Partido da Imprensa Golpista

Partido da Imprensa Golpista (PiG, English: Pro-coup Press Party) is a term used by left-wing Brazilian websurfers since 2007 to characterize an alleged attitude of the Brazilian mass media towards President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva during the 2006 presidential election.[1][2][3] The term was popularized by journalist Paulo Henrique Amorim in his blog.[4] Whenever he uses the term, Amorim writes it with an "i" in lowercase as a pun with the name of the web portal "iG". where he was a journalist before he was dismissed on March 18, 2008, which he describes as a process of "ideological cleansing".[5][6]

Partido da Imprensa Golpista by Carlos Latuff.

The term is also used by journalists Luiz Carlos Azenha and Rodrigo Vianna on their blogs, which also helped to spread its popularity.[7][8][9][10]

The term gained notoriety when it was first used in the Brazilian Congress in a speech by Pernambuco Congressman Fernando Ferro, a member of the Workers' Party.[11][12] He said that film director and Rede Globo commentator Arnaldo Jabor should run for "President of the PIG".[13]

Definition

Paulo Henrique Amorim explains the expression whenever he uses it in his articles. According to him, "In no serious democracy in the world, conservative, low-quality and even sensationalistic newspapers, and one single television network matter as much as they do in Brazil. They have become a political party – the PiG, Pro-coup Press Party".[14] Amorim said that some politicians have become part of the PiG. He said that "the political parties are no longer an instrument of the coup but they have become the coup itself. Pretending [to do] objective journalism, they not only do the job of a press that omits information; but do the job of a press that lies, distorts and deceits. Former President FHC was among the first politicians who realized that the political strength he needed could be found in the PIG, and thus nowadays he enjoys the image of being a prominent world leader".[15]

Historical background

Paulo Henrique said that the mainstream Brazilian press historically defends coup d'états whenever the Brazilian President is not elected from among members of the ruling elites. The PIG, according to Amorim, had its origin with Carlos Lacerda, whom he says "helped to kill Getúlio Vargas". It continued its "struggle against democracy" throughout the governments of Juscelino Kubitscheck and João Goulart, when finally "it openly defended and promoted the Brazilian military putsch of March 1964". According to him, the mass media also "hammered Rio's governor Brizola throughout his two terms in office, and now conspires against Lula".[15] Political scientist Wanderley Guilherme dos Santos, who predicted the overthrow of President João Goulart in 1964, said in an interview with CartaCapital in 2005 that the "mainstream media led Vargas to commit suicide based on nothing; it almost prevented Juscelino from taking office based on nothing; it led to Jânio resignation, taking advantage of his craziness, based on nothing; it tried to prevent Goulart's inauguration based on nothing".[16]

Inconsistencies of the term creator

In September 1998, on the eve of the dispute between Lula (Brazilian left candidate, from PT party) and FHC (seen as the right candidate, but with center-left trend, from PSDB party), Amorim led a crusade against Lula on TV Bandeirantes. In an ongoing battle, Amorim attacked Lula in all editions of the main news program of Bandeirantes.[17][18] Lula sued Paulo Henrique Amorim and TV Bandeirantes, who apologized to PT publicly. When the PT was in opposition, Amorim attacked Lula. However, after the PT went into government, Amorim became his staunch supporter.[17][18]

About the resignation of the IG portal, the site has a page that informs simply discontinued the contract with the journalist:

Over time, contract costs and market conditions made it impossible to maintain it. Taking the decision , all termination conditions are met and the journalist properly indemnified . Employees of the blog "Conversa Afiada" blog, present at the headquarters of IG at the time it was dispatched the notice of termination, and the site removed from the network, were given the opportunity to take away the materials needed, but they did not. Paulo Henrique Amorim preferred to act under the force of a warrant of search and seizure to remove their belongings and copy the file from his site, what he could have done without judicial review. Discontinue collaboration is part of corporate life and the lives of journalists . Paulo Henrique has gone through companies such as Editora Abril, Jornal do Brasil, TV Globo, TV Bandeirantes, TV Cultura and TV UOL " - all supposedly part of the "party media coup.[19]

In 2012, Amorim was ordered to pay compensation of R$30,000 to journalist Heraldo Pereira (Globo), having stated on his blog that Pereira was a "black with white soul," which was considered a manifestation of racism, at a session held in Justice Court of the Federal District.[20][21]

Role of the internet

According to writer Fernando Soares Campos, "without the internet, Lula would have hardly been elected; if he had, he would not take office; if he had taken office, he would have been ousted with ease". He argues that "the PIG is strong, is Goliath, but the internet is filled with Davids". Campos says that the mere existence of the internet interferes with the monopoly of information by large media groups, and this interference hampers coups.[22]

Supposed members

According to Paulo Henrique Amorim, only three Brazilian families control the mainstream Brazilian media: the Marinhos (Roberto Marinho, Organizações Globo), the Mesquitas (Julio de Mesquita, Grupo Estado) and the Frias (Octávio Frias, Grupo Folha). According to Amorim, they dominate and condition news in Brazil, through their various newspapers, radio stations, news agencies and internet blogs. They have provoked what Amorim calls "a massacre" of the smaller Brazilian regional press, as a consequence of the control they exert on all of the mainstream information, in order to manipulate the Brazilian public opinion.[15]

Professor Sérgio Mattos, writing in 2005 on media control and censorship in Brazil and elsewhere, also cited the influence of these tycoons, adding, however, two other groups:

The Marinho family has always been close to the political power, taking advantage of the privileged position that helped it to build and dominate the Brazilian communications industry. However, other families also maintain the concentration of media ownership in the country, such as the Civita, owners of the Abril Group, the Sirotsky, of the RBS Group, the Frias, of the Folha Group, among other regional groups in the ownership of multimedia networks.[23]

Mattos's work precedes the creation of the term "PIG" and although talk about the manipulation of information by the media, is much more a warning about the dangers of state control (open or hidden) over the press, warning which was hailed as "very useful" in the book review done by the newspaper Folha de S. Paulo in 2006.[24]

In May 2013, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Brazil, Joaquim Barbosa, in a speech in Costa Rica during World Press Freedom Day, said that there is a lack of political and ideological diversity in the Brazilian press and identified a right-wing bias in that group:

(...)I would point out to the weak political and ideological diversity in the press business. Brazil now has only three major national and broad sheets, all of them more or less leaned to the right in the field of ideas.[25]

Criticism

As one of the main drivers of the acronym "PiG", Paulo Henrique Amorim is accused by the conservative journalist Reinaldo Azevedo of promoting two eternal campaigns: one electoral, and another against the newspaper Folha de S. Paulo and its managing editor. Azevedo said that everything would be done under the auspices of the Brazilian Government, through the advertising budget of a state bank, the Caixa Econômica Federal.[26] According to opponents of the term, the press denounces irregularities in public administration, like several well-known cases of corruption. J.R. Guzzo, "Veja"'s columnist, questioned the term "PiG", saying that when the press publishes complaints it is accused by the government of "destabilizing" Brazil. So, the use of the term would be an attempt to put the population against the press.[27]

According to journalist Pedro Doria, the manifestation of an ideological polarity is intolerant and unable to explain a complex social reality.[28][29] Sergio Leo believes that the mainstream press is too complex to be labeled this way because it would encompass very different opinions and agendas.[30]

However, the President of the Associação Nacional de Jornais – ANJ ("National Newspaper Association") Maria Judith Brito said the Brazilian press has assumed the role of a political agent in the 2010 presidential election. Brito is an executive of the Folha de S. Paulo newspaper and was once a candidate for councilwoman for the Workers' Party.[31] Brito said that the media has taken on the role of the opposition to the Lula administration:

Press freedom is a greater good that should not be limited. In this general right, the counterpoint is always a question of media responsibility and, of course, the media are doing, in fact, the role of opposition in this country since the opposition is deeply weakened. And this role of opposition and investigation, no doubt, greatly bothers the government.[32]

About Brito's speech, journalist Luciano Martins Costa of Observatório da Imprensa said that:

The biggest risk to the press comes from the press itself, when the newspapers come together to act as a political party.(...) When the press abandons its axis, we all lose. Especially the press.[33]

gollark: *magic*
gollark: ????
gollark: Monadicitude.
gollark: I'm sure you can make haskell basically C.
gollark: The UK is pretty horrible for that sort of thing.

See also

References
  1. Francisco Fernandes Ladeira (2012-01-31). Observatório da Imprensa (ed.). "Um peso e várias medidas" (in Portuguese). Archived from the original on 2012-02-07. Retrieved 2012-01-31. Opiniões alternativas ao status quo são, propositalmente, ignoradas. Afinal, não vivemos em um país democrático? Diante dessa realidade, não é por acaso que o acrônimo PIG – partido da imprensa golpista – tem sido cada vez mais utilizado no Brasil.
  2. Gilberto de Souza (2012-01-22). Correio do Brasil (ed.). "As Ilhas Malvinas e o fim do Império Britânico na América Latina" (in Portuguese). Retrieved 2012-01-31. No Brasil, o mesmo esquema, patrocinado por Londres e Washington, sacramentou o império da Rede Globo e a ascensão de outras poucas empresas do hoje conhecido Partido da Imprensa Golpista (PIG), em um movimento semelhante ao ocorrido na vizinhança.
  3. Bahia Todo Dia (ed.). "'O PIG é o Partido da Imprensa Golpista'" (in Portuguese). Retrieved 2012-01-31. Responsável pela popularização da sigla PIG (Partido da Imprensa Golpista) - usada para se referir a órgãos de imprensa considerados tendenciosos -, o jornalista Paulo Henrique Amorim esteve em Salvador no último dia 8 de julho
  4. "Conversa Afiada". Archived from the original on 2011-02-24.
  5. Paulo Henrique Amorim (2008-03-29). "Esclarecimento III" (in Portuguese). Archived from the original on April 26, 2008. Retrieved 2013-04-13.
  6. Altamiro Borges (2010-05-20). "Altamiro Borges: Limpeza ideológica?" (in Portuguese). viomundo.com.br. Retrieved 2013-04-13.
  7. "Lula é ovacionado de pé na OIT, PIG na internet "não sabe"" (in Portuguese). viomundo.com.br. Archived from the original on 2011-07-14. Retrieved 2010-01-17.
  8. "EDUARDO GUIMARÃES E O PIG DO EQUADOR" (in Portuguese). viomundo.com.br. Retrieved 2010-01-17.
  9. "Imprensa golpista ontem e hoje: como enfrentar o PIG?" (in Portuguese). rodrigovianna.com.br. Archived from the original on 2011-07-06. Retrieved 2010-01-17.
  10. "TIM, Oi e Telefonica querem dar golpe na Confecom: elas já entraram para o PIG? Vamos reagir!" (in Portuguese). rodrigovianna.com.br. Archived from the original on 2011-07-06. Retrieved 2010-01-17.
  11. PT na Câmara (ed.). "Energia, trabalho e cidadania" (in Portuguese). Archived from the original on 2012-10-20. Retrieved 2012-01-31. É um dos maiores críticos da mídia conservadora, para a qual criou a sigla PIG (Partido da Imprensa Golpista), que se tornou bastante popular na Internet.
  12. Luiz Carlos Azenha (April 12, 2012). "Fernando Ferro: "Se tiver alguém do PT envolvido nisso, na investigação vai aparecer"" (in Portuguese). viomundo.com.br. Retrieved April 14, 2012. (...)foi o criador do famoso PIG, o Partido da Imprensa Golpista, para se referir a grupos de mídia que se engajaram em campanhas contra o governo do ex-presidente Lula, algumas delas baseadas em fiapos de informação, quando não em fantasias
  13. "Deputado sugere Partido da Imprensa com Jabor na presidência". Vermelho. September 20, 2007. Archived from the original on 2011-07-06. Retrieved April 29, 2009.
  14. Translated from: "Em nenhuma democracia séria do mundo, jornais conservadores, de baixa qualidade técnica e até sensacionalistas, e uma única rede de televisão têm a importância que têm no Brasil. Eles se transformaram num partido político – o PiG, Partido da Imprensa Golpista." Archived 2010-01-14 at the Wayback Machine
  15. UCB. Paulo Henrique Amorim fala sobre “PIG” e jornalismo na Internet. Brasília: Oficina de Produção de Notícias, Curso de Comunicação Social, Universidade Católica de Brasília; October 27, 2009
  16. Dias, Mauricio. FHC apoiaria “Golpe Branco.: Wanderley Guilherme dos Santos, entrevista à Carta Capital, 10 de junho de 2005. São Paulo: Revista Carta Capital, 10 de junho de 2005 Archived 2011-07-06 at the Wayback Machine
  17. Complaint against Lula paralyzes campaign
  18. Paulo Henrique Amorim is the bravest journalist from Brazil to attack the reputation of the opposition
  19. The IG departure of Paulo Henrique Amorim
  20. Paulo Henrique Amorim pay compensation for racism
  21. Paulo Henrique Amorim is convicted of libel against Heraldo Pereira
  22. Campos, Fernando Soares (May 19, 2009). "Sem a internet, Lula já teria caído". Observatório da Imprensa. ISSN 1519-7670. Archived from the original on May 27, 2009. Retrieved 2012-12-28.
  23. Mattos, Sérgio (2005). Mídia controlada: a história da censura no Brasil e no mundo (in Portuguese). Paulus. p. 142. ISBN 8534924074.
  24. Carlos Eduardo Lins da Silva (2006). "Livro acende o necessário debate em torno da censura" (in Portuguese). Folha de S. Paulo. Archived from the original on 2007-09-22. Retrieved 2012-05-06.
  25. "Draft Speech of Justice Joaquim Barbosa, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Brazil" (pdf). 2013-05-03. Retrieved 2013-05-18.
  26. Reinaldo Azevedo (2010-05-26). "Paulo Henrique Amorim works for PT". Veja (in Portuguese). Editora Abril. (in Portuguese)
  27. J.R. Guzzo (2009-07-22). "Gente do ramo". Veja. Editora Abril. Archived from the original on 2009-07-25. From hearing what they are saying in the government and its surroundings, for example, journalists are among the worst disasters that this country has to face at the moment, more or less at the same level occupied by the white elite of the South and other enemies of popular causes.
  28. Ideological intolerance and the world as it is
  29. Pedro Doria. "Not Corporatist" (in Portuguese).
  30. Sergio Leo (2009-04-08). "Blogs and journalism, one can not be another - or not" (in Portuguese).
  31. Osamigosdopresidentelula.blogspot.com, ed. (2005-11-17). "Os Amigos do Presidente Lula: A dona Judith Brito que você não conhece" (in Portuguese). Retrieved 2011-03-10.
  32. Tatiana Farah (2010-03-18). "Entidades de imprensa e Fecomercio estudam ir à Justiça contra Plano Nacional de Direitos Humanos". O Globo (in Portuguese). Archived from the original on 2011-07-06. Retrieved 2010-03-30.
  33. Luciano Martins Costa (2010-03-25). Observatório da Imprensa (ed.). "Imprensa versus governos" (in Portuguese). Archived from the original on 2010-06-02. Retrieved 2010-03-30.
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