Iloikop wars

The Iloikop wars were a series of wars between the Maasai and a community referred to as Kwavi and later between Maasai and alliance of reformed Kwavi communities. These were pastoral communities that occupied large tracts of East Africa's savanna's during the late 18th and 19th centuries. These wars occurred between c.1830 and 1880.[1][2][3]

For these communities, a delicate balance existed between the amount of pasture land required for successful pastoralism and the number of men and animals available to exploit it effectively. It has been suggested that the Iloikop wars resulted from demographic pressure within these societies leading to congestion and conflict.[4]

The Iloikop wars ended in the 1870s with the defeat and dispersal of the Laikipiak. However, the new territory acquired by the Maasai was vast and left them overextended thus unable to occupy it effectively.[5]

Background

Nile records indicate that the three decades starting about 1800 were marked by low rainfall levels in regions south of the Sahara. East African oral narratives and the few written records indicate peak aridity during the 1830s resulting in recorded instances of famine in 1829 and 1835 in Ethiopia and 1836 in Kenya. Among Kenyan Rift Valley communities this arid period, and the consequent series of events, have been referred to as Mutai.[6]

A feature of the Mutai was increased conflict between neighboring communities, most noted of these has been the Iloikop wars. Earlier conflicts preceding the wars appear to have brought about the pressures that resulted in this period of conflict. Von Höhnel (1894) and Lamphear (1988) recorded narratives concerning conflict between the Turkana and Burkineji or at least the section recalled as Sampur that appear to have been caused by even earlier demographic pressures.

Turkana - Burkineji conflict

Turkana narratives recorded by Lamphear (1988) provide a broad perspective of the prelude to the conflict between the Turkana and a community he refers to as Kor, a name by which the Turkana still call the Samburu in the present day.

By the end of the Palajam initiations, the developing Turkana community was experiencing strong ecological pressures. Behind them, up the escarpment in Karamoja, other evolvig Ateker societies such as the Karimojong and Dodos were occupying all available grazing lands. Therefore Turkana cattle camps began to push further down the Tarash, which ran northwards below the foothills of the Moru Assiger massif on their right and the escarpment on their left. As they advanced, the Turkana came to realize they were not alone in this new land. At night fires could be seen flickering on the slopes of nearby mountains, including Mt. Pelekee which loomed up in the distance directly before them...

— John Lamphear, 1988[7]

Lamphear notes that Tukana traditions aver that a dreamer among them saw strange animals living with the people up in the hills. Turkana warriors were thus sent forward to capture one of these strange beasts, which the dreamer said looked 'like giraffes, but with humps on their backs'. The young men therefore went and captured one of these beasts - the first camels the Turkana had seen. The owners of the strange beasts appear to have struck the Turkana as strange as well. The Turkana saw them as 'red' people, partly because of their lighter skin and partly because they daubed their hair and bodies with reddish clay. They thus gave them the name 'Kor'. Lamphear states that Turkana traditions agree that the Kor were very numerous and lived in close pastoral association with two other communities known as 'Rantalle' and 'Poran', the names given to the Cushitic speaking Rendille and Boran communities.[7]

According to Von Höhnel (1894) "a few decades" prior, the Burkineji occupied districts on the west of the lake and that they were later driven eastwards into present day Samburu. He later states that "some fifty years ago the Turkana owned part of the land on the west now occupied by the Karamoyo, whilst the southern portion of their land belonged to the Burkineji. The Karamoyo drove the Turkana further east, and the Turkana, in their turn, pushed the Burkineji towards Samburuland".[8]

Fragmentation

According to Maasai traditions recorded by MacDonald (1899), the expansion of early Eloegop (Loikop) communities into a society occurred from a base east of Lake Turkana on three fronts.[9]

Pushing southward from the country east of Lake Turkana the Loikop conquered a number of communities to occupy the plateaus adjacent to the Rift Valley.[9] On the eastern escarpment, one front occupied the plateau now known as Laikipia and brought the Ogiek there under their patronage. Another front continued the southward expansion to the southern plateaus, as far as or even beyond Mount Kilimanjaro. The third front occupied the western escarpment, conquering the 'Senguer' people who dwelt on the plateau now known as Uasin Gishu and almost annihilated this community.[9]

This expansion was followed by the development of three groupings within the Loikop society. The Sambur who occupied the 'original' country east of Lake Turkana as well as the Laikipia plateau. The Guash Ngishu occupied the grass plateaus of the Uasin Gishu and Mau while the Maasai territory extended from Naivasha to Kilimanjaro.[9] The mythological rendition of this account as record by Straight et. al (2016) states that "three Maa clan clusters – Loiborkineji, Maasai, and Laikipiak – came out together...from the (baobab) Tree of Tangasa".[10]

Krapf writing in the mid-19th century, recognized two notable pastoral population groups in the East African hinterland. One of these, whom he referred to as Wakuafi (Kwavi) had territory that lay on the "broad, level, pasture land, which stretches to the south-east of the White Mountain". He noted that this district "is called Kaptei or Kaputei". He also noted that the "chief seat of the Masai" then was at "...mountain Samba", located south-west of Oldoinio eibor.[11] Krapf states in a different account that "regarding Oldoinio eibor it is necessary to remark that by this term is meant the Kirénia or Endurkenia, or simply Kenia, as the Wakamba call it..."[12]

Maasai - Kwavi war: c.1830s

Enkangelema war

Contemporary understanding of the wars indicates that the Enkangelema sections of the Maasai occupied the steppes today known as the Nyika plateau. They were pushed out of the plateaus in the 1820s and 30s, most of the survivors fleeing westwards to Taveta or south to join the Parakuyo.[13][14]

Ludwig Krapf (1854) recorded accounts of the Engánglima from Lemāsěgnǒt whose father was "Engobore, an Mkuafi of the tribe Engánglima" who had "married a woman in the Interior near Oldoinio eibŏr (white mountain)" by whom he got his son, Lemāsěgnǒt. Krapf notes that Engobore resolved to reside at a place called Muasuni which was situated on the upper course of the Pangani river in the vicinity of the kingdom of Usambara when he returned from the interior. Krapf states that "the reason which had induced Engobore to join the nomadic settlement of the Wakuafi tribe Barrabuyu...was because his own tribe Engánglima had during his stay in the interior been nearly annihilated by the wild Masai". His account of his informant alludes to a corporate identity that he refers to as 'Wakuafi' which had within it at least two sections, that he refers to as Engánglima and Barrabuyu.[2]

Krapf noted that the Enganglima territory occupied the vast territory situated between Usambara, Teita and Ukambani. Thompson in 1883 wrote of the 'Wa-kwafi' and their territory which by his description is roughly contiguous with Engánglima territory as mentioned by Krapf. Thompson states that, "The original home of the (Wa-kwafi) was the large district lying between Kilimanjaro, Ugono and Parè on the west, and Teita and U-sambara on the east. This large region is known to the Masai as Mbaravui.[3]

Krapf notes that the Engánglima;

...first received a mortal blow from their brethren the Masai, and afterwards from the united forces of the Wakamba, Wanika, Wasuahili and Wateita (and) in consequence of this disastrous catastrophe either disappeared, or retreated to the territory of other Wakuafi in order to escape utter destruction...

— Ludwig Krapf, 1854[15]

According to Thompson's account, a 'series of misfortunes' fell upon the Kwavi about 1830 leading to the eventual collapse of the community. He states that;

In a great war-raid against the Wa-gogo to the south they suffered a severe repulse, and great numbers were slaughtered. The same disaster fell upon them shortly after, in a raid against their brethren of Kisongo. The saying that misfortunes never come singly was well exemplified by their case, for nature took up the work of ruin. A cloud of locusts settled on the land, and left not a blade of grass or other green thing, so that the cattle died in enormous numbers through starvation. While the Wa-kwafi were in this unhappy plight, the Masai of the plains to the west fell upon them and smote them hip and thigh, and thus broke up and revenged themselves upon the most powerful division of the tribe...

— Thompson, 1883[3]

This attack and the subsequent scattering of the Kwavi were noted by other writers about the same time...

In the course of time, the Masai, emerging from the west, swept over the open plains, smote the Wakwavi and scattered them to the winds, leaving however the Wataveta in the forest fastness in perfect security. The Wakwavi, robbed of all and completely broken up, some wandered this way and some that, while some turning to their friends the Wataveta, asked and found refuge with them. Ever since, the two peoples have lived together, assimilating more and more to each other's habits and modes of life...

— New, 1873 [16]

Outcome

A number of traditions agree that the Kwavi were ejected from their homes, leading to the scattering of this community. The areas were depopulated and were for a time known as the Wakuafi wilderness. In 1857, after having depopulated the "Wakuafi wilderness" in what is now southeastern Kenya, Maasai warriors are reported to have threatened Mombasa on the Kenyan coast.

Reformation: c.1840/50's

Loikop identity

According to Thompson's narrative, the Kwavi were not entirely annihilated 'for a large division of the clan kept together, and contrived to cut their way through Kikuyu and to reach Lyikipia where they settled. Another section crossed the meridional trough and reached the opposite half of the plateau in Guas' Ngishu'.[3]

In both districts, they found superb grazing-grounds and plenty of elbow-room, and there for a time they remained quietly, and increased rapidly in numbers.

— Joseph Thompson[3]

Stigand recorded traditions regarding "the old Laikipia Masai,the Loikop". According to his informants, the "country north of Gilgil and extending from this place to the Borana was in the old days called Laikipia". He notes that the "Masai inhabitants of this tract of land were called 'Loikop' or 'the people of the country called Laikipia'".[17]

Stigand's accounts portray a picture of significant military activity during the reformation period. He portrays raiding activity directed north, east and south.

...As to the Loikop, they seem to have become very powerful, and their raids are alleged to have extended eastwards into Somaliland. Anyhow it is certain they raided down to Ngong, and the Borana say that they reached as far as Dirri, east of Lake Stephanie, at which place the Borana were on the verge of falling back still further before them, when they decided to make a last stand. So collecting all available men from far and wide, and many horses, they managed to drive them back out of their country

— Chauncy Hugh Stigand, 1913[18]

Loikop expansion

According to traditions recorded by MacDonald in the late 19th century, Loikop society expanded their territories south from a base east of Lake Turkana. This expansion was followed by the development of three groupings within the Loikop society. The Sambur who occupied the 'original' country east of Lake Turkana as well as the Laikipia plateau. The Uasin Gishu occupied the grass plateaus of the Uasin Gishu and Mau while the Maasai territory extended from Naivasha to Kilimanjaro.[19] Traditions note that at the time of this division of communities, there was a certain internal jealousy that gradually developed into open conflict.[20]

Samburu historians interviewed by Straight et. al (2016) aver that the Sambur had separated from a larger agglomeration known as the Loiborkineji in the wake of the 1830s mutai. This was just after the 'Lkipiku' generation had been initiated.[21] According to a Samburu Laibon interviewed by Fratkin (2011), the Sambur 'Il Kipkeku' age-set were warriors during the period c.1837-1851.[22]

Hollis in his account of the Maasai recorded similar narratives occurring about the same time. He notes "that about 1850 the Turkana drove the most westerly branch of the Masai from the west, to the south of (Lake Turkana)". He states that "somewhere about the same period - at the time an old man can remember according to the native expression - the Masai dwelling on the Uasin Gishu plateau attacked those of Naivasha". The Maasai of Naivasha would later ally with those of Kilimanjaro.[23]

Laikipiak wars: c.1860/70's

Maasai - Laikipiak war

According to Thompson's account, the reformed Kwavi communities, resident on the Laikipia and Uasin Gishu plateaus would later form an alliance (Laikipiak) to take on the Maasai.

At last their wars began again. Grown bold, they attacked the Masai about fifteen years ago...The Masai were at first beaten, but fighting with the stubborness of despair, they disputed every foot of the ground. They were driven from the whole of Naivasha and Kinangop, and their enemies still victorious, carried the war into Kapte. Matters now changed however. The Masai of the entire region to the south gathered together and came to the assistance of their brethren of Kapte. Soon the tables were turned and the Wa-kwafi were gradually forced back.

— Joseph Thompson, 1883[3]

Other contemporary writers mentioned this conflict; for instance MacDonald on his 1897 -1899 expedition to Juba recorded traditions regarding the annihilation of the Uasin Gishu (Kwavi) people.

Civil war broke out between the Masai and Guash Ngishu who were helped by their kinsmen of Lykipia. After some initial defeats, the Masai detached the Sambur of Lykipia from the hostile alliance and then crushed the Guash Ngishu so utterly that the latter could no longer hold their own against the dispossessed Nandi and their kindred, and ceased to exist as a tribe.

— MacDonald, 1889[24]

Stigand (1913) also made note of the decision and intention of the Laikipiak to "attack and completely overwhelm the southern Masai...that they might cease to exist as a tribe". However, "when the southern Masai heard that they were coming, they combined together and came forth to meet them. They met the Loikop north of Nakuru...". Stigand gave a detailed account of the battle, one that has been retold since within a number Kenyan of communities.[25]

On his trek past 'Giligili' in 1883, Thompson noticed "an ernomous Masai kraal, which could not have held less than 3000 warriors, and then some distance beyond appeared another of equal, if not larger dimensions." On inquiry, Thompson learned that these were the respective camps of the Masai of Kinangop and Kapte, on the one hand, and the Masai (Wa-kwafi) of Lykipia on the other. He was told that this was; "During one of their long periods of deadly fighting, in which they thus settled down before all their cattle, and fought day after day, till one gave in".[3]

Sambur wars

Suk- Sambur conflict

MacDonald notes that during a civil war that pitted an alliance of the Laikipiak and Guas Ngishu against the Masai, the Masai suffered some initial defeats, before they "detached the Sambur of Lykipia from the hostile alliance and then crushed the Guas Ngishu so utterly that the latter could no longer hold their own against the dispossessed Nandi". However;

The Sambur weakened by the civil war were attacked by the Suk who lived on the southern portion of the Karamoja plateau, and were being expelled by an advancing Karamojo wave. Under the pressure of the Karamojo the Suk migrated west and conquered from the enfeebled Sambur that portion of the meridional rift north of Lake Baringo,thus practically cutting of the Sambur of Njemps from those of (Lake Turkana)...

— MacDonald, 1889 [26]

Beech (1911) noted congruent traditions among the Pokot. According to Pokot traditions; "at a time when the Suk nation was being evolved in the mountains of the Elgeyo escarpment the Kerio Valley was occupied by the Sambur". These traditions portray the Sambur as a more powerful community who harried the 'Suk' whenever they ventured into the Kerio Valley. There came a time when "there arose a wizard among the Suk who prepared a charm in the form of a stick, which he placed in Samburu cattle kraals, with the result their cattle all died. They (Suk) thereupon left the Kerio Valley and formed a large settlement at En-ginyañg". Beech states that En-ginyañg was a place located about thirty miles north of Lake Baringo. He notes all other names of places in the vicinity are 'Suk' but that En-ginyang is a Samburu word meaning crocodile.

According to his informants, the Sambur retreated eastward into present day Samburu country following the defeat at En-ginyang, while "a small minority...fled southwards and became the En-jemusi".[27]

Suk/Turkana - En-jemusi conflict

Beech notes that the Suk were raided by the Laikipia, seemingly soon after their taking of En-ginyañg. They fled back to Kapukōgh in Uganda via "their mountains" and remained there for two years. They then returned at settled at Ribko where they made friends with the Turkana who were then living at Sogota and on the lower river Kerio. Beech notes that about fifty years prior (i.e c.1860 -1870) the Suk and Turkana combined to raid the 'En-jemusi'. The two communities subsequently quarrelled and the Turkana were driven back to Sogota.[28] MacDonald's description portrays fairly small communities at the time..

...the isolated Sambur of Njemps were shorn of their power under the attacks of two small villages near the south of Lake Baringo.

— MacDonald, 1889 [29]

Sambur - Rendille war

The Sambur of Lykipia, weakened by war and isolation and impoverished by cattle plague, were in turn subject to attacks by the Rendille, and are now almost if not quite destroyed.

— MacDonald, 1889 [30]

Outcome

The Maasai acquired swathes of new land following success in the Iloikop Wars of the 1870s, however this created problems as they were unable to successfully occupy their new territories. By the early 1880s, Kamba, Kalenjin and Kikuyu raiders were making inroads into Maasai territory, and the Maasai were struggling to control their resources of cattle and grazing land.[31]

Only two Loikop sections, Parakuyo and Sampur, managed to survive the Iloikop wars as intact pastoralist communities. By the end of the nineteenth century however, Maasai, and many outside observers began to think of all non-Maasai Loikop as socially inferior sub-set of the now dominant Maasai community.[32]

References

1. "Lenana Laibon". culture.unesco.go.ke. Kenya National Commission for UNESCO. January 29, 2019. Retrieved August 17, 2019.
2. Krapf, Johann Ludwig (1854). Vocabulary of the Engutuk Eloikob Or of the Language of the Wakuafi-nation in the Interior of Equatorial Africa. Austria: Fues. p. 4–5.
3. Thompson, Joseph (1887). Through Masai land: a journey of exploration among the snowclad volcanic mountains and strange tribes of eastern equatorial Africa. Being the narrative of the Royal Geographical Society's Expedition to mount Kenia and lake Victoria Nyanza, 1883-1884. London: S. Low, Marston, Searle, & Rivington. p. 241.
4. Waller, Richard (1976). "The Maasai and the British 1895-1905. the Origins of an Alliance". The Journal of African History. 17 (4): 532. JSTOR 180738.
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6. Fukui, Katsuyoshi; Markakis, John (1994). Ethnicity & Conflict in the Horn of Africa. Oxford: James Currey Publishers. p. 67. ISBN 9780852552254.
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10. Straight, Bilinda; Lane, Paul; Hilton, Charles (2016). ""Dust people": Samburu perspectives on disaster, identity, and landscape". Journal of Eastern African Studies. 10 (1): 173. doi:10.1080/17531055.2016.1138638.
11. Krapf, Ludwig (1860). Travels, researches, and missionary labours, during an eighteen years' residence in Eastern Africa. London: Trübner and co. p. 142.
12. Krapf, Johann Ludwig (1854). Vocabulary of the Engutuk Eloikob Or of the Language of the Wakuafi-nation in the Interior of Equatorial Africa. Austria: Fues. p. 9–10.
13. Markakis, John (2004). Pastoralism on the margin. Minority Rights Group International. p. 6. ISBN 9781904584230.
14. Jennings, Christian (2005). "Introduction" (PDF). Scatterlings of East Africa: Revisions of Parakuyo Identity and History, c. 1830-1926 (PhD). The University of Texas at Austin. p. 95. Retrieved August 21, 2019.
15. Krapf, Johann Ludwig (1854). Vocabulary of the Engutuk Eloikob Or of the Language of the Wakuafi-nation in the Interior of Equatorial Africa. Austria: Fues. p. 5.
16. Markakis, John (2004). Pastoralism on the margin. Minority Rights Group International. p. 7. ISBN 9781904584230.
17. Stigand, C.H (1913). The land of Zinj, being an account of British East Africa, its ancient history and present inhabitants. London: Constable & Company ltd. p. 206–207.
18. Stigand, C.H (1913). The land of Zinj, being an account of British East Africa, its ancient history and present inhabitants. London: Constable & Company ltd. p. 207.
19. MacDonald, J.R.L (1899). "Notes on the Ethnology of Tribes Met with During Progress of the Juba Expedition of 1897-99". The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. 29 (3/4): 240. doi:10.2307/2843005. JSTOR 2843005.
20. MacDonald, J.R.L (1899). "Notes on the Ethnology of Tribes Met with During Progress of the Juba Expedition of 1897-99". The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. 29 (3/4): 240. doi:10.2307/2843005. JSTOR 2843005.
21. Straight, Bilinda; Lane, Paul; Hilton, Charles (2016). ""Dust people": Samburu perspectives on disaster, identity, and landscape". Journal of Eastern African Studies. 10 (1): 179. doi:10.1080/17531055.2016.1138638.
22. Fratkin, Elliot M. (2011). Laibon: An Anthropologist's Journey with Samburu Diviners of Kenya. Smith College: Rowman Altamira. p. 20. ISBN 9780759120679.
23. Hollis, Alfred Claud (1905). The Masai; their language and folklore. Oxford: The Clarendon Press. p. xv.
24. MacDonald, J.R.L (1899). "Notes on the Ethnology of Tribes Met with During Progress of the Juba Expedition of 1897-99". The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. 29 (3/4): 240. doi:10.2307/2843005. JSTOR 2843005.
25. Stigand, C.H (1913). The land of Zinj, being an account of British East Africa, its ancient history and present inhabitants. London: Constable & Company ltd. p. 207–208.
26. MacDonald, J.R.L (1899). "Notes on the Ethnology of Tribes Met with During Progress of the Juba Expedition of 1897-99". The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. 29 (3/4): 240. doi:10.2307/2843005. JSTOR 2843005.
27. Beech, M.W.H (1911). The Suk; their language and folklore. Oxford: The Clarendon Press. p. 4–5.
28. Beech, M.W.H (1911). The Suk; their language and folklore. Oxford: The Clarendon Press. p. 4–5.
29. MacDonald, J.R.L (1899). "Notes on the Ethnology of Tribes Met with During Progress of the Juba Expedition of 1897-99". The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. 29 (3/4): 240. doi:10.2307/2843005. JSTOR 2843005.
30. MacDonald, J.R.L (1899). "Notes on the Ethnology of Tribes Met with During Progress of the Juba Expedition of 1897-99". The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. 29 (3/4): 240. doi:10.2307/2843005. JSTOR 2843005.
31. Waller, Richard. "The Maasai and the British 1895-1905. the Origins of an Alliance." The Journal of African History 17, no. 4 (1976): 529-53. https://www.jstor.org/stable/180738.
32. Jennings, Christian (2005). "Introduction" (PDF). Scatterlings of East Africa: Revisions of Parakuyo Identity and History, c. 1830-1926 (PhD). The University of Texas at Austin. p. 1. Retrieved August 21, 2019.