Requetés

The Requetés (Spanish: [rekeˈtes]) were members of the Carlist organization, Requeté. As an organised structure it operated between the mid-1900s and the early 1970s, though exact dates are not clear.

"Requete" redirects here. For the Spanish superlative prefix, see Spanish adjectives. For the French title, see Master of Requests (France).

Requetés
Country	Spain
Type	Militia

Emergence (1907)

Manresa requeté

In the early 1900s loose Carlist groups in Catalonia referred to themselves as "requeté",[1] a name that dates back the crack battalion of Navarre in the First Carlist War, distinguished by general Zumalacarregui for their gallantry.[2] Also some correspondents of Traditionalist press used the term as their pen-name.[3] In 1907 a local review Lo Mestre Titas was referred to as "portavoz del requeté escolar"[4] and present-day scholars also consider it an unofficial mouthpiece of local juvenile Carlism.[5] Historians often repeat a theory that the first organization named "Requeté" was set up in Manresa in 1907 by a 37-year-old publisher and propagandist Juan María Roma.[6] The principal objective of the organisation was defined as "fem propaganda", and called "joves carlins de Catalunya" to follow suit.[7]

Sporadically requete was explicitly referred as "organized under the Juventud auspices".[8] Most geographical references to requeté were related either to Catalonia[9] or Levante.[10] Since 1910 there were notes related also to Madrid,[11] since 1911 to Andalusia,[12] Aragón, Galicia,[13] Old Castile[14] and Vascongadas,[15] and since 1912 to Navarre[16] and Canarias.[17] However, in various parts of Spain local cells were perceived as emulation of "'Requeté' al estilo de Barcelona".[18]

A party document from somewhat later period claims that originally requeté was intended for older children and younger teenagers aged 12-16, who could not enlist to Juventudes; other notes specify the age limits as 8-15. Historians describe the organization of its constitutive phase as "pacífico y infantil", similar to later Pelayos of the 1930s rather than to a paramilitary organisation.[19] Initially some naming confusion ensued; members of the organisation could have been named "requetés", "requeténs" or "requetenistas".[20]

Early phase (1907-1913)

In 1911 some press titles published an anonymous ordinance draft.[21] Though the draft rulebook envisioned only boys as members, photos demonstrate that there were also girls present,[22] some sources refer to "requeté de damas blancas"[23] and adolescent females served even as standard-bearers.[24]

In Catalonia the first case of receiving a standard was noted in 1910,[25] while in Valencia in 1911.[26] At least basic governing structures started to emerge, usually with president, but at times also with vice-president, treasurer, secretary, librarian or members of junta directiva.[27] Larger local groups started to set-up specialized sub-sections, like sección dramática,[28] de caridad,[29] excursionista,[30] instructiva,[31] ciclista,[32] recreativa,[33] militar,[34] alpina,[35] politico-religiosa, de prensa y propaganda or sección de sport.[36] Since 1911 there are vague references to common gear,[37] usually red[38] or blue[39] berets.

Junta de requeté, Barcelona

A Catalan Carlist leader associated was Dalmacio Iglesias, allegedly bent on turning requeté into shock troops designed to take part in street fightings.[40] In Valencia the major person related was a retired artilleryman, in the Carlist ranks known as general, Joaquín Llorens; already in 1910 some press titles referred to "requeté d'en Llorens."[41] Among leaders of local groups, in 1910 the president of Barcelona requeté was named as Martin Gibernau;[42] in 1911 it was first Fernando Bertrán[43] and then Valentin Estefanell.[44] Still in 1911, Joaquín Font y Fargas was named "director del requeté jaimista".[45] In 1912 the elected president of Barcelona requeté organisation was Julian Oliver.[46] In other major centers Francisco Alcón Orrico presided over the Valencia branch[47] and Joaquín Castaneda over the Madrid one.[48]

Main activities (1910s)

requeté on excursion

Propaganda activities included sales of party periodicals[49] distributing free press,[50] leafleting,[51] or tearing down street materials of competitive groups.[52] Propaganda tours[53]included small musical bands[54] or parades.[55] Cultural initiatives covered literary evenings,[56] at times covering also musical pieces,[57] choirs,[58] reading poetry,[59] infantile recitations,[60] journalistic competitions,[61] theatrical performances,[62] dance,[63] music[64] and other "bellas artes".[65] A related field was education; some circles organized lectures[66] and at one point there was even an "Academia del Requeté" set up.[67] Standard requeté practice was taking part in religious events,[68] usually field masses, parades or pilgrimages.[69] Members of the group were supposed to practice to become good Christians, e.g. they were expected to take holy communion at least monthly.[70] In some cells there were specific charity sections set up.[71] Among outdoor activities, numerous excursions[72] were formatted in-between tourism, religion and propaganda.[73] Marching in organized, disciplined and military-like formations with standards and at times with accompanying music,[74] the members walked to sanctuaries like Montserrat[75] or Poblet.[76] Press notes often mentioned requeté members in military foot drills,[77] shooting practice[78] and sports: cycling,[79] football,[80] or climbing.[81]

Tarragona requeté

Since 1909 Republican press reported numerous incidents of requeté-related violence, ranging from insulting other juveniles[82] to provocative marches,[83] assaults on premises of left-wing newspapers[84] and organisations[85] or attempts to stop tram circulation in order to enforce observance of religious holidays.[86] Hostile press agonized about "juvenil y bizarro ejército"[87] Progressist authors warned about "burlesca comedia de una guerra civil"[88] and in every second report "requeté" was paired with "browning".[89] There were requeté militants detained by security or court-martialled,[90] clashes with police[91] and Guardia Civil,[92] arms confiscations,[93] or administrative measures applied by civil governors against specific circulos.[94] Violence was reported not only in Catalonia, but also in the Vascongadas.[95] Carlist press when discussing violence presented requeté as preventing assaults on churches[96] or ensuring safety during Carlist rallies.[97]

Attempted overhaul (1913)

Olot requeté

At times differences led to comical confusion.[98] Some historians suggest that the impulse to reform the organization came from the new Carlist claimant, Don Jaime. Reportedly impressed by the 1908-established French monarchist formation Camelots du Roi, he intended to build a similar structure.[99] Already in 1910 he discussed the plan with Llorens,[100] though his first public references to requeté are dated 1911.[101] General guidelines for a new requeté formula were issued in late 1912;[102] the news soon became public[103] and the first known draft of the re-alignment plan was dated on early 1913. The same year the 59-year-old Llorens was nominated head of Comisíon de Requetés, one of 10 sub-sections of the party executive, Junta Superior Central. This was also the first moment when Requeté was officially recognized by the party as its branch.[104]

Llorens intended to build an organization of disciplined, trained young men, structured in units and capable of co-ordinated action, with a view of forming a future "ejército".[105] He intended to name them "Grupos de Defensa"[106] and Requeté and Juventud were supposed to be sort of training or logistics arrangements.[107] They were to form a network with various command layers, and the entire structure was to remain under supervision of Carlist politicians. A draft attributed to Llorens envisioned that Requeté were to be split into a younger and an older section.[108] A 16-man squad was to be as a basic unit, 4 squads would make a sección and 2 sections would make a company, all commanded by individuals of specific ranks.[109] The draft envisioned also insignia and a grey-colored uniform.[110]

In 1913 a body named Junta Central Tradicionalista Organizadora de los Requetes de Cataluña was set up, with Matías Llorens Palau nominated its president. The Junta issued a number of guidelines intended to discipline and unite existing requeté cells[111] and proceeded with nomination of provincial juntas.[112] Since late 1913 there were sporadic news of dissolving existing structures and creating escuadras as outlined in manuals issued by Junta Organizadora;[113] at times there was only "reorganización" of specific branches mentioned.[114] The same year first requeté units were reported as appearing in public uniformed in gear "modelo Llorens".[115] Some scholars suggest that the attempted reform was largely a failure.[116]

Post-reform organization (1913-1920)

In the late 1910s Carlist youth was reported as engaged in street altercations with other groupings, especially Jóvenes Bárbaros of the Radicals;[117] however, there were also news about clashes with Catalanist[118] and Basque nationalist youth.[119] Not few of these incidents involved use of firearms and produced casualties,[120] including fatal ones.[121] Since 1915 there are news on automobiles used during shooting incidents.[122] In many cases it was the requeté youth which assaulted premises deemed hostile[123] or tried to break down rallies of the opposition.[124] There is also increasingly frequent information on requeté groups sabotaging electoral action, e.g. attempting to destroy ballot boxes.[125]

Sant Feliu requeté

When the president of France Raymond Poincaré travelled by train to Madrid, he was greeted in Catalonia with "¡Viva España y Alemania!" paintings, signed by Requeté.[126] During the hostilities, when the question of Spanish stand versus the conflict remained a heated political issue, requeté militants provided protection to rallies advancing either neutralist (effectively pro-German) or openly pro-German and pro-Austrian narrative.[127] During a popular feast in Barcelona they assaulted participants who carried cartoons mocking the Kaiser.[128]

Organized groups of adolescent boys were permitted to operate – e.g. to exercise marches – only when unarmed and in plain clothes.[129] Partial and sporadic data provides evidence that at least some elements of organized structure, including military ranks[130] and hierarchical command layers,[131] have been introduced; there are also unconfirmed news about expulsions from the organization.[132] There are cases of militant youth exalting regional leadership reported,[133] but there are also cases of Carlist deputies voicing unease and even suggesting dissolution of specific requeté cells.[134] In 1920 Don Jaime nominated Juan Pérez Nájera, a 75-year-old military, the jefé of all requeté in Spain.[135]

Dormant phase (1920-1930)

Valls requeté

Since the mid-1910s the activity of Requeté was in steady decline, but at the turn of the decades the organisation entered the period of lethargy and hibernation, which was dubbed by scholars as "disengagement and paralysis"[136] or "irremisible decadencia".[137] Numerous proletarian members of Carlist-affiliated Sindicatos Libres involved in violent clashes with competitive labor unions were former requetés.[138] However, Sindicatos Libres failed to gain dynamics and stagnated.[139] In 1922 Don Jaime asked the Carlist political leader Marqués de Villores to revitalize Requeté and Juventudes into "action groups".[140] At times members were noted for clashes with the police,[141] they were increasingly frequently on the defeated end during skirmishes with left-wing hit-squads. Having declared 3 members dead, in June the Barcelona requeté promised to retalliate and take bold action.[142]

In the late 1920s the organization was noted in the press when sending protest letters[143] or taking part in religious services.[144] In some provinces requeté activity ceased completely.[145] In unclear circumstances a Barcelona branch declared itself dissolved and renamed to "Los Mosqueteros de Jaime III".[146] In the early 1920s requete and Somatén used to confront each other in violent fist-fights.[147] Since the mid-1920s numerous requeté members entered Somatén, especially that such a move was officially recommended by de Villores.[148] In 1927-1928 the regime suspected requeté of planning a coup d'etat and some detentions followed,[149] e.g. this of the Barcelona requeté president Felix Oliveras y Cots.[150]

Reformatting (1930-1931)

Carlist standard

The information available suggests the in the early 1930s the organization languished as few isolated and rather inactive cells, engaged mostly in resumption of party propaganda and religious activities;[151] there were attempts to return to the old format with renewed excursionist[152] or sporting bids.[153] Most news of requeté activity, scarce as they were, came traditionally either from Catalonia[154] or Levante.[155]

In May 1930 Don Jaime called the Carlist leaders to Paris and set up Comité de Acción. Historians speculate that as the situation in Spain was getting increasingly fragile, the claimant acted with a view to future violent developments;[156] some maintain that "revitalization of shock groups was key concern" for him at the time.[157] A study on Catalan Carlism of the early 1930s does not contain a single paragraph on any attempt to revitalize the requeté structures in the region in 1930-1931.[158]

In late summer of 1931 Comité decided to focus on expansion and re-formatting of Requeté. Some scholars claim it was to act "para impulsor un eventual movimiento insurreccional"[159] and to become volunteer army able to rise and control some territory in "the old 19-th century style";[160] however, there is also opinion that the organization was to maintain "eminently defensive character".[161] Any remnants of juvenile features were abandoned and the organization was to group fit, young adult males. Its centre of gravity was to be moved from Catalonia and Levante to the vasco-navarrese area.[162] The decisions adopted in late 1931 set an entirely new course and in short time they were to transform Requeté into a totally new formation.[163]

New Requeté (1931-1936)

Madrid requeté, 1933

In 1931 a colonel Eugenio Sanz de Lerín was appointed the Requeté chief instructor. In few months he managed to develop a Navarrese network of 2,000 men, grouped in newly established 10-men sub-units named decurias;[164] its immediate objective was protection of religious buildings.[165] With assistance of local parish priests,[166] by year-end the force at least tripled.[167] However, in early 1932 Requeté suffered a number of setbacks. Comité de Acción was disbanded,[168] key instructors were detained by the security,[169] and some cells were outlawed by administration. Most decurias got "practically dismantled"; apart from disorganized Navarrese network,[170] elsewhere Requeté were restricted to harmless groups in big cities.[171] During a meeting of military conspirators prior to the August 1932 Sanjurjada Sanz de Lerín offered 6,000 requetés, but scholars dismiss this claim as pure fantasy.[172] Beyond Navarre there was barely any growth and even in Catalonia requeté was much of a disappointment.[173]

José Enrique Varela in late 1932 he was appointed Jefé Nacional of Requeté.[174] He replaced the decuria scheme with a military-like structure up to the battalion level[175] and issued a number of rulebooks,[176] but above all in 1933-1934 he toured the country making appointments,[177] issuing orders, supervising buildup and delivering training himself.[178] Though in regions like Catalonia standardization efforts encountered some resistance,[179] the organization gained momentum also beyond Navarre.[180] In early 1934 the party executive formed Frente Nacional de Boinas Rojas,[181] the attempt to create a hierarchical[182] national Requeté structure,[183] detached from local Carlist juntas.[184] Its political leader[185] was appointed José-Luis Zamanillo.[186] Some 150 militants attended military training in Fascist Italy.[187] In late 1934 requetés offered their service to military commanders confronted with the October revolution.[188] In early 1935 Requeté has already gained a convincingly military character which it had previously lacked;[189] its strength was 20,000 men.[190]

drill of Andalusian requeté, 1934

In mid-1935 Varela[191] handed over as Inspector General to Ricardo Rada.[192] At the time the chief concern was weapons, with small arms being smuggled from France[193] or procured internally; in early 1935 the organization owned 450 machine-guns.[194] There were already plans for military action prepared, though intended as counter-revolutionary defense rather than as insurrectional coup.[195] By late 1935 requeté sections were no longer add-ons to Carlist círculos; they became the most dynamic part of the Carlist machinery and it might have seemed that all the rest was just an add-on to Requeté.[196] In late spring of 1936 Requeté grouped 10,000 fully armed and trained men plus 20,000 forming an auxiliary pool.[197] In contrast to urban-oriented action groups "primarily accustomed to street fighting and pistolerismo", maintained by other parties,[198] Requeté was a "genuine citizen army" capable of performing small-scale tactical military operations.[199]

Civil War (1936-1939): in combat

on parade, Civil War

In Navarre the organization was powerful enough[200] to seize control over the region almost single-handedly;[201] moreover, it contributed to capture of Western Aragón[202] and Gipuzkoa.[203] Smaller Requeté detachments played some role during seizure of Western Andalusia.[204] During first weeks of the war the requeté volunteers formed some 15-20% of all Nationalist troops on the peninsula.[205] Though the organization maintained 20-25,000 people in its frontline units,[206] due to overall growth of the Nationalist army the percentage of requetés fell to 9% in April 1937,[207] to 5% in January 1938,[208] and to 3% by the end of the war.[209] They were grouped in Carlist-only infantry battalions named tercios. The Navarrese tercios were grouped into so-called Navarrese Brigades, units composed also of army detachments and other militias.[210] Other tercios were assigned to various larger heterogeneous units.[211]

in mass, Civil War

Following political unification tercios continued to operate as Carlist battalions.[212] Recruitment was volunteer, ensured by party political structures in the rear.[213] Existing and partial data suggests they were composed mostly of working-class militants, their share ranging between 55%[214] and 85%.[215] It is estimated that some 60,000[216] to 70,000[217] men served in Requeté one time or another, more than a half of them from Navarre.[218] Cases of brothers, cousins or father-and-son pairs were by no means exceptional,[219] and there were even few cases of 3 generations serving.[220] Because along the Moroccan Regulares and the Foreign Legion the Requetés were usually deployed as shock troops,[221] their casualties were above the average Nationalist losses.[222] The number of KIAs is estimated between 4,000 and 6,000;[223] the total number of casualties is given between 13,000 and 34,000.[224]

Civil War (1936-1939): repression, crimes and atrocities

monument to victims of Nationalist terror, Navarre

Along combat engagements, during the Civil War requeté were also taking part in repression. At times various tercios or other frontline units were assigned related tasks in their zones of deployment, e.g. in Cantabria,[225] Aragón,[226] Extremadura[227] or Andalucia.[228] They were usually peformed on temporary and makeshift basis; in some sources these measures are referred as “policing”, in other they are noted as part of “political cleansing”.[229] However, Traditionalist militia are best known for repressive measures executed in areas where Carlism remained a major or significant political force, notably in Navarre and Vasconagadas. In these regions requetés formed major and fixed part of the Nationalist system of institutionalized terror, aimed against political enemies; some scholars list them as one of 4 agents of violence.[230] Their exact role remains disputed.[231] According to one theory, requeté units executed repressive actions which had been planned and approved beforehand by the military;[232] the competitive one claims that at least until late 1936, requeté “death squads” acted independently and with full autonomy.[233]

Escolapios, Carlist Pamplona prison

The only province where requeté operated an entire system of terror was Navarre.[234] It was supervised and at times directed by the local Carlist political executive, Junta Central Carlista.[235] The system consisted of requeté running a giant intelligence network;[236] a specialized branch busy with arrests, terror raids[237] and on-the-spot executions;[238] two Carlist-only prisons - Colegio de los Escolapios[239] and Colegio de los Salesianos in Pamplona,[240] which served as places of detention, interrogation, torture,[241] and execution;[242] filtering bodies which marked inmates for execution, further incarceration or liberation;[243] and death squads which extracted prisoners and shot them later on.[244] Some of these structures were replicated in Vascongadas, especially in Gipuzkoa and Álava; though in these provinces there were only makeshift Carlist-operated prisons,[245] requeté organisation included similar units dedicated to policing and repression tasks, euphemistically named “auxiliary services”.[246]

Navarrese Ribera Baja

The key branch entrusted with repressive measures was Requeté Auxiliar. The service grouped individuals too young or too old to qualify for regular combat units, though also other volunteers and these released from frontline troops due to wounds suffered. They were assigned numerous rearguard tasks, like postal censorship, manning convoys, gendarmerie duties, grave-digging, liaison, medical services etc,[247] though they were primarily busy with repression;[248] some of their informal units, like Tercio Móvil[249] or Partida Volante,[250] gained notoriety as excelling in terror missions.[251] Fully supervised by Junta Central, requeté members were also delegated to regular police structures in Comisaría de Investigación y Vigilancia, the key police branch busy with pursuit of presumed political enemies,[252] or in Delegación de Orden Público; some of them later grew to major positions.[253] Over time requeté death squads developed their own modus operandi; first detailed information on presumed enemies was collected by local informers, but a unit which performed repressive action in a given area originated from another location to ensure personal relations do not prevent ruthless and no-mercy attitude.[254] The area subjected to particularly heavy requeté terror was part of Navarre, Àlava and Logroño known as Ribera; officially known as “pacificación”, in more blunt statements it was referred as “persecución y captura” of political opponents.[255]

Monreal

The largest single atrocity involving requeté occurred on October 21, 1936 in the Navarrese village of Monreal. Once an attempt to raid a Tafalla prison and lynch the inmates failed due to rigid stand of local Guardia Civil, the assailants obtained an official authorisation. Three days later they extracted 65 prisoners and shot them; the entire operation, including the execution itself, was performed by requetés of Tercio Móvil.[256] The second in terms of scale comes a so-called Valcardera Massacre of August 23, 1936, which produced 52 dead; it is usually noted that requetés who shot the inmates hurried back to Pamplona to take part in a religious ceremony ongoing.[257] The crime which gained particular attention, though, was execution of 8 Basque Catholic priests in the Gipuzkoan town of Hernani and further 4 in Oiartzun in the fall of 1936.[258] In both cases requetés formed part of firing squads[259] and some authors claim that the killings were “carried out at the behest of the Carlists”; the massacre produced an intervention of the papal nuncio and damaged relations between the Nationalists and Vatican.[260] Requeté violence was denounced also by the bishop of Pamplona, Marcelino Olaechea.[261] Many minor cases of atrocities and crimes committed by requeté members are being currently investigated; some of them involved “barbaric excesses”[262] which did not spare women;[263] some included rape.[264]

requeté officials, Donostia, 1936

In terms of personal resposibilty for requeté crimes and atrocities much of it lies with Esteban Ezcurra Arraiza, jefe de Requetés de Navarra.[265] In this role he was responsible for all repressive actions performed by the militia in the province; apart from administrative duties and co-operation with military and official repressive structures, he was also personally involved in issuing detention orders and reviewing the list of inmates.[266] However, the role of “executive arms” was assumed by Benito Santesteban Martínez[267] and Vicente Munárriz Sanz de Arellano,[268] both requeté lieutenants; they were personally ordering detentions, interrogating prisoners, commanding extractions and supervising executions. They were matched if not surpassed by the Requeté Auxiliar teniente from Àlava, Bruno Ruiz de Apodaca Juarrero, who apart from commanding numerous terror raids, boasted also of having personally killed 108 people.[269] Many other requeté members enjoyed murder and looting; some of them have volunteered specifically “to execute the enemies detained”.[270] Some accounts deliver picture of extreme torture and tormenting of inmates before execution.[271] There are authors who claim that even the Carlist political executive were shocked at “the extent of the killings” and tried to limit the terror inflicted by own forces, though mostly in vain.[272]

civil was mass grave, Spain

The scale of carnage inflicted by requetés remains uncertain”[273] and no general quantification of requeté terror is available,[274] though there is abundant evidence of requeté members taking part in repressive actions.[275] In Navarre only there were some 3,000 people executed in course of the Nationalist terror,[276] yet no source attempts to calculate what is the ratio the Carlists were responsible for. In absence of any documention, it is not possible to say how many people were held in the Escolapios and how many of them were later murdered by requeté members.[277] Though some scholars split the responsibility for crimes and atrocities between the Carlists, the Falangists, the military and anonymous local mob,[278] other authors claim that requetés formed the “most bloody section of the Nationalist faction”[279] and excelled in political cleansing, be it in Navarre or in Andalusia.[280]

Early Francoism (1940s)

requeté combatant: post-war propaganda image

Zamanillo at some point in the early 1940s re-assumed the duties of Delegado Nacional de Requetés.[281] At least in areas of high Carlist militancy Juntas Regionales included a Requeté delegate[282] and in regions like Navarre or Catalonia many loose requeté cells operated locally.[283] National party leadership tried to ensure Requeté loyalty to the command chain[284] or even to turn it into the party's backbone.[285] Some authors refer to "reconstuido Requeté".[286] New members were being recruited,[287] ranks were maintained[288] and in some cases, sub-sections were developed.[289] Various groups contemplated using the structures either as recruitment pool for units supposed to fight along the Nazis[290] or as an espionage network for the British.[291] However, a Requeté bulletin was issued officially, posing as print of former soldiers.[292] Uniformed detachments[293] attended various gatherings, usually either religious or related to commemorations of wartime deeds.[294] Propaganda activities often led to skirmishes with FET or security forces.[295] Already prior to 1939 most conflicts within the state party were related to requetés refusing to abandon their identity[296] and to embrace the official national-syndicalism.[297] During the 1940s the Falangists and groups referred as "requetés" engaged in intimidation[298] or fist-fights.[299] The largest riots occurred in 1945 in Pamplona, when official requeté structures actively prepared the disturbances.[300] With diminishing frequency the brawls continued until the early 1950s.[301]

Police kept monitoring requeté cells.[302] Displaying a badge in public[303] or having a Requeté ID card[304] could have been a motive for detention, but presence of small uniformed groups was usually tolerated during ex-combatant or religious events.[305] Requeté members detained during street brawls were usually released after some 2 weeks in arrest,[306] though following the Pamplona riots few leaders were kept behind bars much longer.[307] At the turn of the 1940s and 1950s the administration condoned public appearances of a requeté-styled group which accompanied an offshoot carloctavista claimant cultivated by the regime.[308] Over time the official policy towards Carlist organizations became more lenient and administration permitted even massive rallies.[309]

Mid-Francoism (1950s)

Montejurra, 1954

In the early 1950s wartime ex-combatants[310] were approaching or in their 40s, consumed by daily routine[311] and cultivating their Carlism as chats about wartime deeds over a glass of wine.[312] Zamanillo as Delegado Nacional de Requeté kept representing the organization in Secretaría Nacional[313] and regional jefés operated locally,[314] but it is not clear how much the network was still rooted in the ground.[315]

Visible revitalisation of Carlism, related to the 1957 appearance of Don Carlos Hugo and his team, affected Requeté little; the focus was rather on AET.[316] Uniformed militants were needed as part Traditionalist rallies like the Montejurra ascent[317] and in large cities "requetés" were at times detained, e.g. for carrying placards aimed against Don Juan Carlos.[318] In 1957 Zamanillo nominated the 33-year-old Arturo Márquez de Prado y Pareja as "chief instructor" with apparent aim to resume military training.[319] Also some sub-sections of the organization have been established; in 1958 a "Comisión Técnica Nacional del Requeté" was noted for its lengthy political analysis. Intended for the party leader José María Valiente, it recommended a firm and intransigent stand versus the Juanistas and the regime.[320]

In 1959 the Navarrese jefé Francisco Javier Astraín complained about eternal dissent within the regional organisation, which "siempre había en la provincia para encontrar un jefe de requeté"; he suggested appointment of a new, strong-hand, military leader.[321] On the other hand, some reports advocated exactly the opposite, namely more independence for the Requeté structures.[322] In 1960 latest the party executive Junta Nacional formed 7 specialized departments, and Comisión de Requeté was one of them.[323] The same year Zamanillo vacated the seat of Requete delegate, replaced by Márquez de Prado.[324]

Late Francoism (1960s)

uniformed Requeté members during a rally near Madrid, 1966

There were systematic training courses organized,[325] Márquez de Prado pondered upon assistance to Cuban counter-revolutionaries and to OAS in Algeria,[326] and a police report from 1962 claimed that the structures were "perfectly organized".[327] Carlists in the entourage of Don Carlos Hugo were increasingly anxious about the Requeté "influencia militarista" in the Comunión.[328] Márquez de Prado remained suspicious about the prince, his entourage and their new ideas,[329] while Requeté was gradually turning into the bulwark of Traditionalist orthodoxy.[330] Ramón Massó and other Huguista leaders concluded that Márquez de Prado, obsessed with confronting counter-revolution, had to be sidelined.[331] As to the organisation itself they were undecided whether there was a chance to control it or whether it should be marginalized.[332]

In 1963 one of the Huguistas, Pedro José Zabala, presented Valiente with his draft of the Requeté overhaul. The group envisioned that the organisation "debía tener una misión más social y política"[333] and that Márquez de Prado be ousted;[334] brother of another Huguista partisan, Juan Zavala Castella, was proposed as new delegado nacional.[335] The same year Márquez de Prado asked Valiente for the opposite, namely consolidation of his own powers; some considered it a pre-emptive strike inspired by Zamanillo, already expulsed from the Comunión.[336] At the time "paulatino desmantelamiento" of Requeté, apparently intended by the Huguistas, was ongoing,[337] even though its uniformed units played ceremonial roles during key Carlist rallies.[338] Still officially represented in Junta Nacional[339] and Secretaría Nacional,[340] in 1963 the Requeté budget was merely 4% of the entire Comunión spending.[341] The pressure on Valiente mounted and eventually in early 1965 Márquez de Prado was dismissed;[342] as Delegado Nacional de Requeté he was replaced by a 56-year-old Navarrese, Miguel de San Cristobál Ursua.[343]

Requeté guard of honour at Montejurra, 1960s

San Cristobál prepared decentralization[344] and demilitarization of the organisation,[345] but some decisions suggested buildup of "grupos de acción";[346] during the party congress of 1966 this was the future Requeté direction supported by most participants.[347] However, the same year another option was chosen. Like in case of most other sections, the nationwide Requeté executive was disbanded[348] and its local structures were subordinated to corresponding juntas,[349] which marked reversal to the pre-1934 pattern. All the above, plus San Cristobál's address at Montejurra,[350] triggered protests; some Juntas Provinciales accused the Huguista-dominated secretariat of manipulating Carlist structures[351] and many militants resigned or left.[352] An internal report of 1967 claimed that disorganization of Requeté "es total";[353] some historians maintain that in few years following decentralization, Requeté "practicamente desaparece".[354] However, some Traditionalists have concluded that the Huguistas had already won the battle for Requeté, which in turn enabled their control of the entire party.[355]

Decomposition (1970s)

Montejurra, 1973

In the very early 1970s San Cristobál was noted in the party press as merely the Navarrese jefé regional[356] and even regional executive bodies did not include a Requeté representative.[357] The ex-combatant Requeté hermandad since 1965 was headed by Ignacio Romero Osborne.[358] With emergence of competitive Traditionalist organisation.[359] In 1971 Romero re-set a progresist organisation in France,[360] while various other Hermandades pursued own political paths, usually centred around late Francoist structures and Don Juan Carlos;[361] in 1972-1973 some of them acted as intended but failed centers of revitalized, anti-Huguista Carlist movement.[362] During a series of rallies staged in 1971-1972 in the French Arbonné Comunión Tradicionalista was transformed into a totally new entity, Partido Carlista. Its structures did not envision any Requeté section.[363] Historians claim that during buildup of Partido Carlista of the early 1970s, the Requeté – at that time already almost defunct[364] - was effectively dissolved along all other sections of the movement, like AET, MOT or the Margaritas.[365]

Don Sixto (later photo)

"La persona fundamental" in this process was Márquez de Prado,[366] assisted by Zamanillo.[367] In 1973 a body named Comisión Permanente of Junta Nacional de Jefes de Requetés, led by Márquez de Prado,[368] issued a manifesto which declared Don Carlos Hugo traitor to the sacred cause;[369] Eventually, in 1975 Márquez de Prado and his followers pledged loyalty to Don Sixto.[370] His group, named Jefatura Nacional de Requetés, kept issuing manifestos also in 1976[371] and it might have been involved in the Montejurra shooting of the same year.[372]

Recent times (1980s and afterwards)

The name of "requeté" appeared most often in relation to various ex-combatant organisations, either engaged in post-Francoist rallies – e.g. on anniversary of dictator's death in 1981[373] - or in commemorative feasts related to milestones of Carlist history, e.g. in 1984 in Seville.[374]

Their activity was decreasingly public and increasingly formatted as private, small-circle meetings.[375] Some went on as legal owners of sanctuaries built during Francoism and issued publications on history of their units,[376] though fairly frequent death notices, published in the press and referring to just deceased "requeté hasta su muerte"[377] or "requeté voluntario de la Cruzada",[378] demonstrated that the ranks of combatants were getting increasingly thin. The death notices are still being published today, though now usually referring to "the last living combatant" from specific region[379] or battalion.[380]

Legacy

Vilalba dels Arcs, vandalized cross honoring the fallen requeté

Though recent past remains a hotly debated and highly controversial topic in Spain, the requeté legacy does not form its major thread. If mentioned, in public discourse Carlist volunteers are usually bundled together with other groups as components of Francoism, co-responsible for introduction of an anti-democratic, brutal dictatorial system.[381] The exception is Vascongadas and especially Navarre, two regions where the requeté civil war past attracts more than minor attention. Criticism of repressive role played by the militia is repeated here with more vehemence than elsewhere; as some sections of the society defend the requeté tradition, at times heated public controversies ensue.

Spontaneous cleansing

Since the fall of Francoism various commemorative stones, plaques, crosses and other objects which glorify wartime requeté deeds have been spontaneously vandalized, destroyed or removed across all Spain, though especially in Vascongadas, Navarre and Catalonia. Some of these actions required major effort, e.g. a monument-altar on the Isuskitza mountain has been blown up with large quantities of explosives.[382] Some objects – e.g. a commemorative stone in Leitza - have been repeatedly damaged following attempts at their restoration.[383] Painting the remaining objects in spray, usually involving insults and abuse, is the most typical and widespread mode of defamation. As many objects were and are located in remote places, e.g. at top of hills subject to heavy fighting during the war, perpetrators usually remain unidentified; in case of some attempts the involvement of ETA or related groups has been suspected.[384] Recently semi-anonymous groups use internet to claim responsibility and boast of cleansing public space from fascist remnants, e.g. once a requeté monument next to the Montserrat abbey has been drenched with red paint[385] or a cross in Ondarroa has been demolished.[386]

Historical Memory Law

Codo, former Calle Tercio de Ntra Señora de Montserrat

Adoption of the 2007 Historical Memory Law commenced an official nationwide campaign which included removal of requeté legacy from public space. As the regulation declared exaltation of the civil war and the dictatorship illegal, local authorities have been obliged to purge all related objects. The immediate effect was re-naming of streets linked to requeté which had not been re-named so far; the campaign affected names honoring specific tercios,[387] single individuals[388] or songs;[389] in some cases, even names referring to Navarre as the region itself are considered Francoist heritage.[390] The process is ongoing; some NGOs keep tracking names which they claim merit removal,[391] and if local authorities are deemed inactive the central Madrid institutions get involved.[392] In few cases specific names – e.g. “Calle Montejurra” – have been either allowed to stay[393] or slightly changed.[394] Apart from names, remaining stones or objects related to requeté have been targeted, e.g. the city of Santander removed the monument to Navarrese Brigades[395] and Bilbao removed the commemorative cross in Egirleta.[396] At times only commemorative plaques are either removed or replaced with new ones, while the object itself is allowed to stay; this was the case e.g. of a large cross dedicated to the fallen requeté at Monte Morkaiku.[397]

Pamplona, former Nationalist fallen mausoleum as exposition hall

Currently the single requeté-related object which generates most controversy is a huge building in central Pamplona, erected in the early Francoist period as Monumento a Los Caídos. It was constructed to honor the Navarrese fallen during the Civil War while fighting in the Nationalist ranks; out of 4,500 individuals identified, some 1,700 were Carlist militiamen.[398] Since the 1980s the Francoist symbols have been gradually de-emphasized to be almost completely eliminated[399] in the early 21st century; for some time the building served as an exposition hall. Recently progressist groupings demand either demolition or total re-design of the construction, which reportedly serves “exaltación fascista”.[400] Navarrist groupings keep opposing the plans. The debate is ongoing, currently stuck in various municipal administrative and judicial bodies.[401] Much less publicized is the controversy related to a small mausoleum of Catalan requeté in Montserrat. Following a lengthy public debate,[402] in 2018 the motion to close the premises was approved by the Catalan parliament and Generalitat is expected to take appropriate action. It should target also the only currently existing monument to requeté in Spain, located in front of the building.[403]

partially visible inscriptions, currently covered, Pamplona mausoleum

Some groups claim that Historical Memory Law is legal basis for prohibition of public acts planned by organizations which embrace the requeté tradition. Every year such controversies emerge aroung mid-July, in relation to anniversary of the 1936 military coup, e.g. in 2020 in Granada an organization named La Asociación Granadina Verdad, Justicia y Reparación demanded that authorities ban a "fascist act" planned at the local cemetery in honor of "héroes de la España nacional".[404] If limited in scale and restrained to private format, such commemorative events are usually permitted; the one in Granada, organised by a local Carlist grouplet, has eventually gathered 5 participants;[405] In some cases even annual gatherings organized on prominent premises, staged to honor Carlist insurgents of 1936, are tolerated if limited to private. A filmmaker who inflitrated such gathering was trialed and sentenced, but the judiciary raised no objections against the gathering itself; this led some to ask whether "Francoist repression" is actually over in Spain.[406]

Navarre

Leitza, empty spot which used to host a commemorative stone[407]

In Navarre the debate over the requeté past goes far beyond purging public space from Francoist remnants and re-appears in many other threads. In 2016 the local Navarrese parliament hosted on its premises an exposition of graphics named “Navarra-1936-Nafarroa”; in expressionist convention the drawings portrayed requetés and falangists as bloody assassins who mounted a murderous campaign of terror.[408] Right-wing politicians declared that the exposition presented a false version of the past and defamed their ancestors.[409] Eventually neither the pictures have been removed nor the wording changed, but the parliament president made some conciliatory comments.[410] A longtime discussion over Museum of Carlism, an institution set up and financed by the regional self-government, climaxed in 2017. Democratic and Basque nationalist groupings claimed that authorities tolerated glorification of requeté and manipulated the past to cover up Carlist atrocities.[411] They demanded re-organisation of expositions organized by the Museum, as the existing ones reportedly passed in silence over the requeté role in Francoist repression and the picture of Carlism as presented by the institution was generally misleading.[412] The latest in a series of controversies is related to a Carlist religious service and a commemorative stone re-erected in Leitza in 2018; the event was attended by local parliamentarians from UPN and Navarra Suma.[413] Navarrese left-wing politicians denounced the attempt to cherish the requeté tradition as fascism; the issue has been brought before the government, which refused to take action and declared that no law had been violated.[414]

Jaime I. del Burgo

Among Spanish official political groupings the one most vehemently pitted against the requeté tradition is Bildu, a Basque nationalist party very militant in Navarre.[415] Non-political organizations active denouncing the Carlist militia as murderous criminals are Ateneo Basilio Lacort in Navarre[416] and Asociación Para la Recuperación de la Memoria Histórica in Spain in general.[417] Numerous historiographic studies on the Spanish Civil War often mention requeté as involved in repression[418] and some works specifically target Carlism as co-responsible for crimes and atrocities.[419] Defence of requeté is mounted by minuscule groups which claim the Carlist heritage, either from the Traditionalist[420] or from the Socialist faction.[421] Some sympathy is demonstrated by parties and groups related to Navarrismo, a centre-right local political current. At times nationally recognized personalities speak out in defense of requeté; this was the case e.g. of a Navarrese politician Jaime Ignacio del Burgo Tajadura or a business tycoon Luis Hernando de Larramendi y Martínez, both sons to former requetés; the latter presides over a foundation set up to protect the Carlist heritage. Historiographic works emerging in these circles challenge the notion of “memoria histórica” – the term which typically assumes a highly anti-Francoist tone - as false and prejudiced against requeté.[422]

Literature

the only existing monument to requeté, Abbey of Montserrat site

In literary works set up during the Civil War, massively popular in Spain of the last few decades,[423] Carlist threads are usually either minor or entirely missing.[424] If mentioned, requeté are marginally referred to evoke the atmosphere of Francoist terror or repression, like in El jinete polaco (1991) by Antonio Muñoz Molina;[425] at times they represent de-humanized barbaric instincts, like in El lector de Jules Verne (2012) by Almudena Grandes.[426] In some works, especially these emergent in the Basque culture, requetés are specifically targeted as agents of bloody repression, like in Antzararen bidea by Jokin Muñoz.[427] To be presented in a positive light a requeté protagonist must first develop skepticism on his wartime deeds, like in Los hombres lloran solos (1986) by José María Gironella[428] or in El requeté que gritó Gora Euskadi (2006) by Alberto Irigoyen.[429] Opposite perspective is entirely exceptional, though at times it does appear; this is the case of En el Requeté de Olite (2016) by Mikel Azurmendi, the first novel identified which clearly and with no reservations sympathizes with a requeté;[430] celebrated in Carlism-flavored groupings it drew heavy fire from many other sides.[431]

Appendix. Major Civil War battles

Major Civil War Requeté battles:

location	part of	date[432]	battalions engaged	assignement	strength[433]	total losses[434]	killed[435]	result
approches to Irún[436]	Gipuzkoa Campaign	1936/8-9	S.Fermín, Lácar, S.Miguel, Montejurra, Navarra[437]	offensive	2,500[438]	500[439]	100[440]	success
approaches to Bilbao[441]	Biscay Campaign	1937/4-6	N.S.d.Camino, S.Ignacio, Lácar, Montejurra, S.Miguel, Navarra, Oriamendi, Zumalacárregui	offensive	4,000[442]	unclear[443]	unclear[444]	success
central Aragon[445]	Battle of Aragon[446]	1937/8[447]	Almogávares, M.d.Molina, Montserrat, M.d.l.Nieves	defensive	1,200[448]	unclear[449]	unclear[450]	failure
La Muela de Teruel[451]	Battle of Teruel	1938/1-2[452]	N.S.d.Begoña, N.S.d.Camino, Lácar, Montejurra, Navarra, Oriamendi, V.Blanca	defensive	4,500[453]	1,000[454]	200[455]	success
Mano de Hierro	Andalucia campaign	1938/3	Virgén d.l. Reyes	offensive	unclear	unclear	unclear	success
Sierra de Pàndols/Caballs[456]	Battle of Ebro	1938/9-11[457]	Alcazar, Burgos-Sangüesa, Cristo Rey, Lácar, Montejurra, N.S.d.Pilar	offensive	4,000[458]	unclear[459]	unclear[460]	success
Catalonia[461]	Catalonia Offensive	1939/1-3[462]	Castellano-Mola, Lácar, Montejurra, S.Miguel, Oriamendi, Ortiz d.Zárate, N.S.d.Pilar, V.Blanca	offensive	5,500[463]	400[464]	100[465]	success

Other notable Civil War Requeté engagements:

year	location (month; units engaged)
1936	Cuelgamuros (July; Abarzuza); Braojos (September-October; d. Rey, Estibaliz); Isusquiza (October; Virgen Blanca, 8. Alava); Villareal de Alava (November-December; Virgen Blanca)
1937	Lopera (January; S. Rafael); Matillas (January; Burgos-Sanguesa); Marquína (April; Lácar); Monte Saibigain (April-May; S. Miguel, Oriamendi); Brunete (July; S. Miguel); Fuentes del Tajo (July; M.d.Molina)
1938	Caspe (March; Lácar); Peñas de Aholo (May; Oriamendi); Vilalba de los Arcos (August; Montserrat)
1939	Valsequillo (January; Montserrat)

See Also

• Carlism
• Traditionalism (Spain)

Footnotes

1. La Libertad 19.09.03, available here
2. William Walton, The Revolutions of Spain, from 1808 to the End of 1836, vol. 2, London 1837, p. 438, available here; the name was also used by some Carlist units in the Third Carlist War, see e.g. Las Provincias 15.11.01, available here.
3. El Tradicionalista 08.12.04, available here
4. El Tradicionalista 04.04.07, available here
5. Jordi Canal i Morell, Banderas blancas, boinas rojas: una historia política del carlismo, 1876-1939, Madrid 2006, ISBN 9788496467347, p. 38
6. Jordi Canal, El carlismo, Madrid 2000, ISBN 8420639478, p. 265
7. La Bandera Regional 03.10.08, available here
8. in Tarrasa the local branch was to "organizar bajo la base de la Juventud tradicionalista un requeté", El Eco de Navarra 16.11.12, available here
9. in 1909-1913 the requeté cells were noted in Badalona, Barcelona, Blanes, Girona, Igualada, Lérida, Manresa, Olot, Plá de Cabra, Reus, Sabadell, Tarragona, Tarrasa, Tortosa, Vich and other Catalan locations
10. in 1909-1913 the requeté cells were noted in Alcoy, Castellón, Orihuela, Valencia, Villarreal, Cartagena and other Levantine locations
11. El Salmantino 02.12.10, available here
12. for Córdoba see Diario de Córdoba 07.08.11, available here
13. for Orense see El Noroeste 06.06.11, available here
14. for Palencia see La Bandera Regional 28.10.11, available here
15. for Bilbao see La Bandera Regional 12.08.11, available here
16. for Pamplona see El Norte 16.05.12, available here
17. for Santa Cruz de Tenerife see El Progreso 08.11.12, available here
18. El Correo Español 19.01.10, available here
19. Canal 2000, p. 265
20. Diario de Córdoba 07.05.21, available here
21. the draft envisioned 3 categories of members: protectores (pay 0,25 ptas monthly, no voting rights, any member of circulo tradicionalista), numerarios (10-17 years, also pay 0,25 ptas), and aspirantes (below 10 years, pay at least 0,10 ptas, can participate in sections but no voting rights). The governing body was Junta Directiva (section heads + 6 members). Every branch was to be composed of 6 sections: Religión, Política y Sociología, Bellas Artes, Ciencias, Prensa and Sport, each with separate junta (president, secretary and 2 members), La Bandera Regional 06.05.11, available here
22. see accompanying photos
23. El Clamor 02.09.11, available here
24. see e.g. photos in La Hormiga de Oro, 06.07.12, La Hormiga de Oro, 15.06.12, La Hormiga de Oro, 21.09.12
25. some of the requeté standards featured the Catalan symbol, "cuatro barras", see e.g. La Correspondencia de España 10.06.10, available here
26. Aróstegui 2013, p. 57
27. La Bandera Regional 04.03.11, available here, La Bandera Regional 17.12.11, available here
28. Diario de Reus 29.01.11, available here, La Defensa 30.07.11, available here
29. El Restaurador 18.11.15, available here
30. El Norte 18.05.11, available here
31. El Norte 18.05.11, available here
32. La Tradición 20.07.12, available here
33. El Norte 14.08.12, available here
34. El Norte 14.08.12, available here
35. Diario de Galicia 23.04.14, available here
36. El Restaurador 09.01.13, available here
37. La Aurora 01.07.11, available here, La Correspondencia de España 05.08.12, available here
38. El Diario Palentino 27.01.13, available here
39. Los Debates 02.11.10, available here
40. Eduardo González Calleja, Paramilitarització i violencia politica a l'Espanya del primer terc de segle: el requeté tradicionalista (1900-1936), [in:] Revista de Girona 147 (1991), p. 70
41. La Campañia de Gracia 06.08.10, available here
42. El Correo Español 09.12.10, available here
43. La Bandera Regional 02.09.11, available here, La Bandera Regional 16.09.11, available here
44. El Norte 10.12.11, available here
45. La Regeneracion 15.10.11, available here
46. El Norte 05.11.12, available here
47. Diario de Valencia 25.08.12, available here
48. El Salmantino 29.09.12, available here
49. El Correo Español 19.01.10, available here; at times sales included pamphlets with Carlist Cortes speeches, Las Provincias 01.02.12, available here
50. La Bandera Regional 11.12.09, available here
51. Diario de Tortosa 28.11.14, available here
52. La Correspondencia de España 15.04.11, available here
53. La Tradición 21.06.13, available here
54. Diario de Valencia 08.06.13, available here
55. El País 01.06.11, available here
56. El Norte 21.01.10, available here
57. El Porvenir 22.04.09, available here, also La Defensa 29.10.10, available here
58. El Tradicionalista 09.01.09, available here
59. La Bandera Regional 04.12.09, available here, also La Bandera Regional 17.09.10, available here
60. Diario de Valencia 25.06.13, available here
61. El Porvenir 01.02.12, available here
62. La Tradición 20.04.12, available here
63. La Bandera Regional 24.07.09, available here
64. El Norte 06.11.10, available here
65. El Conquistador 15.02.12, available here. Some gatherings turned into multi-cultural events, which included orchestral music, poetry, films, stage acting and literary monologues , see e.g. La Bandera Regional 08.12.11, available here
66. El Norte 09.05.11, available here
67. La Cruz 27.07.11, available here
68. Libertad 03.11.10, available here
69. El Norte 05.12.11, available here. In a few cases a requeté cell had its "director espiritual", La Tradición 29.07.11, available here
70. El Restaurador 25.02.11, available here
71. El Restaurador 18.11.15, available here
72. La Correspondencia de España 06.11.10, available here, also El Restaurador 25.04.11, available here, also La Tradición 20.07.12, available here
73. Los Debates 02.11.10, available here
74. El País 01.06.11, available here
75. La Correspondencia de España 17.04.11, available here
76. El Conquistador 15.02.12, available here; single individuals embarked on longer journeys, e.g. on foot from Valencia to Lourdes, Diario de Valencia 21.04.13, available here
77. La Rioja 04.06.12, available here, El Cantábrico 23.12.12, available here
78. La Bandera Regional 15.10.10, available here, also La Bandera Regional 17.02.12, available here
79. El Tiempo 13.08.12, available here
80. El Clamor 02.09.11, available here, also La Correspondencia de Valencia 23.10.17, available here
81. Diario de Galicia 23.04.14, available here. Trophies involved were named "Copa Requeté", El Restaurador 10.12.18, available here
82. El Pueblo 06.06.10, available here
83. e.g. in 1912 groups of requetés prowled along Ramblas shouting "abajo la república portuguesa" La Atalaya 14.07.12, available here
84. La Correspondencia de España 14.07.12, available here
85. El Pueblo 08.09.09, available here
86. Las Provincias 14.04.11, available here; also one year later requetés pelted Barcelona trams with stones to enforce halt in circulation,El Pueblo 06.04.12, available here
87. Diario del Comercio 03.12.10, available here; the Carlist youth was allegedly trained for "asesinato, el robo y el incendio", El Pueblo 28.09.11, available here, educated in hate and "ready to die and to kill", El Pueblo 02.11.11, available here or in the best case, they were presented as "creatures 8 to 10 years, cigarettes in their mouths and cards in their hands", El Pueblo 19.04.11, available here
88. La Region Extremeña 06.12.12, available here
89. El Pueblo 29.05.13, available here, El Pueblo 17.06.11, available here
90. in 1911 a 16-year-old was court-martialled for cutting down telegraph poles during unrest and strike in Cullera and Jativa, El Pueblo 22.12.11, available here
91. La Correspondencia de España 06.02.11, available here, also Diario de Tortosa 24.11.10, available here
92. El Pueblo 28.11.11, available here
93. El Defensor de Córdoba 26.07.12, available here
94. Diario de Comercio 03.12.10, available here
95. especially a 1912 incident in Villaviciosa was noted by many press titles, see e.g. El Pueblo 10.08.12, available here; for clashes between requetés and bizkaitarras in Bilbao see Las Provincias 24.12.12, available here
96. Eduardo González Calleja, La razón de la fuerza: orden público, subversión y violencia política en la España de la Restauración, Madrid 1998, ISBN 9788400077785, p. 479
97. Las Provincias 08.06.14, available here
98. Ferrer 1960, pp. 65-66
99. Aróstegui 2013, p. 53
100. Aróstegui 2013, p. 56
101. in 1911 Don Jaime referred to "mis queridos requetés", La Bandera Regional 08.12.11, available here
102. Aróstegui 2013, p. 57
103. already in November 1911 the republican press ridiculed Llorens and his reorganisación, La Opinión 26.11.12, available here
104. Agustín Fernández Escudero, El marqués de Cerralbo (1845-1922): biografía politica [PhD thesis], Madrid 2012, p. 458
105. Canal 2006, p. 38
106. Aróstegui 2013, p. 60
107. González Calleja 1998, p. 492
108. so-called "Requeté Joven" was to group teenagers capable of withstanding a march with 12 kg backpack; "Requeté Viejo" was to group adults
109. the basic cell was to be an "escuadra" of 16 men commanded by a cabo; 2 escuadras were to be led by a sargento, 4 escuadras (sección) by teniente, 8 escuadras (compañia) by captain
110. the requeté badge was to be: "margarita blanca de metal, homenaje a la santa Reina que se llamó el Angel de la Caridad". The uniform was to consist of "boina, blusa, pantalón, polaina y mochilla de color gris". The information was provided by a Carlist militant publisher Cirici Ventalló, so it might not reflect fully the original idea of Llorens, Diario de Valencia 04.04.13, available here
111. it was stressed that the disciplined few were more valuable than the undisciplined many; the language employed suggests there might have been some resistance against unification measures. It was prohibited to claim the name of Requeté with no prior authorisation or to build similar groupings, El Norte 15.10.13, available here
112. El Norte 03.12.13, available here
113. La Correspondencia de España 23.10.13, available here
114. El Norte 05.06.13, available here
115. El Porvenir 05.06.13, available here
116. reportedly because the advent of World War One shifted attention, Eduardo G. Calleja, Julio Aróstegui Sánchez, La tradición recuperada. El Requeté carlista y la insurrección, [in:] Historia contemporánea 11 (1994), p. 32
117. e.g. in 1913 a group of requeté when on excursion was provoked by the Radicals, who demanded them to take down their berets; an altercation ensused. One requeté member fired a revolver and heavily wounded one of the challengers, El Adelanto 28.04.13, available here, also La Atalaya 15.11.15, available here, also El Luchador 01.06.17, available here
118. La Correspondencia de España 27.01.19, available here
119. Heraldo de Zamora 28.07.13, available here
120. La Correspondencia de España 06.02.17 available here
121. La Información 10.11.13, available here
122. El Avisador Numantino 17.11.15, available here
123. Diario de Valencia 11.09.13, available here
124. El Pueblo 24.06.15, available here
125. La Atalaya 09.03.14, available here, also La Atalaya 10.04.16, available here, also El Salmantino 27.10.15, available here
126. El Norte 11.10.13, available here
127. El Pueblo 08.02.15, available here
128. La Prensa 19.02.15, available here. In 1917 some politicians already suggested that the organization was actually financed by Germany, Heraldo de Menorca 10.05.17, available here
129. El Noroeste 25.07.15, available here
130. see references to "sargento del requeté", El Luchador 13.08.20, available here, also El Debate 14.08.20, available here
131. see references to "jefe del distrito", El Correo Español 28.08.19, available here
132. El Pueblo 22.06.19, available here
133. see e.g. a note on requeté parade from the Cathedral to the palace of the then Catalan Carlist leader, Duque de Solferino, who was greeted with vivas, La Correspondencia de España 23.05.13, available here
134. see reference on Luis Garcia Guijarro, El Cantábrico 09.10.16, available here
135. González Calleja 1991, p. 71. It is not clear how long Najera continued at his role. The last identified reference to Pérez Nájera as the requete jefe comes from 1922, El Debate 10.03.22,available here
136. Canal 2000, p. 267
137. González Calleja 1991, p. 70
138. El Progreso 29.12.20, available here, also Diario de Córdoba 07.05.21, available here. It seems that there were not a marginal nuber of workers involced in Requeté, as some were later noted as involved in Sindicatos Libres, see e.g. El Día de Palencia 17.10.30, available here
139. for details see Colin M. Winston, Carlist worker groups in Catalonia, 1900-1923, [in:] Stanley G. Payne (ed.), Identidad y nacionalismo en la España contemporánea: el Carlismo 1833-1875, Madrid 1996, ISBN 8487863469, pp. 85-101
140. González Calleja 1991, p. 70
141. La Correspondencia de España 08.01.23, available here
142. La Correspondencia de España 06.06.23, available here
143. El Adelanto 18.09.26, available here
144. El Eco de Gerona 12.05.28, available here
145. for Santander see El Cantábrico 01.06.23, available here
146. La Tierra 26.07.24, available here
147. El Luchador 13.08.20, available here
148. Julio Prada Rodríguez, El Fenix que siempre renace. El carlismo ourensano (1894-1936), [in:] Espacio, Tiempo y Forma, Series V, Historía Contemporánea 17 (2005), p. 125. Villores joined Somatén himself, , who joined the organization himself, see Somatén. Boletín Oficial I/10 (1924), available here
149. e.g. in August 1927 the Ministry of Interior warned the civil governors of Catalan provinces that a meeting of some 150 Carlists, called by the Barcelona requete, was about planning the coup, Robert Vallverdú i Martí, El carlisme català durant la Segona República Espanyola 1931-1936, Barcelona 2008, ISBN 9788478260805, p. 16
150. La Tradició Catalana 19.02.27, available here
151. El Cruzado Español 21.02.30, available here
152. e.g. in May 1930 the Barcelona Requeté prepare excursion to Sanctuario de la Virgen de Queralt, El Cruzado Español 09.05.30, available here
153. compare April 1930 April notes about requeté taking part in sporting competition in Paris in presence of the claimant Don Jaime, El Cruzado Español 11.04.30, available here
154. see e.g. news on Barcelona requetés celebrating the Carlist feast of Martyrs of Tradtition, El Cruzado Español 21.03.30, available here
155. El Cruzado Español 26.12.30, available here
156. González Calleja 1991, p. 71, Aróstegui 2013, p. 70
157. Aróstegui 2013, p. 71
158. compare Vallverdú i Martí 2008, pp. 19-20, 32-36
159. Eduardo González Calleja, Contrarrevolucionarios. Radicalización violenta de las derechas durante la Segunda República 1931-1936, Madrid 2011, ISBN 9788420664552, p. 68, Canal 2000, p. 298
160. Aróstegui 2013, p. 73
161. González Calleja 1991, p. 71
162. with branches in Sandander, Barcelona and Bilbao, González Calleja 1991, p. 71, Canal 2000, p. 298
163. some authors claim even that in 1931 Requeté was born as a new organisation and see little or no continuity compared to earlier efforts, Jeremy MacClancy, The Decline of Carlism, Reno 2000, ISBN 9780874173444, p. 27
164. recruitment and instruction was to be handled by Jaime del Burgo and Generoso Huarte, González Calleja 1991, p. 71
165. González Calleja 1991, p. 71, Canal 2000, p. 298, Aróstegui 2013, p. 73
166. the key religious involved were the parish priests Jesus Yaniz (Caparroso), Pascasio Osacar (Noain), Jesus Ulibarri (Yerri-Ugar), Fermin Erice (Esquiroz) and Jose Maria Solabre (Berriozar); some claimed that "Requeté de Navarra fue la obra del clero", referred after González Calleja 2011, p. 69. Some authors tend to agree with this statement, see Aróstegui 2013, p. 75
167. González Calleja 2011, p. 69 Blinkhorn 2008, p. 63
168. Comité de Acción was dissolved by the new claimant, Don Alfonso Carlos, as it interfered with talks with the Alfonsinos, González Calleja 1991, p. 72, González Calleja 2011, p. 76
169. in May 1932 Huarte, del Burgo and others were detained as info on decurias and rumors about smuggling or arms leaked out, González Calleja 1991, p. 72, González Calleja 2011, p. 79. Some point also to disturbances in Bilbao as motives for detention Aróstegui 2013, p. 76. Del Burgo remained in prison until November 1932, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 78
170. Canal 2000, p. 299, Aróstegui 2013, p. 76
171. "outside Navarre the Requeté and AET were largely restricted to big cities, and even there most Requeté groups consisted merely of members of the Carlist Youth who donned red berets and khaki battle dress for special occasions", Blinkhorn 2008, p. 76. In terms of street militancy at times Requeté was outpaced by AET, for Barcelona see Vallverdú i Martí 2008, pp. 93-94, for Pamplona see González Calleja 2011, pp. 79, 192
172. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 90. During Sanjurjada there were 2 Carlists dead during the skirmishes in Madrid; they might have been requeté members, González Calleja 1991, p. 72
173. e.g. in March 1933 there were some 500 requetés expected to attend the religious act in Sant Llorenc del Munt; in fact, barely 50 turned up, Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 139. Until early 1933 in Catalonia the reqeuté organisation was "més propagandistica que effectiva. Organitzaven serveis de vigiláncia d'esgléises i convents", some marches or uniformed guards in front of religious monuments during Semana Santa and "poca cosa més", Vallverdú i Martí 2008, pp. 138-139
174. González Calleja 2011, p. 123
175. 6 requetés formed a patrulla; 3 patrullas formed a pelotón (some 20 men); 3 pelotóns formed a piqueté (some 70 men); 3 piquetés formed a requeté (some 246 men); 3 requetés formed a tercio (some 720 men). All were to use a khaki uniform. Executive "delegaciones" were to operate on national, provincial and local levels. Originally there were 3 layers envisiones: "profesional", "activo" and "reserva", but it seems this particular feature was abandoned. Larger units were to encompass specialized sub-units and detachment, like a liaison platoon, González Calleja 2011, pp. 123-124, Aróstegui 2013, p. 77, Canal 2000, p. 300
176. in late 1932 Varela wrote Compendio de Ordenanzas, Reglamento y Obligaciones del Boina Roja, Jefe de Patrulla and Jefe del Requeté rulebooks, modeled on the regular army ordinance, González Calleja 1991, p. 72. However, in 1934 Jaime del Burgo issues "Reglamento Táctico", González Calleja 2011, p. 199; it is not clear whether del Burgo's rulebook was to supplement or replace earlier Varela's regulations
177. in 1934 Junta Delegada ordered that presidents of local executives were to be nominated and not - as it used to be - elected, which was a further step towards turning Requeté from a citizen militia into a military structure, González Calleja 2011, p. 189
178. González Calleja 2011, p. 199
179. some existing Catalan requeté juntas refused to dissolve themselves; the regional leader Lorenzo, Alier had to issue specific orders and press the issue, though local requeté still insisted on remnants of autonomy, e.g. own uniforms. The Catalan commander Josep Cunill found it hard to enforce homogeneity, Vallverdú i Martí 2008, pp. 199-200
180. in 1934 requeté was quite structured in Navarre, with major outlets in Catalonia, Biscay, Andalusia and Valencia, González Calleja 1991, p. 72, Aróstegui 2013, p. 77. An impressive display of Andalusian militancy came on April 15, 1934, when at a Quintillo estate near Seville some 650 trained and uniformed requetés made a stunning impression on all those watching; following a parade and foot drills, a simulation of assault on enemy position followed, González Calleja 2011, pp. 194-195. Another display of progress of requeté militarisation was staged in the Basque Zumarraga on July 22, 1934, when half a thousand of uniformed militants marched drilled in military formations, dazzling the audience, Aróstegui 2013, p. 82. There was no similar show of prowess in Catalonia, though local leaders Sivatte and Cunill advanced the military buildup as well, Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 140
181. González Calleja 1991, p. 74, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 136
182. examples of extremely efficient delegados regionales, appointed by Delegado Nacional, were Antonio Lizarza in Navarre and Josép M. Cunill in Catalonia, Aróstegui 2013, p. 81
183. González Calleja 2011, p. 193
184. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 208
185. the role was mostly about appointemtns, liaison, propaganda and logistics; dstirctly military issues were sorted out by first Varela and then Rada, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 221
186. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 207 González Calleja 2011, p. 199. In late 1934 the new Carlist political leader Manuel Fal Conde set up also Junta Técnica, sort of advisory board to Requeté. The broadly sketched plans are perhaps best demonstrated by presence of representatives of all army branches – including Navy and Aviation, González Calleja 2011, p. 197-8
187. in the summe of 1934 summer first 15 Carlists travelled to Rome to receive training in La Dispoli base in Furbara. Other groups soon followed. The instruction covered usage of modern arms (like machine guns and mortars) and infantry tactics (like manouvre or fire management), González Calleja 2011, p. 198 Blinkhorn 2008, p. 214
188. in many provinces local requetés reported to military barracks and offered assistance; indeed, in some cases they did participate in "en tareas defensivas y represivas" Aróstegui 2013, p. 83. In some areas, notably in Catalonia, they proved of much value, Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 181
189. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 221
190. the requeté army was heavily dependent on Navarre, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 220. According to various authors the Navarrese troops amounted to 5,400 men - González Calleja 2011, p. 264, 6,000 men - Blinkhorn 2008, p. 224, or 5,694 men - Canal 2000, p. 322. Other regions with highest militancy were Catalonia (4,000 men), Levante (at least 3,700 men, data for Valencia missing), Vascongadas (at least 2,500 men, data for Biscay missing), Old Castile (1,380 men), Madrid (740 men), Andalusia (at least 640 men, data for Eastern provinces missing). The total was around 20,000 men, Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 257. Other scholers provide data also for Aragón (some 150 men), Aróstegui 2013, p. 84
191. following the 1933 electoral triumph of the Right, in 1934 Varela (suspended following Sanjurjada) was reinstated in the army, Aróstegui 2013, p. 81. For some time he tried to continue with his earlier Requeté engagements, but constantly monitored by security he finally gave up and focused on his army duties, González Calleja 2011, p. 261
192. González Calleja 2011, p. 199, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 222. Some scholars claim the handover between Varela and Rada took place in late 1935, Aróstegui 2013, p. 86
193. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 223 González Calleja 2011, p. 372, Vallverdú i Martí 2008, pp. 303-306
194. José Manuel Martínez Bande, Los años críticos: República, conspiración, revolución y alzamiento, Madrid 2011, ISBN 9788499207469, p. 194
195. González Calleja 1991, p. 74 González Calleja 2011, p. 261. The assumption was that requeté units would report to local military commanders and offer assistance, González Calleja 2011, p. 262
196. compare a picturesque description of the Carlist headquarters in Pamplona, which turned into sort of military general staff. With guards in strict military drill manning the entry, various floors and rooms were bustling with organization work; provincial commanders were arriving to report on scheduled hours, couriers with orders and messages kept coming and going and telephones kept ringing, González Calleja 2011, p. 262, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 213
197. González Calleja 2011, p. 373, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 224
198. some scholars note that in mid-1936 the total number of Requeté volunteer was not much more than those in Falange's Primera Linea, but that they were definitely better armed and trained; as the result, no other militia was even close compared to military performance and potential of Requeté, González Calleja 2011, p. 373
199. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 224. In June 1936 the Requeté organisation included two tenientes coroneles, capable of commanding units comparable to a regiment, Rada and Utrilla, Antonio Lizarza Iribarren, Memorias de la conspiración. Cómo se preparó en Navarra la Cruzada. 1931-1936, Pamplona 1953, pp. 66, 83, Joaquín Arrarás, Historia de la Segunda República Española, Madrid 1965, p. 494
200. for a hagiographic account of Carlist rising in Navarre see Antonio de Lizarza et al., Navarra Fue La Primera 1936-1939, Pamplona 2006, ISBN 8493508187. For a decidedly hostile account, see Fernando Mikelarena Peña, Sin piedad: Limpieza política en Navarra, 1936. Responsables, colaboradores y ejecutores, Pamplona 2015, ISBN 9788476819166. For brief academic narrative see Angel Pascual Bonis, Navarra 1936: ¿Insurrección militar y/o levantamiento popular?, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 5 (1986), pp. 131-140. For massive anthropological study see Javier Ugarte, La nueva Covadonga insurgente: Orígenes sociales y culturales de la sublevación de 1936 en Navarra y el País Vasco, Madrid 1998, ISBN 9788470305313
201. "en cuestión de días, las milicias carlistas —el Requeté— había establecido su control sobre Navarra", Paul Preston, Revolución y guerra en España, 1931-1939, Madrid 1986, ISBN 9788420695327, p. 59
202. Aróstegui 2013, p. 406
203. Aróstegui 2013, pp. 164-176, 192-202, 229-236, 262-269
204. Aróstegui 2013, pp. 705-781
205. in late July 1936 out of 90,140 Nationalist troops on the peninsula some 35,000 were militiamen, Aróstegui 2013, p. 808. How many of them were requetés is not clear, though according to some data the Navarrese Carlist volunteers only were 8,500. To the expert historian "estas cantidades parecen quedarse cortas", Aróstegui 2013, p. 808. Some historians claim that there were 40,000 Carlist volunteers "en los primeros dias" of the war, Josep Carles Clemente Muñoz, Breve historia de las guerras carlistas, Madrid 2011, ISBN 9788499671710, p. 168. Others suggest rather the figure of 30,000 requeté volunteers, compared to 10,000 of the Falange, Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, pp. 80-81
206. Aróstegui 2013, p. 810
207. in April 1937 the National troops were some 290,000 men, Stanley G. Payne, The Spanish Revolution, Madison 1970, ISBN 9780393098853, pp. 329–330
208. at the turn of 1937/1938 the Nationalist troops amounted to 700,000 men, Stanley G. Payne, The Spanish Civil War, Cambridge 2012, ISBN 9780521174701, p. 188
209. in March 1939 the Nationalists had some 900,000 men in their ranks, Stanley G. Payne, The Franco Regime, Madison 1987, ISBN 9780299110741, p. 244
210. one scholar claims that Carlist volunteers formed "columna vertebral" of Navarrese Brigades, Daniel Jesús García Riol, La resistencia tradicionalista a la renovación ideológica del carlismo (1965-1973) [PhD thesis UNED], Madrid 2015, p. 37
211. e.g. Tercio de Montserrat formed part of 5. División Organica, a cavalry division, a reserve brigade and a Moroccan division, Aróstegui 2013, pp. 693-694
212. Stanley G. Payne, Fascism in Spain, Madison 2000, ISBN 9780299165642, p. 269
213. there are scholars who claim that in specific cases, some "men were 'volunteers' only in name", namely when they were shamed by females from their village for not having volunteered yet, MacClancy 2000, p. 51. Degree of free will might be disputed also in case of Republican POWs; e.g. it was a common practice in the Montserrat Terç that freshly taken prisoners were interrogated on the spot, and Catalans were offered enlisting before having been reported as POWs, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 84
214. the ratio calculated for Tercio de Montserrat, originating from Catalonia, Robert Vallverdú i Martí, La metamorfosi del carlisme català: del "Déu, Pàtria i Rei" a l'Assamblea de Catalunya (1936-1975), Barcelona 2014, ISBN 9788498837261, p. 33
215. the ratio calculated for some tercios from Alava, Germán Ruiz Llano, El voluntariado alavés durante la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis Universidad Complutense], Madrid 2016, pp. 109, 165
216. "minimo de sesenta mil", Jordi Canal i Morell, Banderas blancas, boinas rojas: una historia política del carlismo, 1876-1939, Madrid 2006, ISBN 9788496467347, p. 329
217. "El número de requetés encuadrados en los Tercios o en otras unidades menores y de segunda línea, pasó de los 70.000 en algunos momentos", Luis Redondo, Juan de Zavala, El requeté: la tradición no muere, Madrid 1957, p. 379; some earlier Carlist propaganda prints claimed even 100,000, compare "cien mil requetés de la última cruzada", José María Codon Fernández, Tradición y monarquia, Sevilla 1961, p. 17, and this figure is at times maintained - though not by professional historians - also recently, see Miguel Ayuso, El carlismo en la conspiración y guerra en España, [in:] Anales de la Fundación Francisco Elías de Tejada 12 (2006), p. 164
218. one scholar estimated that some 55% of requeté volunteers came from Navarre, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 256; according to another source, Navarrese volunteers alone were as many as 40,000, Redondo, Zavala, 1957
219. e.g. in Tercio de Montserrat there were 9 pairs of 2 brothers, 1 case of 3 brothers, and 2 pairs of father and son serving (all 4 were killed in action), Francisco Javier de Lizarza, Los combatientes carlistas en la Guerra de España (1936-1939), [in:] Stanley G. Payne (ed.), Identidad y nacionalismo en la España contemporánea: el carlismo, 1833-1975, Madrid 2001, ISBN 8487863469, p. 148
220. the best known case, widely publicized by the Francoist propaganda, was this of the Hernandorena volunteers; the one in his 60s was the father of a mid-age volunteer, who in turn was the father of another, teenage volunteer, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 259
221. Javier Munoz-Basols, Manuel Delgado Morales, Laura Lonsdale, The Routledge Companion to Iberian Studies, London 2017, ISBN 9781317487319, p. 419, Isidora Dolores Ibárruri, Autobiography, New York 2005, ISBN 9780717804689, p. 181
222. Payne 2012, p. 184
223. summarised KIA losses by tercio as given by Aróstegui 2013, pp. 828-832; the author seems leaning towards a lower end of the estimates. For preference for the upper end see Ramón María Rodón Guinjoan, Invierno, primavera y otoño del carlismo (1939-1976) [PhD thesis Universitat Abat Oliba CEU], Barcelona 2015, p. 28. Some authors claim that there were "at least" 6,000 dead, see "nejméně 6 000 mužů", Jiří Chalupa, Poražení vítězové – konflikt z let 1936-39 jako „čtvrtá karlistická válka", [in:] Paulína Springerová (ed.), Sedmdesát let od vypuknutí španělské občanské války – vnitřní a vnější aspekty konfliktu, Hradec Králové 2007, ISBN 9788070417881, p. 12
224. Aróstegui 2013, pp. 828-832. The author provides the data with reservation that they are „sin duda, una aproximación", p. 827. More definite statement, with strong preference for upper limit of the estimates, in Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 28. In post-war Carlist propaganda the number of requete killed or wounded was even given as 40,000, referred after Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 353
225. Ascensión Badiola Ariztimuño, La represión franquista en el País Vasco. Cárceles, campos de concentración y batallones de trabajadores en el comienzo de la posguerra [PhD thesis Universidad del Pais Vasco], Bilbao 2015, p. 132
226. La represión en la retaguardia se cobró 12.500 vidas, [in:] El Periódico 14.10.06, available herel, also Blinkhorn 2008, p. 261
227. Aróstegui 2013, p. 696
228. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 261
229. “limpieza de desafectos”, Francisco Cobo Romero, La represión franquista en Andalucía: balance historiográfico, perspectivas teóricas y análisis de los resultados, Sevilla 2012, ISBN 9788493992606, p. 55
230. Fernando Mikelarena Peña, Cadena y mando de ejecutores de la represión de boina roja en Navarra en 1936, [in:] Historia Contemporánea 53 (2016), p. 595
231. Fernando Mikelarena Peña, Sin piedad. Limpieza política en Navarra. 1936, Pamplona 2015, ISBN 9788476819166, p. 50
232. Gutmaro Gómez Bravo, Jorge Marco, La obra de miedo. Violencia y sociedad en la España franquista (1936-1950), Barcelona 2011, ISBN 9788499420912, p. 53
233. Rafael Cruz, Olor a pólvora y patria. La limpieza política rebelde en el inicio de la guerra de 1936, [in:] Hispania Nova 7 (2007), see here
234. some claim that requeté “llevaron a cabo un trabajo sistemático de detenciones y aniquilación de las gentes de izquierda”, Nos solidarizamos con José Ramón Urtasun, autor de la exposición Navarra 1936, [in:] Change service 2016 [link blocked by Wikipedia]
235. Mikelarena Peña 2015, pp. 213, 217, 231-237
236. Requeté structures maintained “una gigantesca maquinaria informativa al servicio de la represión”, Mikelarena Peña 2015, p. 210
237. Mikelarena Peña 2015, p. 208. Colegio de los Escolapios served also as barracks of Requeté Auxiliar, Mikelarena Peña 2015, p. 111
238. Badiola Ariztimuño 2015, pp. 143-144
239. the Escolapios prison was closed by Deceber 1936,- Mikelarena Peña 2015, p. 212
240. Mikelarena Peña 2016, p. 595
241. like gouging eyes out, Badiola Ariztimuño 2015, p. 143
242. Colegio de los Escolapios in Pamplona remained in total control of the Carlist Junta Central de Guerra. It was manned by members of Requeté Auxiliar, Mikelarena Peña 2015, p. 111
243. Mikelarena Peña 2015, p. 269
244. Mikelarena Peña 2015, pp. 111-116, 284-286; for requeté performing similar “sacas” in Vascongadas see e.g. Badiola Ariztimuño 2015, p. 122
245. Francisco Fernández de Mendiola, Isaac Puente: el médico anarquista, Tafalla 2007, ISBN 9788481364897, p. 38; requetés served as prison guards in other prisons, also in Biscay, Badiola Ariztimuño 2015, p. 182
246. Mikelarena Peña 2015, p. 111
247. Bruno Ruiz de Apodaca, asesino franquista alaves, [in:] Cronicas a pie de fora service 29.10.16, [link blocked by Wikipedia]
248. Mikelarena Peña 2015, p. 111
249. Mikelarena Peña 2015, p. 208, Paul Preston, El holocausto español, Madrid 2011, ISBN 9788499920498, page unavailable, see here
250. Francisco Góngora, El alavés de los 108 asesinatos, [in:] El Correo 07.07.15, available here
251. Mikelarena Peña 2015, p. 208
252. Mikelarena Peña 2015, pp. 209-210
253. Góngora 2015, Mikelarena Peña 2015, p. 277
254. Fernández de Mendiola 2007, p. 38, also Carlos Gil Andrés, La zona gris de España azul, [in:] Ayer 76 (2009), p. 131
255. Mikelarena Peña 2015, pp. 87-88
256. Mikelarena Peña 2015, p. 208, Preston 2011, available here
257. Iñaki Egaña, Los crímenes de Franco en Euskal Herria, 1936-1940, Tafalla 2009, ISBN 9788481365597, pp. 130-131, Mikelarena Peña 2015, pp. 168-175
258. Mikelarena Peña 2015, p. 239
259. Mikel Aizpuru, Urko Apaolaza, Jesús Mari Gómez, Jon Odriozola, El otoño de 1936 en Guipúzcoa: los fusilamientos de Hernani, Zarautz 2007, ISBN 9788496643680, p. 171
260. Paul Preston, The Spanish Civil War, London 2007, ISBN 9780393345827, available here
261. Olaechea from the pulpit denounced the reported requeté practice of “matar unos rojillos cada vez que enterraban a uno de los suyos”, Julian Leal, La represión en la Guerra Civil causó más de 15.200 muertes en Extremadura, [in:] Foro por la Memoria service 2004, available here
262. Paul Preston, The Spanish Civil War, London 2007, ISBN 9780393345827, available here
263. “los requetés me pegaron bien, con verga”, Badiola Ariztimuño 2015, p. 132
264. Sánchez Ruano desmiente el mito del 'moro' en la Guerra Civil, [in:] El Mundo 22.06.04
265. Ezcurra was nominated jefe of Navarrese requeté on August 7, 1936, Mikelarena Peña 2015, p. 266
266. Mikelarena Peña 2015, p. 269
267. Mikelarena Peña 2015, pp. 269-284
268. Mikelarena Peña 2015, pp. 284-286
269. Góngora 2015
270. Mikelarena Peña 2015, p. 141
271. Badiola Ariztimuño 2015, p. 143; “Carlist requetés making a republican lie in the form of a cross before hacking off his limbs to the cry of ‘Long live Christ the King!’” Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain, London 2006, ISBN 9781101201206, available here
272. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 262
273. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 261
274. Mikelarena Peña 2015, p. 141
275. Mikelarena Peña 2015, pp. 139-149
276. Mikelarena Peña 2015, p. 21. The province was among these of the highest repressive ratio in the entire Nationalist zone, Mikelarena Peña 2015, pp. 22-23
277. Mikelarena Peña 2015, p. 112
278. Mikelarena Peña 2016, p. 595
279. referred after Manuel Martorell, Carlismo, historia oral y las ‘zonas oscuras’ de la Guerra Civil, [in:] Geronimo de Uztariz 23/24 (2008), p. 223, Edgar González Rúiz, Requetés y atrocidades del franquismo, [in:] Rebelion service19.03.06, available here
280. Jordi Canal, Banderas blancas, boinas rojas: una historia política del carlismo, 1876-1939, Madrid 2006, ISBN 9788496467347, p. 330
281. Canal 2000, p. 344
282. this was the case of Navarre in 1939, Aurora Villanueva Martínez, Organizacion, actividad y bases del carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo [in:] Geronimo de Uztariz 19 (2003 ), p. 101
283. membership was not imposing. In 1945 the Pamplona Requeté organisation grouped some 180 members. In all Navarre Requeté cells existed – at least on paper – in 35 locations, Aurora Villanueva Martínez, Los incidentes del 3 de diciembre de 1945 en la Plaza del Castillo, [in:] Principe de Viana 58 (1997). In the early 1940s the Navarrese Requeté was plagued by disintegration and internal conflict between prominent leaders of the organisation, like Antonio Lizarza, Esteban Ezcurra, Juan Villanueva, Amadeo Marco, Benito Santesteban or Jaime del Burgo. Some scholars claim that Requeté drifted with no particular direction, apart that it sought independence from local political structures, Villanueva Martínez 2003, pp. 105, 108
284. see notes on "trabajos reorganizativos" of early 1940, inspired by the nationwide Carlist leadership. As usual, the Navarrese remained extremely cautious, anxious not to be subjected to external command, Villanueva Martínez 2003, p. 102-103
285. during early Francoism in Navarre "la oficialidad del Requete, que, en el clima de desmovilizacion social y politica de la posguerra, todavia conservaban en estos primeros anos ciertos niveles de conexion interna y politizacion, necesarios para producir pronunciamientos colectivos" Villanueva Martínez 2003, p. 102
286. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 203
287. e.g. in 1944 the Navarrese organisation distributed leaflets calling for recruitment, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 247
288. e.g. in 1946 one militant was nominated "sargento del Requeté", Josep Miralles Climent, La rebeldía carlista. Memoria de una represión silenciada: Enfrentamientos, marginación y persecución durante la primera mitad del régimen franquista (1936-1955), Madrid 2018, ISBN 9788416558711, p. 298
289. in the early 1940s the Navarrese organisation included so-called "Requeté Auxiliar", grouping older or less dedicated members, Villanueva Martínez 1997, p. 632; in 1942, also in Navarre, an "embrionaria organización de juventud carlista" emerged out of Requeté, Villanueva Martínez 2003, p. 105
290. following outbreak of the German-Soviet war some requeté ex-combatants expected CT at least to pronounce in favor of Germany. A number of requeté ex-combatants, like Amadeo Marco, Antonio Lizarza, Cesareo Sanz Orrio, Juan Villanueva and Mario Ozcoidi, on their own addressed the German and Italian consulates with their offer of assistance, Villanueva Martínez 2003, p. 103. Indeed, some requetés enlisted to División Azul, but officially the Carlist executive discouraged recruitment, Canal 2000, pp. 348-349
291. it is not clear who nurtured the vision of requeté gathering intelligence for the British. The plans must have been serious, since Fal Conde and the Navarrese leader Joaquín Baleztema formally prohibited such activity and demanded neutrality, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 268
292. the print was named Boletín de Información del Requeté, Miralles Climent 2018, p. 158. It was undergoing the usual censorship and some issues were withdrawn, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 326
293. historiographic literature and prints from the era often refer to "requetés" attending various rallies. However, it is not clear whether they were members of existing Requeté organisation or rather members of numerous ex-combatant associations, named Hermandades; many of them, grouping combatants from particular battalions, were set up in the 1940s; they usually had no political flavor, Canal 2000, p. 346. Moreover, members of the Carlist academic organisation AET also sported military-like uniforms, which made them almost undistinguishable from requeté, compare e.g. a photo of AET militants in Manuel Martorell Pérez, Carlos Hugo frente a Juan Carlos. La solución federal para España que Franco rechazó, Madrid 2014, ISBN 9788477682653, p. 40. Moreover, it seems that in the mid-1940s in some regions AET and Requeté sections were merged, see ID card reproduced in Martorell Pérez 2014, p. 44
294. they were typically commemorative annual rallies in Montserrat, Montejurra or Poblet, also the annual feast known as Mártires de la Tradición, or minor local events, Miralles Climent 2018, p. 167, Canal 2000, p. 347. Requetés usually appeared uniformed, though their gear was highly irregular, at times home-made, and worn out; participants admitted with regret that they were no match for perfectly uniformed Falange units, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 233. Some claim that "even when, from 1959 on, uniformed requetés did begin to line up on the morning of Montejurra, the ceremony still remained much more relaxed than the strictly regulated events staged by the Government. Today ex-progresistas claim that these parades were far less disciplined and more shambolic than proud veteran requetés might like to admit", Jeremy MacClancy, An anthropological approach to carlism ritual. Montejurra during francoism, [in:] Violencias fraticidas: carlistas y liberales en el siglo XIX, Estella 2009, ISBN 9788423531653, p. 305
295. Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 60-70, 197, Miralles Climent 2018, pp. 62-125
296. "en el conjunto periodo un 70% de los registros que hacen referencia a la resistencia a la Unificacíon mencionan al requeté" Mercedes Peñalba Sotorrío, Entre la boina roja y la camisa azul, Estella 2013, ISBN 9788423533657, p. 102. At times Requetés refused to share the barracks with Falange units, Peñalba Sotorrío 2012, p. 105
297. internal FET statistics of conflicts devised a number of rubrics the categorize them, with headings like "Falange exige el sometimiento al requeté", "Catalanismo del requeté", or "apoyo del clero al requeté", Peñalba Sotorrío 2012, pp. 100-103
298. e.g. in 1940 requeté militants used to visit bookstores and demand that books of José Antonio Primo de Rivera and other pro-Falangist prints be removed from windows, otherwise "the Requeté police will come and burn you down", Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 234
299. some Carlist militants apparently enjoyed the fights, e.g. an account from 1947 reads that "era fantástico". It seems that participants were not uniformed (except berets); also, the person in question referred to himself and his colleagues as "jóvenes" (not requetes), Miralles Climent 2018, pp. 264-265, 298. Some Carlist cells proudly reported these engagements as their key activities, Miralles Climent 2018, p. 171. See also Villanueva Martínez 2003, p. 107
300. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 305. The leaders implicated were the member of local Navarrese Requeté leadership Juan Cruz Ancín, Miralles Climent 2018, p. 278, and Zamanillo, Villanueva Martínez 1997, p. 637
301. the last identified episode of street-fights involving requetés is from 1953, Miralles Climent 2018, p. 298
302. see e.g. a 1942 police report about "grupos clandestinos del Requeté", Miralles Climent 2018, p. 138. Some reports mention rather "elementos procedentes del antigue Requeté", which remain hostile to Caudillo, engage in subversive propaganda, and wear "their 'own' uniforms", Miralles Climent 2018, p. 131
303. Miralles Climent 2018, p. 382
304. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 209
305. "solían ser seguidos y observados por policías o emisarios del Gobernador Civil", Miralles Climent 2018, p. 167, for sample see e.g. Pensamiento Alaves 25.01.40, available here. However, at times the rallies ended in detentions, e.g. following a 1945 Mártires de la Tradición sermon in Madrid there were 32 participants detained; some were later sent to labor camps, Miralles Climent 2018, p. 167. At times even commemorative requeté rallies were banned, e.g. in 1946 the administration prohibited a Carlist rally in Vilalba de los Arcos, intended to honor the dead fallen during the battle of 1938; the order was enforced by Guardia Civil, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 320. At times officials who had permitted them were admonished, Miralles Climent 2018, p. 334. An attempt to open Museo del Requeté in Seville ended up in administrative forbiddance, Miralles Climent 2018, p. 393
306. Miralles Climent 2018, p. 298
307. this was the case of Luis Elizalde, Miralles Climent 2018, p. 396
308. the Carloctavistas formed a uniformed group styled as "Tercio Carlos VII". Some scholars claim that as most members of the public did not distinguish between various currents within Carlism, appearances of "Tercio Carlos VII" helped to enhance the public image of Carlism as such, Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 135
309. the Montejurra gathering of 1954 was reportedly attended by 12,000 requetés, García Riol 2015, p. 42. The figure seems overstated if applied strictly to Requeté members; it is not clear whether there were 12,000 requetés in entire Spain. The figure might stand also for ex-combatants or simply for militant Carlists
310. there were even much older Requeté members present in the organisation. Perhaps a unique case was this of Perico Olaortúa, a metalworking industry worker from Biscay, who was an active requeté in 1909, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 411
311. e.g. one scholar claims that apart from ceremonial duties, Requeté was partially turning into a mutual assistance organization, busy with day-to-day matters like common insurance, Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias. El carlismo, 1962–1977, Pamplona 1997; ISBN 9788431315641, p. 30
312. compare the image of somnabulic Carlist centres in the early 1950s as described by young party militants, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 380
313. Canal 2000, p. 356
314. e.g. in the early 1950s the Requeté jefé in Catalonia was Jesús Calderón, Vallverdú i Martí 2014, p. 136
315. e.g. in the town of Tudela, in the Carlist heartland Navarre, there was a group of requetés active in the early 1940s; in 1941 and posing as part of the state party, they issued an own bulletin, compare Todocolección service, available here. However, at some point later on the cell disappeared and there was no requeté group operational in the city until 1961, Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, La oposición al colaboracionismo carlista en Navarra, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 262 (2015), p. 800
316. e.g. during the carefully prepared inaugural address of Don Carlos Hugo at the summit of Montejurra in 1957, it was not the Requeté members but the AET affiliates who formed personal guard of the prince, Martorell Pérez 2014, p. 87
317. García Riol 2015, p. 42
318. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 435
319. Jacek Bartyzel, Żołnierz Tradycji. José Arturo Márquez de Prado (1924-2017), [in:] Myśl Konserwatywna service 20.06.17, available here
320. Vázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 72-74; for decisively anti-Juanista stand of Requeté, see also García Riol 2015, pp. 206-207. However, the 1959-established ex-requeté organisation Hermandad Nacional Monárquica del Maestrazgo was strongly leaning towards Don Juan, Ramón Rodón Guinjoan, Una aproximación al estudio de la Hermandad Nacional Monárquica del Maestrazgo y del Partido Social Regionalista, [in:] Aportes 88 (2015), p. 171. Also the Alfonsist press was careful to note all cases of alleged requeté support for Don Juan, see e.g. ABC 15.05.66, available here
321. Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El papel del carlismo navarro en el inicio de la fragmentación definitiva de la comunión tradicionalista (1957-1960), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 72 (2011), p. 405
322. Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El final de una ilusión. Auge y declive del tradicionalismo carlista (1957-1967), Madrid 2016, ISBN 9788416558407, pp. 72-74
323. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 95
324. José Martín Brocos Fernández, José Arturo Márquez de Prado y Pareja, [in:] Real Academia de Historia service, available here, also Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 435, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 120
325. José Martín Brocos Fernández, José Arturo Márquez de Prado y Pareja, [in:] Real Academia de Historia service, available here
326. Miguel Ayuso, El ultimo jefe de requetes, [in:] ABC 13.06.17, available here
327. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 30
328. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 476
329. Márquez de Prado first met Carlos Hugo in 1962. He concluded that the prince was unstable, had little if any public experience, no firm religious education, did not like history, did not know Carlism, did not know how to deal with people and the local Carlist jefes, and that in general, he was of "much smaller format" than his father, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 160
330. in the mid-1960s the purpose of Requeté was officially defined as "defender la integridad de nuestros sacrosantos ideales", which leads a present-day scholar to suppose that the organisation was gradually turning into sort of an internal Carlist "order of the faithful", "como una orden de caballería vinculada por sus juramentos, promesas y devoción a la la defensa de un ideario cuyo fundamento último era de orden espiritual", Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 122. See also "se podría afirmar que los Requetés se consideraban así mismos como los garantes de las más puras esencias del Carlismo. Eran "los cruzados de la Causa", los depositarios de la espiritualidad y la acción de todo lo carlista", García Riol 2015, p. 309
331. in the early 1960s Carlos Hugo, freshly arrived from France, was briefly hosted by Márquez de Prado. The then political guide of the prince, Massó, was seriously concerned that Márquez might ruin all of his own formative work, done to turn Carlos Hugo into a progressist, new-style Carlist. Massó judged that Márquez "estaba obsesionado con la guerra subversiva contrarrevolucionaria" and that he had to be isolated and contained. Eventually, Massó and his team "a los del Requetés de Pepe Arturo [Márquez de Prado] no les hacíamos ni caso; la gente que cogíamos era gente nueva o gente recuperada", Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 476
332. some scholars speculate that the hardline and militarist appeal of Requeté might have been the reason why the organisation "perdiese importancia en el seno del carlismo javierista", Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 122. However, other historians note some efforts to seize control over the organization by means of personal appointments, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 197
333. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 476
334. "Pepe Arturo [Márquez de Prado], era un hombre que necesitaba decir que la Universidad la controlaba él; era gente muy effectiva pero poco preparada políticamente; estaban al margen del carlismo de entonces, seguían pensando en un carlismo de guerra", opinion of one of the Huguistas, referred after Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 477
335. Juan Zavala Castella (1915-1975) was a requeté commander during the war and a professional military later, which might seem hardly compatible with Huguista concerns about excessive Requeté militarisation. He was the older brother of José María Zavala Castella (29 year old at the time), who formed the Huguista hard political core. Deputy jefé delegado was suggested to be José Cruz de Berasaluce, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 197
336. in late 1963 Márquez de Prado asked Valiente that local requeté jefes be appointed directly by Delegación Nacional de Requetés (it is not clear what was the mechanism of their appointments before). The Navarrese jefé Astraín claimed that Zamanillo was the true author of the concept, and warned Valiente that in Navarre there already was "Consejo del Requeté", bent on confronting political Comunión structures, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 190
337. Miralles Climent 2015, p. 223, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 251
338. e.g. in 1962 "fueron 2,000 los requetés uniformados" at the Montejurra ascent, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 300-301. In 1963 "a truckload of Sevillan requetés made the cross-country trip to attend Montejurra", MacClancy 2000, p. 135. Apart from ceremonial roles, uniformed requetés formed security guard during Traditionalist rallies and provided personal protection to members of the royal family when present, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 123
339. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 80-81. Elsewhere the author points to existence of the entire body, named Delegación Nacional, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 45
340. in 1962 Secretaría Nacional was divided into 4 departments, and one of them was for Requeté, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 165
341. in 1963 all party financial needs were estimated at 2,8m ptas; the Requeté needs were specified as 0,1m, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 178
342. at the same time he received from the claimant the Orden de la Legitimidad Proscrita, the highest Carlist award, Miguel Ayuso, El ultimo jefe de requetes, [in:] ABC 13.06.17, available here. It is not clear whether his decoration during the year of his destitution was the mark of disorientation within the party ranks, internal struggle, or cynical manoeuvring intended to ensure his compliance
343. Miralles Climent 2015, p. 223, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 251. Hermenegildo García Llorente was appointed "delegado adjunto", Sixto Barranco "delegado de infanteria militar", José Luis Díaz Iribarren secretary, Andrés Olona de Armenteras "inspector" and Emilió Marín de Burgos "inspector de pelayos", which suggests that the infantile section of Pelayos existed as sub-division of Requeté, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 126. Miguel de San Cristobál Ursua (1909-1993) was a landholder and aristocrat from Falces in southern Navarre; he is one of the least known Carlist militants of the era and one of the oldest members of the Huguista faction. A wartime requeté combatant, it seems that in the mid-1960s he was either disoriented or meek; when confronted with fronda within Requeté he asked Valiente for advice; the party leader suggested that Zavala was to deal with internal party matters and that San Cristobál should focus on propaganda issues, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 256. His later address at the summit of Montejurra, which caused enormous resistance among the Traditonalists, was most likely written by someone else, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 89
344. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 98
345. San Cristobál demanded that local juntas be formalized on all lower levels. He also launched preparations to political instruction classes ("cursos de formación"), and asked to create delegates for sports and infantile sub-sections. He declared that Junta Nacional would be busy mostly with information and propaganda, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 124
346. during the 1965 Asamblea Nacional de Requetés San Cristobál issued instructions to "crear un aorganización propia para su actuación dentro de un terreno de semi-clandestinidad"; so-called "grupos de acción" were to be formed in every province. They were supposed to engage in 5 types of activity: 1) organization; 2) education; 3) psychological warfare; 4) technical instruction (shooting, explosives, radiocommunication, driving, topografy) and 5) defense (espionage, counter-espionage, judical action), Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 125
347. during the Congress the attendees were asked to vote for one of 4 future paths of Requeté development. Buildup of "Grupos de Acción" was supported by 104 participants, with other options being that Requeté becomes an organisation "político-militar" (94), "social" (42), and "militar" (28), García Riol 2015, pp. 474-475
348. both the position of Delegado Nacional de Requetés was abandoned and the entire Delegación Nacional de Requetés was dissolved, Miralles Climent 2015, p. 224, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 275
349. Vallverdú i Martí 2014, p. 199
350. the 1965 address delivered by San Cristobál at Montejurra was one of the most controversial ever recorded during the history of the rally, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 89. The Traditionalists considered it scandalous as they perceived it as dismantling the basis of requeté identity. San Cristobal caused outrage as he declared that "con nuestros hijos están también, con nosotros, muchos hijos de quienes fueron nuestros enemigos hace veinticinco [in other accounts: veintitantos] años. Figuran entre las altas personalidades del carlismo hombres cuyos padres fueron fusilados por los nacionales", Martorell Pérez 2014, p. 210. It is not clear who personally was evoked in the second sentence. Full text of his address in Montejurra I/7 (1965), pp. 18-19
351. already in 1965 the Madrid Junta Provincial of Requeté protested against Secretaria taking all control of movement branches, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 478; in 1968 the same Madrid branch issued manifestos against "camarilla" of Carlos Hugo manipulating the movement into subversive, left-wing direction, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 230
352. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 255
353. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 279
354. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 121, see also p. 127
355. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 77
356. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 303
357. e.g. in 1971 a new Catalan executive did not include a representative for requeté, Vallverdú i Martí 2014, p. 226
358. until 1962 the nationwide organisation of ex-requeté combatants was led by Zamanillo; he was then succeeded by Julio Pérez Salas, Carlos Ponce de León, and since 1965 by Ignacio Romero Osborne, Marquéz de Marchellina (1903-1985), Canal 2000, p. 357
359. in 1971 a group signed as Dirección Nacional de Acción Política y Participación demanded immediate dismissal of Manuel Piorno, José María Zavala, Juan J. Palomino, Marqués de Marchelina, Elías Querejeta, Ricardo Ruiz de Gauna, Gabriel Zubiaga, Rafael Ferrando and Luis Doreste Machado, it is all members of Junta de la Hermandad Nacional de Antiguos Combatientes de Tercios de Requetés. Once Marchelina dismissed the claim the organisation premised were raided by police on grounds of subversive activity suspicion, and were eventually handed to Comisión Reorganizadora, headed by the one of the rebels, José María Codón. Merchelina set up a shadow organisation in France, García Riol 2015, pp. 313-320, The entire ex-combatant movement was always prone to fragmentation, e.g. in 1959 some pro-Juanista Carlists set up Hermandad Nacional Monárquica del Maestrazgo, Ramón Rodón Guinjoan, Una aproximación al estudio de la Hermandad Nacional Monárquica del Maestrazgo y del Partido Social Regionalista, [in:] Aportes: Revista de historia contemporánea 30/88 (2015), p. 171. Hermandad de Cristo Rey, another organisation created in 1962, was also from the onset tending towards Juanismo, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 37. In 1968 it issued a statement that Carlos Hugo was "neither a Spaniard nor a Carlist heir", García Riol 2015, p. 239
360. García Riol 2015, pp. 313-320
361. e.g. in 1969 representatives of Hermandad de Maestrazgo were admitted by Don Juan Carlos shortly after his taking oath as the future king of Spain, Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 177
362. Hermandad de Maestrazgo was revitalized in the 1970s, possibly in collusion with state services, as the new Carlist pro-Francoist organization, Canal 2000, p. 374. It remained very active until 1973, Vallverdú i Martí 2014, pp. 262-263. Some scholars refer to "Operación Maestrazgo", a state-aided attempt to re-channel Carlist mobilisation from Partido Carlista to new, pro-Francoist structures, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 193, 234-237
363. a lengthy 1971 document named Declaracíon al I Congreso del Pueblo Carlista did not mtention Requeté a single time, Josep Carles Clemente, Historia del carlismo contemporaneo, 1935-1972, Barcelona 1977, ISBN 8425307597, pp. 327-336. Another lengthy document from 1972, Linea ideológica del carlismo, approved at the II Congreso del Pueblo Carlista, contained outline of the party organization but failed to mention Requeté, Clemente 1977, pp. 342-350
364. Miralles Climent 2015, p. 515
365. Miralles Climent 2015, p. 272
366. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 230-232, García Riol 2015, p. 321
367. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 158. At one point it seemed that even San Cristobál might get involved; in 1972 Fal Conde corresponded with San Cristobál on re-establishing Carlist structures based on a Requeté organization, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 180
368. other signatories included Hermenegildo García Llorente, José María Vázquez de Prada Juárez, Luis Ulloa Messeguer, Antonio Fernández Cortés and Federico Ferrando Sales, García Riol 2015, p. 323.
369. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 138
370. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 271
371. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 264
372. the episode is highly unclear, though most sources point to foreign mercenaries and aged former combatants rather than to young militants involved on part of Don Sixto. Some, however, assume their presence and speculate that the shooting might have been accidental, as "jóvenes requetés que se hallaban con don Sixto no tenían verdadera instrucción militar" and might have fired in panic, Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 623
373. ABC 17.11.81, available here
374. the specific date was related to the 50th anniversary of the Carlist rally at an estate known as Quintillo, which at the time sent shock waves across most of Spain, ABC 18.05.84, available here
375. e.g. a Navarrese Hermandad de Caballeros Voluntarios de la Cruz used to organize public sermons in Pamplona in the late 1970s, Fernando Mikelarena, Víctor Moreno, José Ramón Urtasun, Carlos Martínez, Pablo Ibáñez, Txema Aranaz, ¿Qué esconde la Hermandad de Caballeros Voluntarios de la Cruz?, [in:] NuevaTribuna service 22.10.18, available here, but later moved to rather defensive positions, e.g. protesting against perceived attempts to wipe them out form history, Fernando Mikelarena, Víctor Moreno, José Ramón Urtasun, Pablo Ibáñez, Carlos Martínez, Ángel Zoco, La connivencia de la Iglesia con la Hermandad de Caballeros Voluntarios de la Cruz, [in:] NuevaTribuna service 31.10.18, available here
376. e.g. Hermandad del Tercio de Requetés de Nuestra Senyora de Montserrat was and is legal owner of the Requeté Mausoleum, built in the Montserrat complex. In the early 1990s it re-published an account of the wartime past of the battalion, Salvador Nonel Brú, El Laureado Tercio de Requetés de Nuestra Senyora de Montserrat, Barcelona 1992
377. ABC 30.09.95, available here
378. ABC 26.04.95, available here
379. ABC 25.09.14, available here
380. see e.g. the death notice reproduced in Ha mort Felio Vilarrubias Solanes, glòria catalana d'Espanya, [in:] DolcaCatalunya blog 10.04.19, available here
381. for samples in popular press see e.g. Raúl Limón, Los campos de concentración de Franco: así eran y así se sobrevivía, [in:] El País 08.09.15, available here, Federico Cocho, Lo que pasó en Galicia prueba la intención exterminadora del golpe, [in:] El Mundo07.08.11, available here, Leandro Alvarez Rey, La represión franquista en Andalucía fue un genocidio, [in:] El Diario 15.10.16, available here
382. the the monument bore an inscription “Recuerdo de la 4. ca del Requeté Alavés / Excmo. Ayuntamiento de Montragón (Guipúzcoa) 8 Oct. 1936”, Altar de requetés en Isuskitza, [in:] Frentes de Euzkadi service 08.02.09 (link to http://frentesdeeuzkadi... blocked by WP)
383. the original stone which honored Joaquín Muruzabal, considered the first fallen requeté of the civil war, was erected in late 1936, see Francisco Javier Lizaraza Inda, [in:] Fundación Ignacio Larramendi service, available []. It was destroyed by unknown perpetrators at after the fall of Francoism. The local Carlist group re-erected the stone, which was also destroyed some time afterwards. The third stone was erected in the place in 2018, see e.g. Acto en memoria del Requeté, Joaquín Muruzábal, caído en Leiza (Navarra) en 1936, [in:] Navarra Informaciónes 25.08.12, available here
384. Xurxo M. Ayán Vila, Sonia García Rodríguez, Ha llegado España: Arqueología de la memoria nacionalcatólica en Euskadi, [in:] Arqueo Web 17 (2016), pp. 206-238
385. Acció antifeixista de recuperació de la Memòria Històrica, [in:] Indymedia service 03.09.05, available here
386. Ernai derriba por la fuerza una cruz franquista en Ondarroa, [in:] Cadenaser service 14.01.19, available here
387. e.g. in Bilbao the local self-governments removed names like “Calle Tercio Ortiz de Zárate”, “Calle Tercio N.S. del Camino”, Jesús Alonso Carballés, La evolución de la memoria de la Guerra Civil en el espacio urbano de Bilbao: una mirada comparativa, [in:] Cahiers de civilisation espagnole contemporaine 5 (2009), available online here
388. e.g. the Madrid authorities re-named a street commemorating a local requeté Aurelio González de Gregorio, Antonio Ortiz Mateos, Pervivencia del franquismo en el callejero madrileño, Madrid 2015, p. 20
389. e.g. in the town of Beasaín a street named “Calle Oriamendi” has been re-named, Aitor González de Langarica Mendizábal, Virginia López de Maturana Diéguez, Catálogo de símbolos y monumentos públicos extistentes en Euskadi que supongan una exaltación de la Guerra Civil y de la Dictadura, Vitoria-Gazteiz 2016
390. e.g. in the town of Andoaín a bridge named “Puente de Navarra” is considered remnant of the Francoist heritage; before 1936 the bridge was named “Puente del Matadero Viejo”. Similarly, in Elgoibar “Plaza Navarra” is marked for removal, González de Langarica, López de Maturana 2016, pp. 222, 273
391. see González de Langarica, López de Maturana 2016
392. this was the case of a Zaragoza street honoring Agustina Simón in Zaragoza, a Carlist Margarita captured by the Republicans during the battle of Belchite and executed. As municipal authorities have not re-named the street, the Spanish Senate investigated the delay, El Senado pide explicaciones al Ayuntamiento de Zaragoza por mantener a catorce franquistas en su callejero, [in:] Publico service 24.05.20, available here
393. it was originally claimed that the name honors the requeté unit Tercio de Montejurra; eventually it was agreed that the name refers to a mountain in Navarre, site of a bloody civil war battle of 1873 and a Carlist icon, and as such does not fall into the remnants of Francoism rubric, Manuel Martorell, "Patinazo histórico" al calificar de franquista la batalla de Montejurra, ocurrida en 1873, [in:] CuartoPoder service 12.02.16, available here
394. e.g. in the town of Codo, site of heavy battle fought by the requeté Tercio de Montserrat, the street which honored the unit was re-named to “Calle Montserrat”
395. Santander comienza a retirar los monumentos a las Legiones Italianas y a los Caídos en la IV División de Navarra, [in:] El Diario Cantabria 10.01.17, available here
396. José Domínguez, Bilbao eliminará el último vestigio franquista que hay en su territorio, [in:] El Correo service 02.05.18, available here
397. Aitor Zabala, Adiós a los símbolos franquistas, [in:] El Diario Vasco 05.03.14, available here
398. Mercedes Vázquez de Prada Tife, La guerra civil. Historia Ilustrada de Navarra, Pamplona 1993, ISBN 8460474135, p. 614
399. wherever possible, inscriptions have been covered with sheets of material or plaster; however, some items - like a huge painting on the cupola - are still visible
400. Jokin Lekumberri, ‘Los Caídos’, el enorme monumento franquista que podría ser derribado, [in:] La Vanguardia 10.05.20, available here
401. NA+ apuesta por mantener el edificio de Los Caídos de Pamplona, recuperar su uso y reurbanizar la zona, [in:] Navarra Informaciones 01.07.20, available []
402. Pablo Planas, "Descubren" otro mausoleo franquista en el monasterio de Montserrat, [in:] Libertad Digital 23.08.18, available here
403. El monumento de los requetés de Montserrat que el Parlament quiere retirar, [in:] El Nacional service 18.10.18, available here
404. Piden a Subdelegación que prohíba acto fascista en el cementerio de Granada, [in:] La Vanguardia 15.07.20, available here.
405. Celebración del 18 de Julio en Granada, [in:] Reino de Granada service 20.07.20 (link to https://reinodegranada... blocked by WP)
406. Sentencia inaudita contra el documentalista Clemente Bernard, [in:] Zurbau service 23.04.19, available here. Eventually, the fine of 6,000 euros was paid thanks to a crowdfunding initiative, see here
407. in 2018 a copy of previously destroyed stone - currently the third one - has been erected. For the original stone, erected in 1936, see here
408. for a sample, see here
409. Jaime Ignacio del Burgo requiere a la presidenta del parlamento de navarra para que retire el cuadro de una exposicion que calumnia, [in:] La Tribuna del País Vasco service 19.04.16, available here
410. the president of Navarrese parliament Aihnoa Aznáres declared that "no es cierto que en dichos textos se diga que la sublevación del 19 de julio en Pamplona y la posterior represión fue responsabilidad de los requetés carlistas de Del Burgo", Del Burgo se da por satisfecho tras el acto de conciliación con Ainhoa Aznárez en el juzgado, [in:] Navarra El Español service 17.06.16, available here
411. see a compilation of press snippets in a brochure Madrid carlista. Especial debate. Hoja informative del Partido Carlista de Madrid, Madrid 2017, available online here
412. Fernando Mikelarena, Víctor Moreno, José Ramón Urtasun, Carlos Martínez, Pablo Ibáñez, Txema Aranaz, Polifonía del negacionismo carlista, [in:] LibertaTe service 20.01.17, available here
413. Beatriz Arnedo, Navarra Suma demandará al socialista Santos Cerdán por llamar "fascista" a Iñaki Iriarte, [in:] Diario de Navarra service 21.10.19, available herel
414. Moncloa no ve delito en el acto de Leitza al primer requeté muerto tras el golpe de 1936, [in:] Noticias de Navarra 01.02.20, available here
415. in Navarrese cities located within the Basque ethnic zone, like Vera de Bidasoa, Elizondo or Leitza, Bildu councillors ar usually most vehement when it comes to eradicating Carlist heritage. For a sample related to Leitza see Martxelo Díaz, El Gobierno no ve delito en el acto de exaltación fascista de Leitza, [in:] Naíz 31.01.20, available 66jkl77. The campaign is part of the general Bildu stand against the Spanish rule in Navarre, see e.g. David López Fríaz, En el archipiélago navarro de Bildu: pueblos donde se odia todo lo español pero se insulta en castellano, [in:] El Español 03.08.19, available []
416. see numerous articles aimed against Carlism at the official web page of Ateneo Basilio Lacort, available here
417. see numerous articles aimed against Carlism at the official web page of Asociación, available here
418. for references to requeté crimes and atrocities in general works on rearguard violence during the Spanish civil war see e.g. Paul Preston, El holocausto español, Madrid 2017, ISBN 9788483068526. Numerous works refer to requeté terror against the Basque population, see e.g. Iñaki Egaña, Los crímenes de Franco en Euskal Herria, 1936-1940, Pamplona 2009, ISBN 9788481365597, though also works focused on other regions list requetés as agents of terror, for Andalusia see e.g. Francisco Cobo Romero, La represión franquista en Andalucía: balance historiográfico, perspectivas teóricas y análisis de los resultados, Sevilla 2012, ISBN 9788493992606. Even some works focused on specific municipalities provide accounts of requeté violence, see e.g. Gabriel García de Consuegra Muñoz, Fernando López López, Angel López López, La represión en Pozoblanco (guerra civil y posguerra), Córdoba 1989, ISBN 8486137160
419. the key example is Fernando Mikelarena Peña, Sin piedad: Limpieza política en Navarra, 1936. Responsables, colaboradores y ejecutores, Pamplona 2015, ISBN 9788476819166. Numerous other works published by the Navarrese publishing house Editorial Pamiela contain accounts of requeté violence
420. see e.g. numerous articles published on the official website of Comunión Tradicionalista, available here
421. see e.g. Patxi Ventura, Respuesta al Ateneo Basilio Lacort y a las reflexiones de sus miembros, [in:] Partido Carlista service, available here
422. “en los últimos años de ha hablado mucho de lo que se ha llamado ‘la memoria histórica’, aunque lo que se indica normalmente por este término no tiene nada que ver ni con la memoria ni con la historia. La verdadera memoria es un recuerdo individual de las personas que hav vivido y [asado por une experiencia determinada”, wrote Stanley G. Payne in his prologue to a 950-page volume containing wartime recollections of requetés and margaritas; none of them contains paragraphs on repressive actions, Pablo Larraz Andía, Víctor Sierra-Sesumaga, Requetés: de las trincheras al olvido, Madrid 2011, ISBN 9788499700465, p. 11
423. see e.g. calculations of José Manuel Pérez Carrera, referred after Manuel Morales, 70 novelas al año en España sobre la Guerra Civil, [in:] El Pais 19.10.18
424. Carlism is mentioned just once in Raquel Macciuci, María Teresa Pochat (eds.), Entre la memoria propia y la ajena. Tendencias y debates en la narrativa española actual, La Plata 2010. It is entirely missing in Mar Langa Pizarro, La novela histórica española en la transicióñ y en la democracia, [in:] Anales de Literatura Española 17 (2004), pp. 107-120
425. "moros y requetés" are twice listed among victorious Nationalist troops entering Mágina, a fictitious town identified by scholars as Úbeda; it was the moment which commenced Francoism in the town, the period depicted in the novel as a dark period of hopeless misery
426. in the novel a requeté is dancing over the grave of a Communist guerillero. The writer in public dubbed the Carlists “fascists”, see interview with Almudena Grandes, El País 13.2.16
427. among Manichean personalities of the novel requetés and Carlists are presented as villains. "La caracterización de los personajes de esta obra es, con frecuencia, maniquea y estereotipada. A quienes vivieron en tiempos de la Guerra Civil el autor los separa en grupos contrapuestos: vencedores y vencidos", Amaia Serrano Mariezkurrena, La memoria histórica inspiradora de la ficción en Antzararen Bidea (El camino de la oca) de Jokin Muñoz, [working paper delivered at a Conference Siglos XX y XXI. Memoria del I Congreso Internacional de Literatura y Cultura Españolas Contemporaneas, La Plata 2008], no pagination
428. Javier Ichaso, a mutilated requete combatant from an earlier novel Un millón de muertos, started to write a novel on the Civil War; it was guided by the principle that only love ensures progress. He also concluded that the Civil War "no fue una guerra de «buenos» y «malos», sino de malos en ambas partes". According to some scholars, Javier became alter ego of Gironella himself, Sara Polverini, Letteratura e memoria bellica nella Spagna del XX secolo: José María Gironella e Juan Benet, Firenze 2013, ISBN 9788866554844, p. 21
429. the novel is written by an Uruguayan descendant of a requeté; portrated as key protagonist of the novel, the Carlist ex-combatant realizes injustice of the war, Alberto Irigoyen narra las experiencias de un emigrante navarro en "El requeté que gritó Gora Euskadi", [in:] Euskalkutura 06.06.06
430. the novel is based on a true story of Ignacio Larramendi. Its protagonist is a teenage boy who travels across the war mayhem trying to find his older requeté brother. The author is a former ETA member
431. Pascual Tamburri, Falsificar el carlismo para combatir lo mejor de sus ideales, [in:] La Tribuna del País Vasco service 03.01.17, available here
432. year / month(s)
433. number of soldiers in Carlist units; combatants in non-Carlist units forming the Nationalist troops excluded
434. killed, wounded and missing
435. includes the category known as KIA and combatants counted as MIA and presumed POWs executed by the enemy
436. heaviest fighting took place in the mountain range known as Peña de Aya (especially at Monte Pikoketa), and on approaches to Andoain, Renteria and the Irún suburbs of San Marcial and Behovia
437. in some cases battalion names are applied retrospectively; companies or irregular sub-units which formed them were at the time known rather as components as "Columna Beorlegui", "Columna Los Arcos", "Columna Galbis" , "Columna Iruretagoyena" or similar, see e.g. Julio Aróstegui, Combatientes Requetés en la Guerra Civil española, 1936-1939, Madrid 2013, ISBN 9788499709970, pp. 234, 299. Units listed emerged in course of the second half of 1936 or even later
438. total number of troops commanded by Beorlegui, Aróstegui 2013, p. 171. Navarra was some 550 men, Aróstegui 2013, pp. 164-166, Lácar was 850 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 195, Montejurra was 660 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 234, S. Miguel was 380 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 265, S. Fermin was 200 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 293
439. detailed figures unknown. After the entire Gipuzkoa Campaign (including the Deva Line combat) the Navarra battalion reported total losses as 250 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 176. Lácar reported 230 losses before engagement in the Deva Line, Aróstegui 2013, p. 202. Details for other units unknown
440. detailed figures unknown. The usual ratio of KIA to all losses was around 20%
441. locations hosting major combat were (proceeding from South-East towards Bilbao, and also from early April till early June) Ochandiano, Aramayona valley, Peñas de Amboto, Monte Saibigain, Amorebieta, Monte Urcullu and Peñas de Lemona. The campaign was a series of maneouvres targeting specific valleys and mountain ranges, with no particular battle climax recorded
442. Camino 200 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 321, S. Ignacio 380 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 480; Lácar 420 men, Aróstegui 2013, pp. 206-207; Montejurra 690 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 238; S. Miguel 440 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 270, Navarra 300 men (?), Aróstegui 2013, p. 177; Oriamendi 600 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 466, Zumalacarregui 570 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 488
443. there is no available information on total losses. It is typical to encounter references to "excepcional dureza" of combat, Aróstegui 2013, p. 271; in case of S. Ignacio a scholar claims that the unit was "almost destroyed", Aróstegui 2013, p. 482; even single incidents claimed 8-11 KIAs, Aróstegui 2013, pp. 177, 208; the Montejurra battalion lost 100 men (including 40 KIA) at Monte Urcullu only, Aróstegui 2013, p. 241. Hypothetical extrapolation of partial data would produce the figures of slightly above 1,000 losses
444. partial and anecdotic data in Aróstegui 2013, pp. 177, 208, 238, 241, 270, 321, 467-468, 482, 489
445. Carlist battalions were deployed at separate though not distant points: M.d. Molina in Quinto del Ebro, Montserrat in Codo, M.d.l. Nieves and Almogavares both in Belchite
446. in August 1937 Republican army commenced a strategic advance across Aragon, with the objective of taking Zaragoza
447. the battle was very brief and extremely fulminant; it took place in 3 days between August 24 and 26. Much stronger Republican troops rolled over the outnumbered Nationalist defence; at all 3 strongholds the requetés resisted until they were almost totally encircled, and then attempted a breakthrough to own lines
448. some battalions remained below nominal strength and consisted of 2 companies as they were in the process of being formed; Montserrat was 200 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 690; N.S.d.Molina was 530 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 545; Almogavares was 200 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 578; strength of M.d.l.Nieves is unclear, Aróstegui 2013, pp. 408-9
449. Montserrat lost almost 200 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 690; Molina lost 240 men, Aróstegui 2013, pp. 546-547; Almogavares lost 240 men, Aróstegui 2013, pp. 579-580; for M.d.l.Nieves data unclear
450. it is known that Montserrat lost 110 to 140 KIA, Aróstegui 2013, p. 692, and M.d.Molina lost 240 KIA, Aróstegui 2013, pp. 546-547. KIA for Almogavares and M.d.l.Nieves unclear, but both units were almost wiped out
451. La Muela is a small plateau just West to the city of Teruel
452. climax of the battle fell on the second week of January 1938
453. Navarra 770 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 182; Lácar 740 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 213; Montejurra 600 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 246; N.S.d.Camino 660 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 333; Virgen Blanca 460 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 450; Oriamendi 530 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 471; Begoña 560 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 500
454. total losses are not known; estimate based on extrapolation of Navarra battalion losses, which were 197 casualties, Aróstegui 2013, p. 183
455. totals unknown. Navarra recorded at least 51 KIA, Aróstegui 2013, p. 183; Begoña reported at least 25 KIA, Aróstegui 2013, p. 500; data for the other 5 battalions unknown
456. Carlist troops, based around Gandesa and Bot, were to seize the hilly area known as Vertice Gaeta in the North (battalions of Alcazár, Cristo Rey, N.S.d. Pilar) and the mountain ranges of Sierra de Caballs and Sierra de Pandols in the East (battalions of Burgos-Sanguesa, Montejurra, Lácar)
457. heaviest fighting took place in early September and at the turn of October and November; during much of October some of the battalions remained in reserve, while other army units were manning the frontline
458. Lácar 800 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 221; Montejurra unclear; Cristo Rey 400 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 681; Burgos-Sanguesa 600 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 606; Alcazar 570 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 664; N.S.d.Pilar 720 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 532; there was an autonomour 8. Company of Alava engaged with some 250 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 796
459. Lácar in September only lost 180 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 222; single incidents produced losses of 10-15 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 223; Alcazar was reduced to a half, Aróstegui 2013, p. 665; Pilar lost 340 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 533; 8.Alava lost 64, Aróstegui 2013, p. 796; Burgos-Sanguesa recorded "gran numero de bajas", Aróstegui 2013, p. 606, while in case of Montejurra it was "relativamente pocas bajas", Aróstegui 2013, p. 254
460. information on KIA is fragmentary, though it is known that some units were losing 20-30 men during single tactical engagements, e.g. Lacar lost 25 KIA during assault on cota 361, Aróstegui 2013, p. 222. At various points in time Lácar reported 40 KIA, Montejurra 10 KIA, Cristo Rey 10 KIA, Burgos-Sanguesa 30 KIA, 8.Alava 20 KIA, Alcazar 40 KIA, N.S.d.Pilar 50 KIA
461. Carlist troops advanced along a lengthy frontline of some 150 km and there is no specific battle to be singled out; some battalions were engaged in the Southern counties of Reus and Valls, while some advanced through Northern comarcas of Seu d'Urgell and Olot
462. N.S.d. Pilar was withdrawn already in mid-January, Virgen Blanca and Oriamendi left in mid-Feb; the remaining battalions remained in Catalonia until mid-March
463. Lácar 960 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 225; Montejurra 600 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 256; Mola 870 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 643; other battalions unknown, but supposed to be in full 5-company-strength
464. some tercios reported 60 casualties each during their Catalan advance, e.g. Mola claimed 59 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 644, and N.S.d.Pilar claimed 63 men, Aróstegui 2013, p. 533. Data for other tercios assumed to be comparable
465. totals unknown. S.Miguel reported 21 KIA, Aróstegui 2013, p. 281; Mola reported at least 11 KIA, Aróstegui 2013, p. 644; Oriamendi reported at least 10 KIA, Aróstegui 2013, p. 474; figures for other 5 battalions assumed to be comparable

Further reading

• Julio Aróstegui, Combatientes Requetés en la Guerra Civil española, 1936-1939, Madrid 2013, ISBN 9788499709758
• Julio Aróstegui, La tradición militar del carlismo y el origen del Requeté, [in:] Aportes 8 (1988), pp. 3-24
• Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931-1939, Cambridge 2008, ISBN 9780521207294
• Eduardo G. Calleja, Julio Aróstegui, La tradición recuperada. El Requeté carlista y la insurrección, [in:] Historia contemporánea 11 (1994), pp. 29-54
• Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias. El carlismo, 1962–1977, Pamplona 1997, ISBN 9788431315641
• Josep Carles Clemente, La insurgencia carlista. Los grupos armados del carlismo: el Requeté, los G.A.C. y las F.A.R.C., Cuenca 2016, ISBN 9788416373031
• Manuel Ferrer Muñoz, Carlismo y violencia en la II República: 1931-36, la organización del Requeté vasco-navarro, [in:] Historia 16/194 (1992), pp. 12-20
• Maximiliano García Venero, Historia de la Unificación, Madrid 1970
• Eduardo González Calleja, Contrarrevolucionarios. Radicalización violenta de las derechas durante la Segunda República 1931-1936, Madrid 2011, ISBN 9788420664552
• Eduardo González Calleja, Paramilitarització i violencia politica a l'Espanya del primer terc de segle: el requeté tradicionalista (1900-1936) , [in:] Revista de Girona 147 (1991), pp. 69-76
• Eduardo González Calleja, La razón de la fuerza: orden público, subversión y violencia política en la España de la Restauración, Madrid 1998, ISBN 9788400077785
• Daniel Jesús García Riol, La resistencia tradicionalista a la renovación ideológica del carlismo (1965-1973) [PhD thesis UNED], Madrid 2015
• Pablo Larraz Andía, Víctor Sierra-Sesumaga, Requetés: de las trincheras al olvido, Madrid 2011, ISBN 9788499700465
• Jeremy MacClancy, The Decline of Carlism, Reno 2000, ISBN 9780874173444
• Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis UNED], Valencia 2009
• Manuel Martorell Pérez, Retorno a la lealtad; el desafío carlista al franquismo, Madrid 2010, ISBN 9788497391115
• Josep Miralles Climent, El Carlismo frente al estado español: rebelión, cultura y lucha política, Madrid 2004, ISBN 9788475600864
• Josep Miralles Climent, El carlismo militante (1965-1980). Del tradicionalismo al socialismo autogestionario [PhD thesis Universidad Jaume I], Castellón 2015
• Josep Miralles Climent, La rebeldía carlista. Memoria de una represión silenciada: Enfrentamientos, marginación y persecución durante la primera mitad del régimen franquista (1936-1955), Madrid 2018, ISBN 9788416558711
• Ramón María Rodón Guinjoan, Invierno, primavera y otoño del carlismo (1939-1976) [PhD thesis Universitat Abat Oliba CEU], Barcelona 2015
• Ferrán Sánchez Agustí, El Requetè contra Franco: el carloctavisme, [in:] Daniel Montañá Buchaca, Josep Rafart Canals (eds.) El carlisme ahir i avui, Berga 2013, ISBN 9788494101700, pp. 167-178
• Robert Vallverdú i Martí, La metamorfosi del carlisme català: del "Déu, Pàtria i Rei" a l'Assamblea de Catalunya (1936-1975) , Barcelona 2014, ISBN 9788498837261
• Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El final de una ilusión. Auge y declive del tradicionalismo carlista (1957-1967) , Madrid 2016, ISBN 9788416558407
• Aurora Villanueva Martínez, Organizacion, actividad y bases del carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo, [in:] Geronimo de Uztariz 19 (2003), pp. 97–117

External links

• (in Spanish) Requetés