Delyan Peevski

Delyan Slavchev Peevski (Bulgarian: Делян Славчев Пеевски) (born 27 July 1980) is a Bulgarian politician, oligarch,[2][3][4][5][6][7][8][9][10][11] entrepreneur and media mogul. He served as MP from the parliamentary group of the DPS in the 41st, 42nd, 43rd and 44th National Assembly.

Delyan Peevski
Personal details
Born (1980-07-27) 27 July 1980
Sofia, Bulgaria
NationalityBulgarian
Political partyDPS
Domestic partnerTsvetelina Yaneva
Children2[1]
ProfessionLawyer

Radio Bulgaria nicknamed Peevski "the undisputed media mogul of Bulgaria".[12] According to Reporters Without Borders, his media group consisting of 6 newspapers, "New Bulgarian Media Group" controls nearly 80% of print media distribution.[13] He is said to control or influence many other local media and websites, that he does not officially own.[14]

He has been accused of using his newspapers for influence peddling and to launch attack campaigns against journalists and other opponents. Peevski was accused of corruption in a Reporters Without Borders 2018 report.[15][16][17]

Education

Peevski graduated from 119 SOU in Sofia in 1998 and completed his legal studies at the South-West University in 2003. His university diploma is a subject of a dispute for authenticity.[18]

Political career

In 2001, Peevski joined the National Movement Simeon II (NMSII). In 2007, he was fired as a deputy minister during the Socialist-led government in a corruption scandal. He was investigated, but the investigation was dropped and he was given his job back.[19]

In June 2013, Peevski was elected President of the State Agency for National Security, with the votes of 116 MPs.[20] Thousands of Bulgarians gathered in front of government headquarters in Sofia to protest against the oligarch's appointment, chanting "Mafia" and "resign."[19] Under the pressure of the protests against the Oresharski cabinet that followed, Parliament unanimously revised its decision later the same month.[21] After a couple of months of lack of clarity whether under these conditions Peevski was still considered an MP or not, eventually in December 2013 the Constitutional Court decided that he still was an MP.[22]

In May 2014, Peevski was elected to the European Parliament on the MRF ticket,[23] but immediately thereafter decided to give up his seat. He explained that his motivation to participate in the European elections, while not taking his seat, had been to restore his reputation.[24][25]

In mid June 2014, three people were arrested due to their involvement in an alleged murder plot against Peevski, but they were eventually released because of a lack of sufficient evidence.[26][27]

Parliamentary activity

As a member of the Bulgarian National Assembly he moved together with another two MPs from the parliamentary group of the Movement for Rights and Freedoms - Yordan Tsonev and Hamid Hamid, amendments to the Bank Insolvency Act. The amendments, which are related to Corpbank (KTB), were conclusively adopted in February, 2018, Bulgarian News Agency reported. According to the movers' reasons, the idea of the amendments is to establish an effective mechanism for replenishing a bankrupt bank's bankruptcy estate and to suppress schemes for plundering assets purchased directly or indirectly on money originating from such a bank.[28]

The president of Bulgaria, Rumen Radev has put a veto on the amendments.[29] His veto was later overturned by the MPs and the amendments were conclusively adopted by the Parliament on 7 March 2018.[30]

Those were second amendments, filed by Peevski and his colleagues from the Parliamentary group of MRF, with reference to the so-called "KTB case" and unveiling the truth about the embezzlement of the bank by its majority shareholder Tzvetan Vassilev. In 2016 the MP together with two more members of the same parliamentary group - Yordan Tzonev and the former minister of finances Peter Chobanov, moved urgent amendment to the Bank Insolvency Act in order to allow the publicizing of the report of AlixPartners Services UK LLP, which was contracted to trace and take action for the preservation and recovery of the assets of the failed Corporate Commercial Bank (KTB), Bulgarian News Agency reported.[31] After the amendments were adopted, the report was translated in Bulgarian and published in May, 2016. According to the document, the audit confirmed that the bank functioned as a financial pyramid and was siphoned off through large loans to companies related to the majority shareholder Tzvetan Vassilev. More than half of the loans at the value of 2,5 billion BGN were given to companies related to Vassilev. The report also shows that the majority shareholder also used the bank for "personal transactions".[32]

On July 4, Parliament approved in principle other amendments, moved by Peevski and his colleagues Yordan Tzonev, Hamid Hamid and Velislava Krusteva, Bulgarian News Agency reported.[33] The new bill is on the disclosure of real owners and financing of media organizations. Authors stated that the amendments aim to bring full transparency on the media sector now having problems with online media outlets, whose owners and financing are unknown. And to show whether or not this is a monopolist market. Yet, the opponents of the amendments stated that the bill attacks Delyan Peevski's rivals because it requires disclosure of all sources of financing of media organizations other than the proceeds from advertising and bank loans. The opponents of the bill state that "it is aimed against the opposition-minded news media, which use financing from non-government organizations and foreign grants". The day after bill's approval, Peevski, Hamid, Tzonev and Krusteva moved additional amendments requiring disclosure of bank loans and advertising incomes as well in order to meet the expectations of society. Yet the bill is still under attacks by its opponents.

Peevski has the lowest attendance in the current (44th) parliament. He has appeared in only one plenary session so far, according to data from December 2017.[34]

Role in Corporate Commercial Bank closure

In June 2014, a panic caused a run on Corporate Commercial Bank ("CorpBank") in Bulgaria.[35] According to Politico, the panic "appears to have been triggered when Delyan Peevski … pulled out massive amounts of money from Corporate Commercial Bank."[36] The run resulted in the bank being taken over by the Bulgaria National Bank. At the time media reports said that the bank's closing was due to a dispute between bank owner Vassilev and Peevski. Vassilev told a Forbes reporter, "Delyan Peevski is simply one of the main tools that the Bulgarian political mafia uses to blackmail Bulgarian business—the visible part of a rather large iceberg of corruption."[35] Vassilev said that the political mafia had tried to "downgrade what happened to Corpbank to a personal conflict between Mr. Peevski and me, which is utterly untrue."[35] "The claim that I had tried to organize Mr. Peevski's murder was subsequently disproved in court, but it was too late—more than 20% of CorpBank's assets were withdrawn in cash in the span of 4 days," Vassilev said.[35] At the same time the above-mentioned report of AlixPartners - the company, which was hired to trace the assets of the bank, shows that the reason Corpbank (KTB) bankrupted was that it had been functioning for years as a financial pyramid. The report says that KTB was siphoned off through large loans to companies related to the majority shareholder Tzvetan Vassilev. More than half of the loans at the value of 2,5 billion BGN were given to companies related to Vassilev. The report also shows that the majority shareholder also used the bank for “personal transactions”. 243 corporate clients of the bank had 472 outstanding loans. These loans, according to the auditors, are unlikely to be recovered, because they were given to non-functioning enterprises or had little collateral, the Bulgarian National TV reported.[37]

The run on CorpBank coincided with a run on another bank, First Investment Bank ("FI Bank"). Media reports and social media messages helped cause the run on both banks.[38] However, the Bulgaria National Bank shut down CorpBank while keeping Fi Bank open with emergency liquidity. According to Nikolay Staykov of the Bulgarian Protest Network, CorpBank was brought down by the government in order to remove Vassilev, while the government protected FI Bank—the bank that Peevski moved his money into.[38] The Bulgarian judicial system has a reputation for corruption.[39] According to Forbes,[38] "The removal of Vassilev from the scene leaves Peevski in effective control not only of Bulgarian media and secret services, but of its banking sector too. Such concentration of power is a cause for concern in a supposedly democratic country."[38]

Media and business empire

As of 2013, Peevski's media empire controlled six of the 12 largest circulating newspapers. It also had a monopoly on newspaper distribution and digital TV channels.[40] By 2016, according to Radio Bulgaria, the number of newspapers he owned increased to more than 20.[41]

In 2016, Peevski also owned several construction companies and was the owner of Bulgartabac, the biggest manufacturer and seller of tobacco and related products.[41] “The Turkish Financial Crime Investigation Board (MASAK) and the Turkish Ministry of Customs and Trade on their part accused Bulgartabac of being one of the biggest cigarette-smuggling entities in Turkey and of being closely allied to the banned Kurdistan Workers’ Party, the PKK, which is on the European list of terrorist organizations,” according to Radio Bulgaria.[41]

In early 2016, Peevski published a letter to the media where he said he would no longer start any new business projects in Bulgaria. He said his decision was due to an "ongoing 'smear' campaign" and political pressure.[41]

In an analysis, Radio Bulgaria said it was difficult to pinpoint why Peevski was downsizing his business empire. However, they wrote:[41]

"Still, some analysts say there is a connection between the shocks tearing across the Peevski conglomerate and the bankruptcy, two years ago, of the Corporate Commercial Bank with majority owner, Peevski's own former business partner and friend Tsvetan Vasilev. There is ample evidence that it was precisely the crediting from that bank that helped Delyan Peevski build his media empire, stone by stone, an empire that has been putting out tentacles into many other economic sectors and spheres. But the cheap (free?) financing is now gone and the media market is not particularly lucrative."

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gollark: It's mostly those sea-y dragons anyway.

References
  1. "Цветелина Янева роди момче - trafficnews.bg". 2017-09-04. Retrieved 2018-01-13.
  2. Václav Štětka, The Rise of Oligarchs as Media Owners in Media and Politics in New Democracies: Europe in a Comparative Perspective with Jan Zielonka as editor, Oxford University Press, 2015, ISBN 0198747535, pp. 85-99.
  3. Delia Hallberg, Marinus Ossewaarde, Protest and Recognition in the Bulgarian Summer 2013 Movement in Protest, Social Movements, and Global Democracy since 2011, with Thomas Davies, Holly Eva Ryan, Alejandro Milcíades Peña as ed., Emerald Group Publishing, 2016, ISBN 1786350270, pp. 85-107.
  4. Marek Payerhin, Nordic, Central, and Southeastern Europe 2016-2017, World Today (Stryker), Rowman & Littlefield, 2016, ISBN 1475828977, p. 575.
  5. Gergana Dimova, The Case of Protest Network and the Model Who? in Bulgaria in Comparing Strategies of (De)Politicisation in Europe: Governance, Resistance and Anti-politics with Jim Buller, Pınar E. Dönmez, Adam Standring, Matthew Wood as ed., Springer, 2018, ISBN 3319642367, pp. 53-79.
  6. Bissera Zankova and Micha Gowacki, Bulgaria. Regaining media freedom in The European Handbook of Media Accountability, with Tobias Eberwein, Susanne Fengler, Matthias Karmasin as ed. Routledge, 2017, ISBN 1317033272, Chapter #4.
  7. Judit Bayer, Media Pluralism in Third-Wave Democracies: The Potential of European Legislation to Improve, Media Freedom and Pluralism in Media in third-wave democracies: Southern and Central/Eastern Europe in a Comparative Perspective, with Péter Bajomi-Lázár as ed., L'Harmattan, 2018, ISBN 2140089308, pp. 19-45.
  8. Julia Rone, The people formerly known as the Oligarchy: the co-optation of citizen journalism, in Citizen media and public spaces, Routledge, 2016, ISBN 9781317537502, pp. 208-224.
  9. Dr. James Dawson, Cultures of Democracy in Serbia and Bulgaria: How Ideas Shape Publics, Southeast European Studies with Prof. Florian Bieber as ed., Ashgate Publishing, 2014, ISBN 1472443101, p. 188.
  10. Heather A. Conley, James Mina, Ruslan Stefanov, Martin Vladimirov, The Kremlin Playbook: Understanding Russian Influence in Central and Eastern Europe, CSIS Reports, Rowman & Littlefield, 2016, ISBN 1442279591, Chapter #4, The Unvirtuous Cycle of Corruption, pp. 17-22.
  11. Bulgaria, Breaking up with Peevski, Bulgaria’s government must cut ties with the oligarchy, Eastern approaches, The Economist, Sep 20th. 2013, by V.V.B. Sofia.
  12. Daynova, Milena (2016-03-24). "Smoke billowing from Delyan Peevski's business empire". Retrieved 2017-01-30.
  13. "Bulgaria". RSF. Retrieved 2018-01-13.
  14. Campbell, Zach (2018-04-02). "Is a European government censoring independent media?". Columbia Journalism Review. Retrieved 2018-10-12.
  15. "България - Петата власт: Рекет - Капитал". 2010-04-16. Retrieved 2018-01-13.
  16. "Анализи - Медийната група на депутата от ДПС Делян Пеевски (кратка история) - Dnevnik.bg". 2018-01-10. Retrieved 2018-01-13.
  17. "Медиа и реклама - Кой страхува журналистите - Капитал". 2018-01-16. Retrieved 2018-01-17.
  18. Lilov 2013, p. 221.
  19. Tsolova, Tsvetelia (2017-06-14). "Bulgarians protests over media magnate as security chief". Reuters. Retrieved 2017-01-31.
  20. It took just 15 minutes for Parliament to decide that Peevski should be head of the State Agency "National Security"
  21. Peevski is no longer boss of the State Agency "National Security"
  22. Constitutional Court decides that Peevski is MP
  23. Резултати от избори за Европейски парламент 25.05.2014 г. за страната
  24. Правен казус в ЦИК около отказите на Пеевски и Станишев от ЕП
  25. ЦИК обяви 17-те избрани евродепутати, Пеевски е заличен от листата на ДПС
  26. Съдът пусна на свобода тримата мъже, "готвили покушение" срещу Пеевски, магистратите взеха решението си в болницата, където от снощи лежи единият от обвинените
  27. Пеевски: ако бях началник на съдебната власт, убийците ми нямаше да са на свобода. Депутатът от ДПС бе разпитан по сигнала на "Протестна мрежа" и за готвеното му покушение
  28. "Parliament Conclusively Amends Bank Bankruptcy Act". BTA. 2018-02-09. Retrieved 2018-03-23.
  29. "Bulgarian president vetoes changes to Bank Insolvency Act". seenews.com. Retrieved 2018-03-16.
  30. "MPs override presidential veto on amendments to bankruptcy law". FOCUS Information Agency (in Bulgarian). Retrieved 2018-03-16.
  31. "Three Oppossition Movement for Rights and Freedoms MPs Table Urgent Amendments to Bank Bankruptcy Act to Allow Publicizing of Report on Fail". BTA. 2018-02-19. Retrieved 2018-03-23.
  32. "THE REPORT BY ALIXPARTNERS ON CORPBANK PUBLISHED IN BULGARIAN". BNT. 2016-05-04. Retrieved 2018-03-23.
  33. "Parliament Supports in Principle MRF Bill on Disclosure of Real Owners and Financing of Media Organizations". BULGARIAN NEWS AGENCY. 2018-07-04. Retrieved 2018-10-12.
  34. "Най-нередовните народни представители". Fakti.bg - Да извадим фактите наяве. Retrieved 2018-03-16.
  35. Coppola, Frances (2015-10-05). "Bulgaria's Failed Corpbank: The Former Owner's Story". Forbes. Retrieved 2017-01-31.
  36. "Bulgaria calls early election". POLITICO. 2014-07-03. Retrieved 2017-01-31.
  37. https://www.bnt.bg/en/a/the-report-by-alixpartners-on-corpbank-published-in-bulgarian
  38. Coppola, Frances (2014-08-18). "The Bulgarian Banking Disaster". Forbes. Retrieved 2017-01-31.
  39. Valentina Pop (20 July 2011). "Corruption in Bulgaria and Romania still unpunished, EU says".
  40. "Breaking up with Peevski". The Economist. 2013-09-20. ISSN 0013-0613. Retrieved 2017-01-31.
  41. Daynova, Milena (2016-03-24). "Smoke billowing from Delyan Peevski's business empire". Radio Bulgaria. Retrieved 2017-01-31.

Bibliography

Lilov, Grigor (2013). Най-богатите българи (1st ed.). Sofia: "Кайлас" ЕООД. ISBN 978-954-92098-9-1.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)

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