Kaduna Mafia

The Kaduna Mafia (not a criminal organisation)[1][2][3] is a loose group of Nigerian businessmen, civil servants, intellectuals and military officers from Northern Nigeria, who resided or conducted their activities in Kaduna, the former capital of the region towards the end of the First Republic.

Kaduna Mafia
Founded1966
Founding locationKaduna, Northern Nigeria
Years active20th century–present
EthnicityHausa-Fulani, Kanuri, other regional minorities
MembershipUnknown

Similar to the Sicilian Mafia, the group shares features of omertà, ethnicity, and patronage. It is believed the resentment of competing interests led to the creation of the acerbic idea of a clique gaining headway through its closeness to power and thereby approximating resources of the state under the banner of capitalism.

Usage of the term Mafia

The term Kaduna Mafia was supposedly popularised by journalist, Mvendaga Jibo.[4]

History

Context

The challenges to Ahmadu Bello of the transition from colonial rule to self-government laid in his role as a member of the traditional ruling establishment. He was confronted with either maintaining the caliphal structures under British rule or modernise administrative structures of the traditional institutions to provide them with power of utility. It is argued that the introduction of reforms of the institutions saved them from withering away. Traditional authority has continued to play a central role in Northern society since the time of Ahmadu Bello, despite continuing reforms.

The creation of the civil service during the period of Ahmadu Bello is one of his major achievements. He regarded the northern civil service as a meritocracy, which should be above petty political quarrels, and certainly above corruption. The civil service had a rigorous code of ethics, and came to serve as a counterbalance to both politicians and traditional leaders. The trans-ethnic nature of the civil service provided the backbone for Northern Regionalism and for northern development efforts, which were based on the principle of equal distribution of opportunities. The technical and administrative skills of the civil service were essential to a large-scale political community, and the willingness to take assignments outside of the capital city was part of the ethos. The civil service provided a smooth transition from colonial rule to Independence, and an equally smooth transition from Northern Regionalism to the creation of states and the consolidation of Nigerian federalism. Perhaps the key to the effective functioning of the civil service was its apparent balance in terms of sub-regional zones, its transcendence of sub-regional interests, and its ability to incorporate intergenerational cohorts into a cohesive whole. His insistence that the next generation of traditional leaders be western educated set the stage for the transition to their subsequent roles.

The first generation of northern civil servants (i.e. those born in the decade from about 1910–1920: Tafawa Balewa, Yahya Madawaki, Isa Kaita, Abubakar Imam) tended to be cohorts from Katsina College, and had good personal relationships with their colleagues (including Ahmadu Bello) who had gone into political life. 

The second generation of northern civil servants (i.e. those born from 1920–1930, and reaching senior status in the service during the transition to independence such as – Mohammed Bello, Muhammadu Dikko Yusufu, Hassan Katsina) tended to have familial connections and were also part of the Katsina-Kaduna-Zaria education axis, they had close working relations with their “seniors” (the first generation) in the civil service and in the political realm. 

The third generation of northern civil servants (i.e. those born from 1930–1940 and entering the senior service after independence) tended to have overseas educational experience, and there was often a sharp difference in perspective from those in the first and second generations. This generation of Northerners went on to form the core of the Kaduna Mafia.

Origins

The origins of the Kaduna mafia revolves around the fall of the First Republic. The assassination of Ahmadu Bello and other northern leaders prodded a group of young northerners to rally around and oppose the military government of General Aguiyi Ironsi. This group, a diverse mixture of aristocrats and civil servants who were predominantly Muslim and based in Kaduna. It is important to note that a dichotomy exists between the traditional ruling establishment and the mafia, despite an interconnection.[5]

This group was educated mostly in the United Kingdom, and had connections with the Ahmadu Bello University in Zaria.[6] They were known for their intelligence, commitment to the traditional values and socio-political interests of Northern Nigeria and their internal camaraderie. Following the rise of the Second Republic members became involved in varied aspects of the Nigerian nation, they were bank directors, cabinet members, military colonels and owners of business; their main differentiating symbol metamorphosed into the prominence of economic interest as a driving factor in their activities.[7]

Military era

The group supposedly achieved most success during the military regime of General Obasanjo, where many of its members were appointed to key positions of power and used its alliance to obtain patronage and disburse favour to friends and associates.

Democratic era

The group returned to prominence during the administration of President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua. And later in 2015, during the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari.[8]

List of notable members
gollark: But cut off at the end somehow.
gollark: See, much simpler.
gollark: =tex \frac{\left( x-2\right)\cdot-1}{6}\cdot\left( x-3\right)\cdot\left( x-4\right)+2\cdot\left( x-1\right)\cdot\left( x-3\right)\cdot\left( x-4\right)+\frac{\left( x-1\right)\cdot-9}{2}\cdot\left( x-2\right)\cdot\left( x-4\right)+\frac{\left( x-1\right)\cdot8}{3}\cdot\left( x-2\right)\cdot\left( x-3\right)
gollark: Er, expressions.
gollark: Hmm, it may have dropped a bit, I think I accidentally put in two of the equations.

References
  1. Secrets of the Kaduna Mafia. Calabar, Nigeria: Panamora Books,. 1987.CS1 maint: extra punctuation (link)
  2. "Kaduna mafia: Metamorphosis of a power broker » Arewa Live » Tribune Online". Tribune Online. 2018-11-18. Retrieved 2020-01-26.
  3. Jega, Mahmud (2016-10-22). "From Kaduna Mafia to Caliphate". Daily Trust. Retrieved 2020-01-26.
  4. Graf, William (1988). The Nigerian State: Political Economy, State Class and Political System in the Post-Colonial Era. Currey. p. 172. ISBN 9780852553138.
  5. Jega, Mahmud (2016-10-22). "From Kaduna Mafia to Caliphate". Daily Trust. Retrieved 2020-04-04.
  6. Daura, Mamman. "Ibrahim Tahir: An Appreciation by Mamman Daura". Gamji.
  7. "The Power Game: Kaduna Mafia' and the Church in Nigeria".
  8. "Rulers of Nigeria: The 10 most powerful persons in Buhari's govt". Punch Newspapers. Retrieved 2020-01-26.
  9. "How Mamman Daura became 'Nigeria's most powerful nephew'". TheCable. 2016-10-21. Retrieved 2020-01-26.

Further reading
  • Shehu Shagari, Beckoned to Serve Heinamann
  • Patrick Fagbola, Kaduna Mafia, Heinemann (1987)
  • Bayo Ogunjimi, The Herd Instinct and Class Literature in Nigeria Today, A Journal of Opinion > Vol. 20, No. 2 (1992)
  • Shehu Othman, Classes, Crises and Coup: The Demise of Shagari's Regime, African Affairs > Vol. 83, No. 333 (1984)
  • Josephn Kenny, Sharīa and Christianity in Nigeria: Islam and a 'Secular' State, Journal of Religion in Africa > Vol. 26, Fasc. 4 (Nov 1996)
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