday, until late March; upon Yahya's insistence, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto joined them from March 21.[14] Mujib pressed Yahya to withdraw the Martial Law immediately; Yahya refused, claiming legal difficulties with that. Mujib offered his assistants Tajuddin and Kamal Hossain meet Khan's legal experts and sort out the difficulties; Yahya accepted the offer and Kamal Hossain and Tajuddin met his experts accordingly, and made some progress too.[15] During those talks, news of war preparations in East Pakistan were reaching Awami League leadership, troops and arms were being concentrated from West Pakistan. Mujib asked Yahya to stop the reinforcement, warning him about the consequences. Awami League leadership were expecting that on March 24 final negotiations would take place.[16] On March 25, however, they came to know that, with discussions unfinished, Yahya's delegation had secretly left Dhaka, killing hope for a peaceful settlement.[16]

Bangladesh Liberation War
Main article: Bangladesh Liberation War

Tajuddin stayed in Dhaka until March 25, 1971, the night Pakistan Army cracked down on the Bangladeshi population. Despite repeated insistence, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman refused to escape from his residence fearing massacre of the innocent by Pakistanis using his escape as excuse.[17] He got arrested in Dhaka on that very night, leaving a critical leadership void. Just as the entire nation, Awami League leadership was also taken by surprise; they became scattered, each busy finding their own paths to safety, thereby loosing contact with each other for few days. On March 25 night, Tajuddin and his trusted long-time comrade Barrister Amir-ul Islam left home and went into hiding for the next day.[18] The duo secretly left Dhaka on March 27 for neighbouring India.[19][20]

Formation of Bangladesh Government in Exile
Main article: Provisional Government of Bangladesh

After a perilous and exhausting journey, through Kushtia and Chuadanga Tajuddin and Amir-ul Islam reached the Indian border.[21] Crossing the border, on March 30, Tajuddin met a BSF's regional head, called Golok Majumdar, and found to his dismay that there had been no prior arrangements with the Indian government for any contingency.[22][23] Even greater disaster was yet to come as from the key cities the Pakistani force would spread around the country, creating a staggering influx of refugees. Contact with the rest of the senior Awami League leadership severed, every moment being precious, he made an immediate fateful decision to travel to Delhi and reach for the Indian Government. On April 1, Tajuddin and Islam, accompanied by Majumdar, left for Delhi aboard a military cargo plane, on a secret flight.[24]

His first meeting with Prime Minister Indira Gandhi took place on April 4.[25] On their second meeting next day, Gandhi informed him that Sheikh Mujib had been arrested and transported to Pakistan though Pakistan didn't make it official yet.[26]. Being asked about the Bangladesh government, he replied, as consulted with Amir-ul Islam the day before, that a government-in-exile has been formed, Sheikh Mujib being its President and all senior leaders who attended the Mujib-Yahya meeting being cabinet members; moreover, except for Sheikh Mujib's arrest, all other members' whereabouts being unknown until then, Tajuddin presented himself as the Prime Minister of the Government.[27] Two crucial resolutions were reached in that meeting: firstly, India opened its borders for Bangladeshi refugees, thereby saving millions of lives in the upcoming days when Pakistani aggression reached outside major cities; secondly, India allowed the Bangladesh Government to operate within Indian territories.[28]

While Tajuddin was in Delhi, part of Awami League leadership, notably the young leaders: Sheikh Fazlul Haque Mani, Serajul Alam Khan, Abdur Razzaq, and Tofael Ahmed, all furious against Tajuddin, congregated in Kolkata.[29] Upon returning to Kolkata, on April 8, Tajuddin found out and met the group of leaders, including A H M Qamaruzzaman, and informed them about the Delhi meeting outcomes, including the government.[30][31] Contention arose among the leadership present there: opinion got divided mainly over Tajuddin's legitimacy as prime minister;[31] among the young leaders, Sheikh Mani even rejected the whole idea of the cabinet outright, claiming that there had been no such instruction from Sheikh Mujib.[30][31][29] He rather proposed a Revolutionary Council. Amir-ul Islam explained the inadequacy of Revolutionary Council and a legal government's necessity. After that, most of the leadership present there accepted Tajuddin's proposal.[30]

In the face of others' fury, Tajuddin, remained committed to the idea of government-in-exile, believing only a legitimate government can muster the international support necessary for the liberation war. On April 10, he, accompanied by Amir-ul Islam, boarded an old Dakota plane and set off in search of other cabinet members scattered around the borders.[32][33] Picking up cabinet members Captain Mansur Ali, Abdul Mannan, and Syed Nazrul Islam from various places on the way, on April 11 the entourage arrived in Agartala, where remaining cabinet members, Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad and Colonel M A G Osmani, were waiting.[33] The key Awami League leadership, reunited after a while, now pondered over the cabinet agenda. Though Khondaker Mostaq initially claimed to be the rightful candidate for the Prime Minister's office, he eventually accepted the Foreign Minister's.[34] Among others, Syed Nazrul Islam as acting President, Qamarauzzaman was given State Minister's office and Mansur Ali Finance Minister's; Colonel Osmani was declared commander-in-chief of the armed forces.[33][35] The whole cabinet returned to Kolkata on April 13 set to take oath on April 14 at some place in Chuadanga and form the Bangladesh Government in exile.[36]

The initial date and place of oath was cancelled due to security concerns.[36] The oath taking ceremony of the first government of Bangladesh took place on the soil of Bangladesh, at the Baidyanathtala village, along the India-Bangladesh border, in Meherpur District on April 17 1971. While answering a journalist during the ceremony, Tajuddin named the place Mujibnagar, after Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, capital of Bangladesh until victory.[37] Later the government-in-exile came to be popularly known as the Mujibnagar Government. Mujibnagar was abandoned quickly after the oath ceremony fearing raid by Pakistani forces.[38] Thereafter the government headquarter briefly settled at a house at Ballyganj and then at 8 Theatre Road in Kolkata for the rest of the war months.

On April 15, as a preemptive diplomatic support measure, Tajuddin secretly met Hossain Ali, the then Deputy High Commissioner of Pakistan in Kolkata, persuading him to switch allegiance to the Bangladesh government along with his Bengali colleagues on April 18, just the day after the cabinet takes oath.[37][38] As promised, Ali along with 70 other employees at the Deputy High Commission swore allegiance to the Bangladesh Government on time, overturning the Pakistan High Commission at 9 Circus Avenue into Bangladesh Mission at Kolkata for good.[39][40][41]

Under Tajuddin's premiership, many Bengali bureaucrats, diplomats and military officers serving Pakistan defected to the new Government of Bangladesh.[42] The Government soon established a capable civil administration. Amidst occasional pressures from within his party, Tajuddin played the key role in keeping the administration from becoming politicized.[43]

Organizing the Liberation War

As the war broke out, Bengali soldiers serving in various Pakistani battalions revolted spontaneously and put up armed resistance against the Pakistani force all over Bangladesh. Commanders of those battalions met themselves along with Colonel Osmani on April 4; Bangladesh Armed Forces was formed and put under the command of Colonel Osmani and initial command structure and operation plan was drawn until a government is formed. Among Tajuddin Government's top priorities was coordinating those ongoing war efforts. Tajuddin's support was vital for commander-in-chief Osmani in maintaining the Bangladesh Army as a professional body out of direct political influence.[44]

Despite initial vigor, the Bangladeshi forces' activity faltered within couple of months, mainly due to lack of logistics and manpower. In order to salvage the situation, in mid July (10 to 15) the Sector Commanders met at a crucial conference at Bangadesh Government Headquarter in Kolkata. Initially, the Sector Commanders, reportedly instigated by Major Ziaur Rahman, proposed a War Council, consisting of the Sector Commanders, promoting Osmani from commander-in-chief of the forces to the Minister of Defense, leaving the field operations up to the War Council.[45][46] Among the Sector Commanders, Major Khaled Mosharraf opposed the proposal.[45][46] Osmani, however, treated the idea as an attempt to sideline him and resigned immediately. At Tajuddin's intervention, Osmani resumed command the next day and the discussion continued.[47][46] The resolutions reached in the conference provided crucial guidance and set course for the conduct of war in the upcoming months.

He was a key figure in supervising and mandating war efforts; and initiated numerous diplomatic and cultural missions which toured world capitals advocating the Bangladesh cause. Ahmad would regularly visit the liberated regions of Bangladesh and inspire the Mukti Bahini and other freedom and raise moral. During this period, Ahmad encountered some intra party conflict led by Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad who conspired to harm the national struggle for independence through a failed attempt to form a confederacy with Pakistan. Among Ahmad's great diplomatic achievements were to win international support and recognition of Bangladesh as a sovereign nation by the government of India.

Post-independence Career

After the Liberation of Bangladesh, Ahmad, with his cabinet, returned to Dhaka on December 22, 1971. In addresses, at the Dhaka airport on December 22 and at Dhaka Secretariat on the next day, Tajuddin declared that Bangladesh will be built upon the principles of Socialism, Democracy, and Secularism.[48] On December 23, recognizing the sacrifice of freedom fighters and their tremendous potential in building the newborn nation, Tajuddin government declared that all enlisted and non-enlisted freedom fighters will be inducted into a National Militia.[49] His administration quickly embarked on the immediate task of restoring law and order in the newly independent country.

Released from nine months of Pakistani imprisonment, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman returned to Dhaka on January 10, 1972. On January 11, Tajuddin and Mujib met to decide the future leadership. Tajuddin happily agreed to transfer prime minister's office to Mujib. Though Mujib initially proposed presidential government, however, on Tajuddin's insistence, accepted the parliamentary system.[50] In the reformed cabinet, with Sheikh Mujib as the Prime Minister, Tajuddin was given charge of the ministries of finance and planning.[51] He was also appointed member of the committee in charge of writing the Constitution of Bangladesh.

As minister of finance, Tajuddin reserved strong resentment against foreign aid, particularly from the United States. He regarded the World Bank as an instrument of United States' domination. During World Bank President Robert McNamara's visit to Bangladesh, in 1972, his response was cold, their meeting ended without bearing any fruit.[52] According to the 1970 election manifesto spirit, in the first Bangladesh National Budget, in 1972, Tajuddin declared nationalization of industries. That, however, came under strong criticism. One of the major arguments against it was that nationalized industries won't be able to find enough skilled manpower to run them. Tajuddin and his fellow planning commission member Nurul Islam argued that while private enterprises can find manpower within country same must be the case for public enterprises and imposed policies accordingly.[53]

In the newly independent country, in the new Awami League and in the new cabinet, Tajuddin increasingly found himself cornered by rival factions. His frustration with government and his party was rising fast; rumors of his desire to resign were circulating.[54][55] Sensing his frustration, the burgeoning newly-formed political party Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JSD), desperately in search of a prominent face, approached him. He, however, declined their offer.[56][55] By September 1974, fully aware that his political future will be uncertain, he was resolved to resign from cabinet after his month-long state tour.[57] However, his intention to resign somehow reached top of the government ahead of that. As a result, within days of his return from the tour, in October, he was ordered to resign by the Prime Minister preemptively, depriving him from the honor of voluntary resignation.[58] He resigned from the cabinet in late October 1974 and fell out with Mujib after the creation of the one-party system of BAKSAL.[59] After resignation, Tajuddin remained largely inactive in politics. When Mujib assumed the title of President and banned other political parties in 1975, Tajuddin became the odd man out,[60] declining and opposing the formation of a one-party system known as BAKSAL.

A rift developed between Mujib and Ahmad. They differed on a number of issues. Mujib declared a general amnesty for many war criminals and collaborators which Ahmad disagreed on . Ahmed wanted to create a militia with freedom fighters but Mujib created one with the members of the Mujib Bahini, it was the Jatiyo Rakkhi Bahini . He was against Mujib forming the BAKSAL .

On April 1975, members of the government travelled to Mujibnagar to commemorate the anniversary of the forming of Mujibnagar Government. Tajuddin Ahmad was not invited, even though he played a crucial role in the formation of the Mujibnagar Government . Tajuddin remained loyal to Mujib and on July 1975, he having heard rumours of plots against Mujib rushed to warn him . Mujib did not take the threat seriously.[61]

Assassination
See also: Assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Jail Killing Day

Following Sheikh Mujib and his family's assassination by a group of army officers on August 15, 1975, Tajuddin was immediately placed under house arrest.[62] On August 22, he was arrested with other political leaders by the regime of the new president Khondaker Mostaq Ahmed and imprisoned at the Dhaka Central Jail. On November 3, in what became infamously known as the "Jail Killing Day",[63] Tajuddin along with Syed Nazrul Islam, A. H. M. Qamaruzzaman and Muhammad Mansur Ali was killed inside the jail by a group of army officers on the instruction of President Khondaker Mostaq Ahmed.[64]

Family

Tajuddin was born in a middle class conservative Muslim family. His father was Maulavi Muhammad Yasin Khan and mother Meherunnesa Khanam. He had nine siblings— three brothers and six sisters. He had four children, three daughters Sharmin Ahmad (Reepi), Simeen Hussain Rimi, Mahjabin Ahmad (Mimi) and one son Tanjim Ahmad Sohel Taj.[65] After the assassination of Sheikh Mujib and the jail killings, Tajuddin's wife Syeda Zohra Tajuddin reorganized and led the Awami League from 1975 to 1981. She died on 30 December 2013.[66] Tajuddin's son Tanjim Ahmad Sohel Taj was the Minister of State for Home Affairs in Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's cabinet in 2009. Ahmad's second daughter Simeen Hussain was elected as a Member of Parliament from Awami League in 2012.[62][62][67]

Legacy

On 25 March 2007 a documentary on Tajuddin Ahmad was released, Tajuddin Ahmad: An Unsung Hero (directed by Tanvir Mokammel). Shahid Tajuddin Ahmad Medical College in Gazipur was named after him.[68]Ahmad is the national hero of Bangladesh,according to most Bangladeshi residents or immigrants in the U.S.[1] There has been numerous statues of him in Bangladesh.

See also
  • List of Prime Ministers of Bangladesh

References
  1. "Reminiscing a true patriot". The Daily Star. 25 July 2013. Retrieved 13 July 2015.
  2. Hai, Muhammed Abdul (23 July 2010). "In memory of Tajuddin Ahmed". The Daily Star. Retrieved 13 July 2015.
  3. "Enlighten youths with Tajuddin's thoughts". The Daily Star. 24 July 2012. Retrieved 13 July 2015.
  4. Hossain 1985, p. 144.
  5. Hossain 1985, p. 145.
  6. Hossain 1985, p. 156.
  7. Hossain 1985, p. 158.
  8. Hossain 1985, p. 169.
  9. Hossain 1985, p. 177.
  10. Sobhan 1985, p. 265.
  11. Hossain 1985, p. 178.
  12. Sobhan 1985, p. 265–266.
  13. Hossain 1985, p. 179.
  14. Hossain 1985, p. 183–184.
  15. Hossain 1985, p. 184.
  16. Sobhan 1985, p. 267.
  17. Islam 1985, p. 56–57.
  18. Islam 1985, p. 57–58.
  19. Islam 1985, p. 62.
  20. Hasan 1986, p. 8–9.
  21. Islam 1985, p. 62–67.
  22. Islam 1985, p. 67.
  23. Hasan 1986, p. 10.
  24. Islam 1985, p. 69.
  25. Islam 1985, p. 71.
  26. Islam 1985, p. 73.
  27. Hasan 1986, p. 11.
  28. Hasan 1986, p. 13.
  29. Ahmad 2014, p. 44.
  30. Islam 1985, p. 74-75.
  31. Hasan 1986, p. 14.
  32. Islam 1985, p. 75.
  33. Hasan 1986, p. 15.
  34. Islam 1985, p. 78.
  35. Ahmad 2014, p. 45.
  36. Islam 1985, p. 79.
  37. Islam 1985, p. 82.
  38. Hasan 1986, p. 16.
  39. Islam 1985, p. 83.
  40. Rahman 1982.
  41. Anisuzzaman 1997, p. 84–85.
  42. Ahsan, Syed Badrul (23 July 2014). "Tajuddin Ahmed: Our history maker". The Daily Star. Retrieved 13 July 2015.
  43. Hasan 1986, p. 23–24.
  44. Hasan 1986, p. 24.
  45. Hasan 1986, p. 45–46.
  46. Anisuzzaman 1997, p. 120.
  47. Hasan 1986, p. 46.
  48. Hasan 1986, p. 206.
  49. Hasan 1986, p. 207.
  50. Hasan 1986, p. 215.
  51. Rashid, Mamun (9 July 2015). "To be a good finance minister". Dhaka Tribune. Retrieved 12 July 2015.
  52. Anisuzzaman 2015, p. 120.
  53. Anisuzzaman 2015, p. 64.
  54. Anisuzzaman 2015, p. 118.
  55. Ahmad 2014, p. 86–87.
  56. Anisuzzaman 2015, p. 118–119.
  57. Anisuzzaman 2015, p. 117–118.
  58. Anisuzzaman 2015, p. 131.
  59. "Mujib Bahini sowed rift between Bangabandhu, Tajuddin". The Daily Star. 7 September 2014. Retrieved 12 July 2015.
  60. Chowdhury, Serajul Islam (14 December 2013). "The commitment of the martyred intellectuals". The Daily Star. Retrieved 31 December 2013.
  61. Ahsan, Syed Badrul (5 May 2014). "Restoring Tajuddin in history". The Daily Star. Retrieved 12 July 2015.
  62. Khan, Tamanna (12 November 2010). "Justice for an Undisclosed Chapter". Star Weekend. The Daily Star.
  63. Habib, Haroon (4 November 2006). "Hasina extends deadline". The Hindu. Retrieved 30 November 2011.
  64. Dasgupta, Sukharanjan (1978). Midnight Massacre in Dacca. New Delhi: Vikas. pp. 77–78. ISBN 0-7069-0692-6. Khondakar also knew that the situation was bound to be grave once Nazrul Islam, Tajuddin Ahmed, Kamaruzzaman and Mansur Ali were released ... Khondakar had had them arrested under various pretexts shortly after Mujib's assassination, and they were still rotting in Dacca Jail. So, Khondakar ... managed to allow the associates of the "killers" [the seven Majors who assassinated Sheikh Mujibur Rahman] inside the jail to brutally kill these four leaders.
  65. "Biography of Tajuddin Ahmad". tajuddinahmad.com. Retrieved 30 November 2011.
  66. "Zohra Tajuddin's anniversary of death today". The Daily Star. 20 December 2014. Retrieved 12 July 2015.
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  68. "Man found dead in Gazipur". The Financial Express. Dhaka. 9 July 2015. Retrieved 12 July 2015.

Sources
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